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This program concludes the series.
Introducing the expansion of American experience with Chiang and his Kuomintang fascists into U.S. Cold War policy in Asia, we present Sterling Seagrave’s rumination about Stanley Hornbeck, a State Department flack who became: “. . . . the doyen of State’s Far Eastern Division. . . .”
Hornbeck “ . . . . had only the most abbreviated and stilted knowledge of China, and had been out of touch personally for many years. . . . He withheld cables from the Secretary of State that were critical of Chiang, and once stated that ‘the United States Far Eastern policy is like a train running on a railroad track. It has been clearly laid out and where it is going is plain to all.’ It was in fact bound for Saigon in 1975, with whistle stops along the way at Peking, Quemoy, Matsu, and the Yalu River. . . .”
Next, the program highlights key aspects of the career of Ching-Ling Soong, aka Mme. Sun Yat-sen.
Sister of Ai-Ling (aka Mme. H.H. Kung), Mae-ling (aka Mme. Chiang Kai-shek) and T.V., T.A. and T.L. Soong, she had a long and remarkable career.
For the purposes of this description, we re-print material from FTR#1202.
The fate of the Third Force or Third Option formed by Mme. Sun Yat-sen (nee Ching-ling Soong) and Teng Yen-ta, a persistent critic of Chiang Kai-shek, was predictable.
Disillusioned with Communism after a sojourn in Moscow, Mme. Sun Yat-sen partnered with Teng Yen-ta, who recognized Chiang’s fascism and, yet, felt that the Chinese Communist Party (at that point in time) was overly loyal to Moscow and wasn’t doing enough for the Chinese peasantry.
Both Ching-ling and Teng Yen-ta sought an alternative to both Kuomintang fascism and the Chinese Communist Party.
Finding the democratic socialism proposed by Ching-ling and Teng Yen-ta unacceptable, Chiang had the British and American police authorities arrest him in the International Concession in Shanghai, after which he was tortured for many months.
Ching-ling was reported to have visited Chiang to plead for Teng Yen-ta’s release. Chiang had already dealt with him in characteristic fashion: “ . . . . Days earlier, on November 29, 1931, nearly a year after his arrest, Ten Yen-ta had been taken from his cell at Chiang’s command and was slowly strangled with a wire. The executioner was said to be famous for keeping victims alive for half an hour while he tightened his grip. In his office, Chiang had remained silent while Ching-ling pleaded for a man already dead, enjoying the spectacle of her momentary vulnerability. . . .”
Next, we recount Mme. Sun’s encounter with a Kuomintang/Green Gang agent.
After rebuffing his political approach, Mme. Sun Yat-sen demolished his political persona.
. . . . “Soong: ‘There is only one way to silence me, Mr. Tai. Shoot me or imprison me. If you don’t then it simply means that you admit you are not wrongly accused. But whatever you do, do it openly like me, don’t . . . surround me with spies.’
Tai: ‘I shall call again upon my return from Nanking.
Soong: ‘Further conversations would be useless—the gulf between us is too wide.’
As Tai Ch’i‑tao and his wife left, the old man turned and—his tongue flicking over dry lips (he was a very nervous man)—hissed out a parting bit of venom: ‘If you were anyone but Madame Sun, we would cut your head off.’
Ching-ling smiled. ‘If you were the revolutionaries you pretend to be, you’d cut it off anyway.’. . .”
Information presented by Sterling Seagrave–of which Mr. Emory was not previously aware–indicates that the CCP is more nuanced than Americans have been led to believe.
Although resisting membership in the Communist Party and attempting to re-start the Third Option on the eve of Chiang’s capitulation and flight to Taiwan, Mme. Sun Yat-sen was installed as one of three Vice-Chairmen of the government.
Again, this is not something of which Mr. Emory was aware until reading this book.
“ . . . . Ching-ling sold many of her remaining possessions to support programs of the China Welfare League she had founded. In 1948, with the Chiang regime ready to flee and the Communists on their way to victory, she took part in a last attempt to organize an alternative to both communism and fascism—a new version of the Third Force. It was called the Revolutionary Committee, and Ching-ling was named its honorary chairman. Its constituency was the powerless. . . .”
“ . . . . When the People’s Republic came into existence, Ching-ling became one of the three non-Communist political leaders chosen as Vice-Chairmen of the Central Government in Peking. . . .”
Mme. Sun (Ching-ling Soong) manifested a strongly independent ideological stance, which, while anti-fascist and anti-imperialist, sought (as we have seen) a “Third Force” or “Third Option” between Communism and Chiang’s narco-fascism.
That independence of mind, demonstrated through decades of social struggle, plus outright jealousy on the part of Madame Mao led to defamation and persecution during the disastrous Cultural Revolution, with Mme. Sun narrowly escaping the ravages of the Red Guard.
“ . . . . During the Red Guard rampages of the 1960’s, the job of protecting Madame Sun became nerve-racking. Posters appeared denouncing her, and it was not safe for her to go anywhere. . . .”
“ . . . . In the summer of 1966, Premier Chou En-lai was forced to warn the Red Guards to cease their verbal attacks on Madame Sun, and to stop putting up posters accusing her of being a bourgeois reactionary. On September 21, 1966, in Shanghai where the Red Guard movement frequently got out of control, a mob stormed Ching-ling’s house on the Avenue Joffre and looted it. Ching-ling was not in Shanghai at the time. She let the incident pass without comment. Her chief adversary was the wife of Chairman Mao, who apparently resented the fact that Ching-ling was always mentioned as the woman of highest rank in China.
“ . . . . When the Red Guard movement abated, and Madame Mao and the celebrated Gang of Four were tried in a people’s court as counterrevolutionaries, Ching-ling’s life settled back into a tranquil twilight. . . .”
“ . . . . On May 16, 1981, Soong Ching-ling was named honorary President of China. . . . She succumbed to leukemia on May 29, 1981, in her Peking home. . . . But, in an interview once with writer Han Suyin, Ching-ling put into words the legacy she had learned most bitterly from the time of the Soongs:
The Soong Dynasty concludes with an epilogue which is noteworthy in several respects. The prose is of a character that one does not see anymore. Eloquent, poignant, passionate and yet, at the same time, bitingly, ironically humorous, Seagrave’s writing is remarkable in, and of, itself.
Beyond the prose, the epilogue is remarkable for the elaborate historical metaphor that it presents: discussion of the corruption and brutality of the late Manchu Dynasty and the Dowager Empress, whom Seagrave refers to as “The Old Buddha.” (He later published a volume about her reign titled The Dragon Lady.)
Seagrave’s discussion of the Dowager Empress’s intrigues and brutal murder of the Pearl Concubine constitutes a metaphor for the lethal, consummately corrupt government of Chiang Kai-shek and his puppet masters, the Soongs.
As foreign armies were approaching Peking during the Boxer Rebellion, “The Old Buddha” made arrangements to flee the palace known as The Forbidden City, donning a disguise and taking the Emperor with her.
When the Emperor sought to remain in Peking to negotiate with the foreign armies and enlisted the assistance of his favorite consort—the Pearl Concubine—in order to persuade the Dowager Empress.
The Pearl Concubine had resisted conforming to the will of the Dowager Empress, and “The Old Buddha” took this occasion to eliminate this element of resistance to her palace intrigues, a longtime obstacle to her political orders.
“ . . . . The Pearl Concubine had been a thorn in the Dowager’s side, interfering with palace intrigues by giving independent advice to the Emperor. It was time to dispose of her. The Dowager bellowed orders. Two eunuchs seized the Pearl Concubine. In terror, the Emperor went to his knees and begged for her life. But the eunuchs carried the struggling girl to the narrow well by the Palace of Peace and Longevity, turned her upside down in her shimmering cocoon of silks, and flung her shrieking into its maw. Because the well was so narrow, the eunuchs jumped on her to force her down. . . . .”
Sterling Seagrave then sets forth the murderous nature of the late Manchu rule of the Dowager Empress—a metaphor for the bloody corruption of Chiang’s fascist government.
“ . . . . The Forbidden City is a graveyard of souls, drowned, beheaded, throttled, flayed alive, to silence them in the interests of state. Here, murder was not an act of passion but an instrument of rule. Judicial murder. Imperial murder. Silence by assassination. To stifle those who would interfere, who would object, who would question, who would say no. . . .”
Sterling Seagrave then pivots to the Soong family: “ . . . . The others passed through life like a team of pickpockets through a carnival crowd, doing what they did best, while the rubes watched geeks bite heads off live chickens. There are those who insist that May-ling remained innocent throughout by virtue of her tunnel vision. It is not for me to say, except that these people also believe in virgin birth.
“They were a family that could stand together in front of a mirror (Ching-ling missing from the group by choice), all casting reflections except Ai-ling. She cast no reflection at all. What medieval conclusion can we draw? . . . .”
Seagrave concludes with a reference to Harry Truman’s launching of an FBI investigation of the Soong family. (We discussed this in FTR#1205 .)
“ . . . . Of all the people who might have acted, I wondered why Harry Truman did nothing. . . . . Perhaps he concluded that so many prominent people were involved it would not be good for the nation as they say. So nearly everyone stayed silent. Nobody spoke for the victims. Who, then, will speak for the concubine in the well? . . .”
The program reviews the death threats and intimidation that the authors of Gold Warriors received over the publication of this and other books.
“. . . . Many people told us this book was historically important and must be published—then warned us that if it were published, we would be murdered. An Australian economist who read it said, ” I hope they let you live.” He did not have to explain who “they” were. . . .
“. . . .
We have been threatened with murder before. When we published The Soong Dynasty we were warned by a senior CIA official that a hit team was being assembled in Taiwan to come murder us. He said, ‘I would take this very seriously, if I were you.’ We vanished for a year to an island off the coast of British Columbia. While we were gone, a Taiwan hit team arrived in San Francisco and shot dead the Chinese-American journalist Henry Liu.
When we published The Marcos Dynasty we expected trouble from the Marcos family and its cronies, but instead we were harassed by Washington. Others had investigated Marcos, but we were the first to show how the U.S. Government was secretly involved with Marcos gold deals. We came under attack from the U.S. Treasury Department and its Internal Revenue Service, whose agents made threatening midnight phone calls to our elderly parents. Arriving in New York for an author tour, one of us was intercepted at JFK airport, passport seized, and held incommunicado for three hours. Eventually the passport was returned, without a word of explanation. When we ran Freedom of Information queries to see what was behind it, we were grudgingly sent a copy of a telex message, on which every word was blacked out, including the date. The justification given for this censorship was the need to protect government sources, which are above the law.
During one harassing phone call from a U.S. Treasury agent, he said he was sitting in his office watching an interview we had done for a Japanese TV network—an interview broadcast only in Japanese, which we had never seen. After publishing The Yamato Dynasty, which briefly mentioned the discovery that is the basis for Gold Warriors, our phones and email were tapped. We know this because when one of us was in a European clinic briefly for a medical procedure, the head nurse reported that “someone posing as your American doctor” had been on the phone asking questions.
When a brief extract of this book was published in the South China Morning Post in August 2001, several phone calls from the editors were cut off suddenly. Emails from the newspaper took 72 hours to reach us, while copies sent to an associate nearby arrived instantly. In recent months, we began to receive veiled death threats.
What have we done to provoke murder? To borrow a phrase from Jean Ziegler, we are “combating official amnesia.” We live in dangerous times, like Germany in the 1930’s when anyone who makes inconvenient disclosures about hidden assets can be branded a “terrorist” or a “traitor. . . .”
Despite the best efforts of the American and Japanese governments to destroy, withhold, or lose documentation related to Golden Lily, we have accumulated thousands of documents, conducted thousands of hours of interviews, and we make all of these available to readers of this book on two compact discs, available from our website www.bowstring.net [no longer online–D.E.] so they can make up their own minds. We encourage others with knowledge of these events to come forward. When the top is corrupt, the truth will not come from the top. It will emerge in bits and pieces from people like Jean Ziegler and Christophe Meili, who decided they had to ‘do something.’ As a precaution, should anything odd happen, we have arranged for this book and all its documentation to be put up on the Internet at a number of sites. If we are murdered, readers will have no difficulty figuring out who ‘they’ are. . . .”
Sterling’s fears about Opus Dei and his and Peggy’s proximity to Spain–the seat of that organization’s power turned out to be prescient. On Christmas Day of 2011, he narrowly escaped assassination while returning home. He felt that the attempt on his life may well have been motivated by the publication of the Spanish language edition of Gold Warriors.
. . . . Seagrave will be remembered warmly by Verso staff for his lively correspondence. In a 2011 email, he described an attempt on his life that followed the Spanish publication of Gold Warriors:
“A hired thug tried to murder me on the serpentine road leading up to our isolated house on the ridge overlooking Banyuls-sur-Mer, and nearly succeeded. (We’ve had several serious death threats because of our books.) The road was very narrow in places, with tarmac barely the width of my tires. At 10 pm Christmas night, in 2011, after visiting Peggy at a clinic in Perpignan, as I turned the final hairpin, I clearly saw a guy sitting on a cement block path leading up to a shed for the uphill vineyard. He was obviously waiting for me because we were the only people living up there on that mountain shoulder. He jumped up, raised a long pole, and unfurled a black fabric that totally blocked the narrowest turn ahead of me. I tried to swerve to avoid him (not knowing whether he also had a gun), and my right front drive wheel went off the tarmac and lost traction in the rubble.
The car teetered and then plunged down through a steep vineyard on my right side, rolling and bouncing front and rear, 100 meters into a ravine where it finally came to rest against a tree. Thanks to my seatbelt and air bag, I survived. I don’t know how many concussions I got on the way down, but I managed to squeeze out the driver’s door and fell onto the rubble. I got up on my left hand and knees, but my right shoulder caved in. (Turned out later that I had fractured my right shoulder, and all the ligaments there had torn loose.) I passed out and remained unconscious for 14 hours. After 12 hours, a vigneron driving up the next morning saw my wrecked car and body.
He called the Gendarmerie on his portable, and I was hoisted out unconscious by a chopper and flown to an old Victorian-era hospital in Perpignan where they did nothing but keep me doped on morphine for two weeks — no X‑rays or serious medical care. Finally, friends in Banyuls got me (and Peggy) transferred to a clinic on the beach there, where Peggy and I shared a room while we both recovered. I got my right shoulder ligaments fixed by an excellent surgeon in Perpignan. (Peggy did not know it then but she had an early stage of cancer.) I still have a hairline fracture in my right shoulder.
I attribute the event to staying too long in one place, so the spooks eventually tracked me down. We had been living for years on a sailboat, moving from Holland to Britain to Portugal to Spain and finally to France, where we found — in Catalonia — an ideal village at the Mediterranean end of the Pyrenees. In retrospect, I’m sorry I agreed to move ashore for Peggy’s sake, and sold the beautiful 43-foot boat I had built from a bare hull. It was very comfortable, but Peggy wanted a house. We never did find the right house in Banyuls — so we spent 18 years restoring a 13th century Templar ruin on the shoulder of the mountain. Made me an easy target. Definitely a bad decision. I think it was the Spanish edition of Gold Warriors that made me the easy target.
In FTR#‘s 1107, 1108 and 1111, we set forth the highly suspicious circumstances surrounding the death (and probable murder) of author Iris Chang. A ringing endorsement by Ms. Chang graces the cover of Gold Warriors.
Ms. Chang’s signature work–The Rape of Nanking–detailed one of the initial events in Japan’s looting of China during World War II, an act which the U.S. signed off on and profited from in the postwar years.
At the time of her altogether suspicious death, she was working on a book about the Bataan Death March, at the very time that survivors of that event and other Japanese World War II atrocities were suing Japanese zaibatsus that had employed U.S. POW’s as slave labor.
The suit was rebuffed by U.S. courts.
When Mr. Emory interviewed Sterling Seagrave in 2009, he declined to discuss Ms. Chang’s death, which he, too, believed to be murder.
Continuing our series on the regime of Chiang Kai-shek–all but beatified during the Cold War–we draw still more on a magnificent book–“The Soong Dynasty” by Sterling Seagrave. Although sadly out of print, the book is still available through used book services, and we emphatically encourage listeners to take advantage of those and obtain it.
(Mr. Emory gets no money from said purchases of the book.)
We begin by resuming analysis of the political and professional destruction of U.S. military and State Department elements that correctly gauged Chiang Kai-shek and the [inevitable, downward] trajectory of his regime.
Just as General Stillwell was removed as top military officer in the China/Burma theater because of his appropriate, accurate, vehement criticism of Chiang Kai-shek’s prioritization of fighting the Communists over fighting the Japanese, State Department officers who accurately forecast the decisive ascent of the Chinese Communist Party over the KMT were punished for their stance.
(Stilwell’s replacement by General Wedemeyer was noteworthy—particularly in light of the background and behavior of Wedemeyer.
In addition to being part of a political and military milieu that infused isolationist orientation toward involvement in World War II with pro-fascist sentiment, Wedemeyer appears to have presided over an act of consummate treason—the leak of the Rainbow Five American mobilization plan for World War II to anti-FDR publisher Robert J. McCormick, of the Chicago Tribune.)
The China watchers’ advice was not only ignored, but cast as “subversive” during the anti-Communist witch hunts of the McCarthy period.
“ . . . . The eyes and ears of the U.S. Government in Chunking were a handful of old China hands . . . . The China watchers’ message essentially was that no matter how much Washington wanted Chiang Kai-shek to ‘run’ China, he was about to lose it to the Communists. . . . The observers in Chungking were accused of being in favor of what they predicted—in favor of communism. In fact, they were only warning their government of a course of events that now seemed certain. . . . Washington reacted with deep suspicion and hostility and insisted on nailing the American flag the more tightly to the mast of Chiang’s sinking ship . . . .”
As we shall further explore, the cognitive perception of China in this country was shaped by the Soong family.
The China watchers’ advice was not only ignored, but cast as “subversive” during the anti-Communist witch hunts of the McCarthy period.
“ . . . . American policy was thus based upon the personalities of the Chiangs, the Soongs and the Kungs, rather than upon the events, the nation or the people. This was a tribute to the Soongs’ extraordinary stagecraft. . . .”
Sterling Seagrave filed a Freedom of Information Act request, which obtained an FBI report on the Soongs. Heavily redacted—even in 1985—it revealed the Soongs machinations on both sides of the Pacific.
“ . . . . The Soong family . . . . ‘practically had a death grip.’ The Soongs ‘have always been money mad and every move they made was prompted by their desire to secure funds.’ . . . . ‘there was a gigantic conspiracy to defraud the Chinese from materials they would ordinarily receive through [Lend-Lease] and to divert considerable of this money to the Soong family.’. . .”
After discussing the extreme marital difficulties of Chiang Kai-shek and Mme. Chiang Kai-shek (the former Mae-ling Soong, whose marriage to Chiang had been arranged by H. H. Kung and his Machiavellian wife Ai-ling—the former Ai-ling Soong), the informant identifies Mrs. Kung as the sinister, deadly and manipulative figure that she was.
Exemplifying the scale of the treacherous, corrupt practices of the clan was a diversion of Lend-Lease aid: “ . . . . The informant then told the FBI that one of the ways T.V. diverted Lend-Lease funds into his own pocket was illustrated by reports reaching Chunking that a freighter carrying sixty new American battle tanks and other very expensive war materiel furnished by Lend-Lease had been sunk. As a matter of fact this ‘freighter never left the West Coast with any tanks; the tanks were never made . . . . this is a positive illustration of the manner in which the Soongs have been diverting funds from Lend-Lease inasmuch as the money was allocated for the 60 tanks. . . .”
Again, a key factor in the political clout wielded by the Soongs was their extreme wealth, greatly augmented by institutionalized corruption, including (and especially) T.V. Soong’s appropriation of much of the Lend-Lease material designated for China.
In addition to the outright theft of Lend-Lease material by Chiang Kai-shek’s Green Gang general staff and their sale of much of that to the Japanese enemy they were supposedly fighting, T.V. Soong—using his brother T.L Soong’s administrative control of the Lend-Lease program for China—maneuvered hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of U.S. aid into the private coffers of the Soong family.
As the KMT regime decayed and relations between the Soongs and Chiang followed suit, T. V. increasingly turned his energies to the American side of the Pacific, and appointed T.L. to oversee the American side of Lend-Lease! “ . . . . T.V. used his position as Foreign Minister to issue his brother T.L. Soong a special diplomatic passport, and sent him hurriedly to New York. T. L. was actually being whisked out of China to take over as chief purchasing agent and administrator of all U.S. Lend-Lease supplies before they left for China. Since the very beginning, T.L. had been in charge of Lend-Lease at the Chinese end. . . .”
Next, we review the fact that T.L. Soong—T.V.’s younger brother: “ . . . . who had been in charge of Lend Lease during World II, and whose American roots were in New York City, became something of an enigma. Sources in Washington said T.L. worked as a secret consultant to the Treasury Department in the 1950’s, engaged in what they would not say. Treasury claims it has no record of a T.L. Soong whatever. . . .”
Next, we review the fact that T.L. Soong—T.V.’s younger brother: “ . . . . who had been in charge of Lend Lease during World II, and whose American roots were in New York City, became something of an enigma. Sources in Washington said T.L. worked as a secret consultant to the Treasury Department in the 1950’s, engaged in what they would not say. Treasury claims it has no record of a T.L. Soong whatever. . . .”
The concluding segments of the program are drawn on another magnificent work by the Seagraves: Gold Warriors.
Before winding up the broadcast, we “dolly out” to synopsize the relationship between the Japanese invaders of China, the Green Gang gangsters, the Kuomintang regime of Chiang Kai-shek which fronted for the Green Gang and collaborated with the Japanese, Japanese corporations and Japanese colonial interests in Korea and Taiwan.
This overview foreshadows the political consortium that—in the postwar period, became the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, a key component of what was to become the World Anti-Communist League.
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include: Green Gang boss Tu Yueh-sheng’s control of Shanghai’s booming gambling and overlapping brothel businesses; synoptic review of the relationship between Tu Yueh-sheng and the Green Gang and Chiang Kai-shek; Chiang’s sanctioning of Tu to control the KMT’s drug trafficking; the symbiotic, cooperative relationship between the invading Japanese and the Green Gang, cemented by General Doihara and Kodama Yoshio on the side of the invaders and Green Gang/KMT operatives the Ku brothers (one of whom was Tu’s harbor boss in Shanghai and the other of whom was a top KMT general); review of the Japanese development of the narcotics business in Manchuria; the Japanese use of their Manchurian narcotics enterprise to subvert China by increasing the population’s addiction rate; review of Chiang Kai-shek’s collaboration with the Manchurian/Japanese narcotics enterprise; the role of Japanese zaibatsu and other colonized areas in the Japanese narcotics business.
“ . . . . The [opium] was converted into morphine and heroin at factories in Manchuria, Korea and Taiwan, then smuggled directly across the strait on motorized junks, to mainland warehouses owned by Mitsui, Mitsubishi and other conglomerates. An army factory in Seoul that produced over 2,600 kilos of heroin in 1938–1939 was only one of several hundred factories in Manchuria, Korea, Taiwan, and in Japanese concessions in mainland cities like Hankow. . . .”
We conclude the program with analysis of power broker–Kodama Yoshio who helped institutionalize the collaboration between Chinese KMT, Korean and Japanese fascists. Noteworthy, as well is Kodama’s close relationship between with the CIA and the Japanese Imperial family in the postwar/Cold War period.
Kodama Yoshio epitomizes and embodies the operational and ideological structure of the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League, the Asian branch of what was to become the World Anti-Communist League.
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include: Kodama’s accumulated fortune of 13 billion dollars in World War II dollars; Kodama’s close relationship with Japanese Emperor Hirohito, who allowed him to stash some of his wealth in the Imperial Palace; Kodama’s dominant position in the narcotics traffic, during and after World War II; Kodama’s donation of 100 million dollars to the CIA (equivalent to 1 billion dollars in today’s currency); Kodama’s continued dominance in the global narcotics traffic, during the time he was on the CIA’s payroll; Kodama’s cozy relationship with Prince Higashikuni, Emperor Hirohito’s uncle, who facilitated Kodama’s operations, including his close relationship with the U.S.
One of the concepts central to the analysis presented by Mr. Emory on his programs and on this website over the decades is the preeminence of cartels in international power politics–the manifestations of fascism in particular. Foster Dulles–Secretary of State under Eisenhower at the same time as his brother and fellow Sullivan & Cromwell attorney Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA–delineated his world view and those of his fellow “cartel enablers” in a letter to a contemporary: “The word ‘cartel’ has here assumed the stigma of a bogeyman which the politicians are constantly attacking. The fact of the matter is that most of these politicians are highly insular and nationalistic and because the political organization of the world has under such influence been so backward, business people who have had to cope with international problems have had to find ways for getting through and around stupid political barriers.”
In the 1950’s, a Hollywood “B” horror film titled “Donovan’s Brain” made the rounds. The title referred to the disembodied and scientifically resurrected brain of a businessman named Donovan. His brain takes over and dominates people in the living world, bending them to his criminal will.
This program focuses primarily on William “Wild Bill” Donovan, a Wall Street attorney who ran the OSS, America’s World War II intelligence agency.
Dubbed “America’s original man in black,” Donovan did not create the operational relationship between the criminal “Underworld” and the corporate “Overworld,” however he deepened and institutionalized that relationship through national security undertakings, so much so that the current, benighted political landscape might be said to have derived from “Donovan’s Brain.”
The results are a real-life horror movie.
Before discussing William Donovan, the program sets forth a disturbing historical revisionist perspective on the Comfort Women of World War II–women enslaved by the Imperial Japanese Army to be used as prostitutes.
J. Mark Ramseyer, a professor at Harvard Law School, has authored a paper reinforcing the discredited Japanese propaganda line on the Comfort Women–the allegation that the victims “volunteered” for service!
Of significance, in that context, is the fact that Ramseyer enjoys the title of Mitsubishi Professor of Legal Studies at Harvard. One of the zaibatsu, Mitsubishi was a major employer of slave labor during World War II, including U.S. POW’s.
” . . . . . . . . Mitsubishi’s market position at the war’s end in 1945 was described by a Western economist as being equivalent to the merger of U.S. Steel, General Motors, Standard Oil, Alcoa, Douglas Aircraft, Dupont, Westinghouse, AT & T National City Bank, Woolworth Stores and Hilton Hotels. . . .”
Ramseyer also enjoys the Order of the Rising Sun, bestowed on him by the Japanese government.
In addition to his revisionist perspective on the Comfort Women, he has endorsed the canard that the Japanese pogrom against ethnic Koreans following the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 was sparked by Korean hooliganism.
Much of the program deals with Donovan’s pivotal–though largely opaque–career.
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include: Donovan’s relationship with Albert Lasker, whose tank cars facilitated the movement of Rockefeller oil on Harriman railways–a seminal element in “Wild Bill’s” ascent; Donovan’s cozy relationship with Harry Anslinger, head of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics–a relationship that was instrumental in actualizing Donovan’s strategic use of narcotics trafficking; Anslinger’s marriage to the daughter of Andrew Mellon, one of the “Robber Barons” who dominated the U.S. political and economic landscape; The decisive role of key Wall Street lawyers and bankers in Donovan’s OSS; the role of the Mellon family in selecting the key members of the OSS (America’s World War II intelligence service); Donovan’s position in the hierarchy of the Vatican’s order of Knights–another factor in Donovan’s power portfolio; Donovan’s use of Mafiosi on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean through World War II and afterward; Donovan’s long-standing, intimate relationship with the CIA, long after he supposedly retired from intelligence matters; Donovan’s decades-long involvement with the Kuomintang and Chiang-Kai Shek’s narcotics trafficking–the foundation of his fascist dictatorship in China and Taiwan; Donovan’s relationship with other luminaries of the China Lobby; Donovan’s role in administering the Black Eagle Trust–the repository of looted Axis wealth from World War II; Donovan’s long professional association with the CIA’s financial entities, airlines and shipping firms; Donovan’s stewardship of the World Commerce Corporation (WCC)–described by one observer as an underworld version of the Marshall Plan; Donovan’s grooming of the heads of Citibank and their consequent roles in global “dark money” operations.
We conclude the program with analysis of another power broker who helped institutionalize the Underworld/Overworld synthesis exemplified by “Donovan’s Brain”–Kodama Yoshio.
Key Points of Discussion and Analysis Include: Kodama’s accumulated fortune of 13 billion dollars in World War II dollars; Kodama’s close relationship with Japanese Emperor Hirohito, who allowed him to stash some of his wealth in the Imperial Palace; Kodama’s dominant position in the narcotics traffic, during and after World War II; Kodama’s donation of 100 million dollars to the CIA (equivalent to 1 billion dollars in today’s currency; Kodama’s continued dominance in the global narcotics traffic, during the time he was on the CIA’s payroll; Kodama’s cozy relationship with Prince Higashikuni, a member of the Japanese Royal Family, who facilitated Kodama’s operations, including his close relationship with the U.S.
In an example of the kind of intellectual and historical skewing that can accompany political rewards, a Harvard professor has written a paper claiming that the Comfort Women–slave prostitutes conscripted by the Japanese army before and during World War II–volunteered for that service. This follows J. Mark Ramseyer’s receipt of The Order of the Rising Sun awarded by the Japanese government after World War II. In FTR #1140, we documented the enslavement of the Comfort Women at length and in detail. “. . . . Worst of Japan’s slave programs was that of the Comfort Women. Young girls, many not even 13 years old, were shanghaied into sexual slavery. After the war, Tokyo insisted all Comfort Women were merely prostitutes who volunteered, and that the entire operation was run by private enterprise. Both statements are demonstrably false. . . . Bookkeeping was thorough, with forms for each woman listing daily earnings and number of clients. Up to 200,000 young women and adolescent girls were forced into this sexual slavery, to serve more than 3.5‑million Japanese soldiers. Each was expected to have fifteen partners a day. . . .” Ramseyer is the Mitsubishi Professor of Legal Studies at Harvard–manifesting the role of one of Japan’s zaibatsu in the world of academia. One of the most important transnational corporations, Mitsubishi–manufacturer of the Zero fighter in World War II–has benefitted from corporate influence in the U.S. diplomatic corps: ” . . . . U.S. Ambassador to Japan Thomas Foley was adamant in rejecting compensation for POW’s and other slave laborers, insisting that ‘The peace treaty put aside all claims against Japan.’ . . . . After retiring as ambassador and returning to Washington, Foley openly became a paid lobbyist for Mitsubishi Corporation as a member of its advisory panel on strategy. Mitsubishi was among the biggest employers of American slave labor during the war. . . .” Ramseyer has also revised history in his analysis of the Kanto massacre following the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, in which ethnic Koreans were subjected to a brutal pogrom by the Japanese security forces. ” . . . . Also in 2021, Ramseyer emerged at the center of controversy over a forthcoming chapter in The Cambridge Handbook of Privatization, from Cambridge University Press. Writing on the Kantō Massacre in which thousands of resident Koreans in Japan were murdered, Ramseyer depicted the Koreans as ‘gangs’ that ‘torched buildings, planted bombs, [and] poisoned water supplies.’ . . .”
Fleshing out the deep politics underlying the life and death of Park Won-soon, this program builds on the foundation of first two programs in the series. Park Won-soon’s criticism of Japan’s colonial occupation of Korea, his advocacy of reconciliation between the two Koreas and his suit against the leadership of the fascist Shincheonji mind control cult (overlapped with the Unification Church), all bear on the political and economic dynamics of the Second World War, the Cold War, the Korean War, and the cartel arrangements that constitute a critical, though largely invisible, underpinning of the events of the Twentieth and Twenty-First centuries.
Essential to an understanding of these overlapping events is the landmark text Gold Warriors by Peggy and Sterling Seagrave. (FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject material of that consummately important book.)
Indeed, one cannot properly analyze the partition of Korea after World War II, the Korean War and the Cold War as separate events. They are interconnected and, in turn, are outgrowths of the complex politics of the Second World War and the actions and attitudes of Chiang Kai-shek’s narco-fascist dictatorship.
Although nominally a member of the Allied nations, Chiang’s Kuomintang government was primarily concerned with fending off Mao Tse-Tung’s communist armies and worked with the invading Japanese in critical areas. In particular, the Kuomintang’s profound involvement with the narcotics trade helped drive its trading with the Japanese.
The program begins with the obituary of general Paik Sun-yup of Korea, whose service in the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II has been a focal point of controversy in South Korea. General Sun-yup embodied the ongoing controversy in Korea over Japan’s occupation and the subsequent unfolding of events leading up to, and including the Korean War.
Again, the Japanese occupation of Korea was a major focal point of Park Won-soon’s criticism. “. . . . In 1941, he joined the army of Manchukuo, a puppet state that imperial Japan had established in Manchuria, and served in a unit known for hunting down Korean guerrillas fighting for independence . . .”
A little known factor in the development of the Korean partition and Cold War politics in Asia was the involvement of Chiang Kai-shek, his wife (the former Mei-Ling Soong, sister of Chiang’s finance minister T.V. Soong–the wealthiest man in the world at the time) and advisers in the Cairo Conference of 1943 and the subsequent Tehran Conference with Stalin and Churchill.
According to Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, who flew the Kuomintang interests to Tehran from Cairo, Chiang and company were a driving force in setting the stage for war in Korea and Indochina.
While in Okinawa during Japan’s surrender in World War II, Colonel Prouty was witness to the early commitment of decisive military resources to the wars that were to take place in Korea and Indochina/Vietnam. ” . . . . I was on Okinawa at that time, and during some business in the harbor area I asked the harbormaster if all that new material was being returned to the States. His response was direct and surprising: ‘Hell, no! They ain’t never goin’ to see it again. One-half of this stuff, enough to equip and supply at least a hundred and fifty thousand men, is going to Korea, and the other half is going to Indochina.’ In 1945, none of us had any idea that the first battles of the Cold War were going to be fought by U.S. military units in those two regions beginning in 1950 and 1965–yet that is precisely what had been planned, and it is precisely what happened. Who made that decision back in 1943–45? . . . .”
To appreciate Chiang’s influence in the Cairo and Tehran conferences, it is important to understand that he was “working both sides of the street” in World War II.
American military supplies flown over the Hump and/or sent along the Burma Road at great risk and cost to Allied servicemen found their way into the hands of the Japanese, courtesy of KMT general Ku Chu-tung and his organized crime brother.
General Ku Chu-Tung commanded a devastating operation against the Chinese Communist New Fourth Army, illustrating why the Seagraves called him “one of the most hated men in China.”
Although obscured by the sands of time and propagandized history, Ku-Chu Tung’s actions illustrate why General Joseph Stilwell held Chiang Kai-Shek in contempt. Stillwell not only (correctly) viewed Chiang Kai-Shek as a fascist, but (correctly) saw him as an impediment to optimizing Chinese resistance to the hated Japanese invaders.
Collaborating with Kodama Yoshio, the Japanese crime boss and Admiral of the Imperial Japanese Navy, the Ku brothers swapped U.S. lend lease supplies for drugs.
It is important to note the role of the Black Dragon Society in the ascent of Kodama Yoshio. Black Dragon, along with Black Ocean, are key Japanese ultra-nationalist societies and the apparent forerunners of the Unification Church and, possibly the overlapping Shincheonji cult that was sued by Park Won-soon.
Kodama played a key role in the Unification Church, as discussed in FTR #‘s 291 and 970.
Acquiring key strategic raw materials for the Imperial Japanese Naval Air Force, Kodama bought many of these directly from the chief of Kuomintang secret service, General Tai Li, who was paid directly in heroin.
Before turning to the subject of the Korean War and its decisive influence on the disposition of global wealth and the resuscitation of the global cartel system, we recount the assassination of Kim Koo, an important Korean patriot, whose advocacy of reunification for Korea placed him in the crosshairs of American Cold War strategists. (Park Won-soon was called a “commie” for advocating reconciliation between the Koreas.) ” . . . . In June 1949, General Kim Chang-Yong, Rhee’s close advisor and Chief of Korea’s Counter-Intelligence Corps (CIC)—founded by and patterned after the CIA—conspired with American intelligence officers and a young lieutenant to assassinate Kim Koo. On June 26, 1949, while the seventy-three-year-old Kim was resting in his second-floor bedroom, Lieutenant Ahn Do hi walked past three policemen standing guard outside, entered the house, proceeded to Kim’s bedroom, and shot him to death. . . .”
On the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, John Foster Dulles was in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio. It is not known just what they were doing, but Foster directly foreshadowed the impending (and allegedly unanticipated) North Korean invasion in a speech just before the commencement of hostilities.
Kodama recruited thousands of yakuza soldiers and Japanese World War II veterans to fight for South Korea, dressed in Korean uniforms.
Next, we highlight the 1951 “Peace” Treaty between the Allies and Japan, an agreement which falsely maintained that Japan had not stolen any wealth from the nations it occupied during World War II and that the (already) booming nation was bankrupt and would not be able to pay reparations to the slave laborers and “comfort women” it had pressed into service during the conflict.
Japan was not bankrupt at all when John Foster Dulles negotiated the Treaty. U.S. bombing left critical infrastructure intact, and the infusion of war loot helped boost the 1951 Japanese economy above its pre-World War II peak.
Foster Dulles’s role in the 1951 Peace Treaty with Japan, his curious presence in Seoul with Kodama Yoshio on the eve of the outbreak of the Korean War, his prescient foreshadowing of the conflict just before the North Korean invasion and the role of these events in shaping the post World War II global economic and political landscapes may well have been designed to help jumpstart the Japanese and German economies.
The Korean War did just that. ” . . . . A substantial infusion of money into this new Federal Republic economy resulted from the Korean War in 1950. The United States was not geared to supplying all its needs for armies in Korea, so the Pentagon placed huge orders in West Germany and in Japan; from that point on, both nations winged into an era of booming good times. . . .”
Indeed, John Foster Dulles’s world view enunciated a philosophy altogether consistent with those aims: ” . . . . He churned out magazine and newspaper articles asserting that the ‘dynamic’ countries of the world–Germany, Italy, and Japan–‘feel within themselves potentialities which are suppressed’ . . .”
Those economies, the cartels that dominated them and the Dulles brothers Cold War strategic outlook are dominant factors in the deep politics underlying the life, and death, of Park Won-soon.
The late Park Won-soon was a leading political reformer and critic in South Korean politics, as well as being a probable candidate in the 2022 presidential campaign. Of particular significance in assessing the suspicious circumstances of his death are the overlapping areas in which his criticism placed him afoul of political, economic and historical dynamics stemming from the Japanese Golden Lily program and the placement of that consummate wealth at the foundation of the post-World War II American and global system.
In addition, the “Black Gold” accumulated through the Golden Lily program and Nazi loot provided an economic foundation for post-World War II covert operations. (FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject of the Golden Lily program successfully implemented by the Japanese to loot Asia.)
An advocate of reconciliation between North and South Korea, Park Won-soon’s stance on the two nations placed him at odds with prevailing American, South Korean and Japanese national security policy.
A lawsuit was filed by a conservative South Korean lawyer against the Kim Yo-jong, the sister of North Korean ruler Kim Jong-un. This is noteworthy in the context of the death of Park Won-soon, who was an advocate of reconciliation between North and South Korea. Korean right-wingers have called him a “commie” for his advocacy of improved relations between the countries.
Relations between the Koreas are very much on the front burner.
Much of the program details the centuries-long Japanese looting of Korea, culminating in Japan’s 1905 colonization of that country. In 1910, Korea was declared to be Japanese national territory, thereby denominating all material and cultural wealth of Korea as Japanese.
The bulk of the program consists of a history of Japan’s colonization of Korea. That colonial occupation was a major target of the late Park Won-soon’s criticism.
Again, when it incorporated the Golden Lily wealth into the postwar “Black Gold” cache and John Foster Dulles engineered the 1951 Peace Treaty, the U.S. “signed off” on Japan’s actions in Korea and elsewhere in Asia.
Japan’s looting of Korea took place over centuries. In Gold Warriors, the Seagraves present the history of Japan’s rape of Korea, beginning with their account of the grisly murder of Korean Queen Min in 1894. ” . . . . the defenseless queen was stabbed and slashed repeatedly, and carried wailing out to the palace garden where she was thrown onto a pile of firewood, drenched with kerosene, and set aflame. An american military advisor, General William Dye, was one of several foreigners who heard and saw the killers milling around in the palace compound with dawn swords while the queen was burned alive. . . .”
A snapshot of the Japanese colonial occupation of Korea, a focal point of criticism of Park Won-soon:” . . . . [General] Terauchi was extraordinarily brutal, setting a precedent for Japanese behavior in all the countries, it would occupy over coming decades. Determined to crush all resistance, he told Koreans, ‘I will whip you with scorpions!’ He set up a sadistic police force of Korean yakuza, ordering it to use torture as a matter of course, for ‘no Oriental can be expected to tell the truth except under torture’. These police were closely supervised by Japan’s gestapo, the kempeitai. . . . ‘Japan’s aim,’ said Korean historian Yi Kibeck, ‘was to eradicate consciousness of Korean national identity, roots and all, and thus to obliterate the very existence of the Korean people from the face of the earth.’ . . . the peninsula was stripped of everything from artworks to root vegetables. As Korea now belonged to Japan, the transfer of cultural property—looting—was not theft. How can you steal something that already belongs to you? . . .”
Key elements of analysis of the Japanese political, economic and cultural decimation of Korea: The looting of Korea took place over centuries; the Black Ocean and Black Dragon societies (forerunners of the Unification Church and, possibly, the Shincheonji cult) played a key role in instigating the incremental Japanese conquest of Korea; the economic and cultural looting of Korea had already rendered that country one of the weakest in Asia by the nineteenth century; (Korea had been one of the most advanced civilizations on earth, prior to Japanese conquest); for centuries, China had functioned as a military protector of Korea; as noted above, there was wholesale economic and cultural plunder; millions of Koreans were enslaved to work in Japan and, during World War II, in Golden Lily facilities, where they were worked to death or buried alive; many more Koreans were conscripted as soldiers into Japan’s army; torture was routine in Japan’s occupation of Korea, as was summary execution and imprisonment on trumped-up charges; Koreans were forbidden from speaking their own language; even Japanese school teachers wore uniforms and carried swords; as highlighted in the previous program, many Korean women were forced to become slave prostitutes for the Japanese army–“Comfort Women.”
After a preview of discussion of John Foster Dulles and his negotiation of the 1951 Peace Treaty institutionalizing the looting and brutalization of Asia by the Japanese–a treaty that received diplomatic momentum from the advent of the Korean War–we conclude with an obituary of a South Korean general whose career is an embodiment of the deep politics surrounding the life and death of Park Won-soon.
General Paik Sun-yup was a Korean four-star general, whose service in the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II has been a focal point of controversy in South Korea. General Sun-yup embodied the ongoing controversy in Korea over Japan’s occupation and the subsequent unfolding of events leading up to, and including the Korean War. “. . . . In 1941, he joined the army of Manchukuo, a puppet state that imperial Japan had established in Manchuria, and served in a unit known for hunting down Korean guerrillas fighting for independence . . .”
The first of three programs dealing with the suspicious death of Seoul (South Korea) mayor and prospective presidential candidate Park Won-soon, this broadcast chronicles the many powerful political interests whose feathers were ruffled by his activities. In addition, Park Won-soon was a trailblazer for several different aspects of progressive politics.
In the series, we present key aspects of the Japanese conquest and colonization of Asia, including and especially Korea. This history is fundamental to a serious understanding of Asian power politics. Significantly, with the incorporation of the spectacular wealth of the Japanese Golden Lily loot into the American and global financial systems, the U.S. “signed off” on Japanese war crimes committed prior to, and during, World War II. This history will be presented in greater detail in the second and third programs in the series.
(FTR #‘s 427, 428, 446, 451, 501, 688, 689, 1106, 1107 & 1108 deal with the subject of the Golden Lily program successfully implemented by the Japanese to loot Asia.)
With Park Won-soon being a possible presidential candidate in 2022, there are a number of aspects of his political history and agenda that would have made him the target of the deep political forces stemming from Golden Lily and before:
1.–He made enemies from the corrupt corporate elite of Korea: ” . . . . The People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, a civic group he helped found, has become a leading watchdog on corrupt ties between the government and big businesses, launching investigations and lawsuits that have often led to convictions of business tycoons on corruption charges. The group was involved in the lawsuits that led to the 2009 conviction of Lee Kun-hee, chairman of Samsung, on charges of embezzlement and tax evasion. . . .”
2.–He was instrumental in effecting reforms in numerous areas: ” . . . . In his nine years as Seoul’s mayor, Mr. Park, drove an endless series of policy initiatives. He lowered college tuitions, installed a free Wi-Fi connection in public parking lots and municipal parks, and converted part-time workers in city-financed corporations to full-time employees. . . .”
3.–His criticism of Japanese policy vis a vis its colonization of Korea made him an enemy of the deep political Korean/American/Japanese fascist milieu deriving from Golden Lily. ” . . . . He has also been an outspoken critic of Japan’s colonial-era policies toward Korea, including the mobilization of Korean and other women as sex slaves for Japanese soldiers. . . .”
4.–His push for reconciliation with the North would have made his possible presidency anathema to South Korean and U.S. national security policymakers: ” . . . . Protesters have often picketed City Hall, calling Mr. Park a ‘commie’ for promoting reconciliation with North Korea and for his past opposition to the deployment of troops from South Korea to Iraq. . . .”
5.–Note, also, that (as touched on above) Park was a major reformer on behalf of women’s rights in South Korea: ” . . . . As a lawyer, he won a host of landmark cases for press freedoms and women’s rights. After winning the country’s first sexual harassment case, he was honored with the ‘women’s rights award’ in 1998 from the nation’s top women’s groups. . . . He also pushed to make Seoul’s streets safer at night for women, by deploying escorts for women walking in deserted alleys where crimes had taken place. He also introduced a smartphone app for women that alerts the police when they face danger at night. Female ‘sheriffs’ also check public toilets for women in Seoul to find and destroy hidden sex cams. . . .”
6.–Lastly, Mr. Won-soon filed suit against the 12 heads of the Shincheonji fascist mind control cult. The cult has operational and doctrinal overlap with the Unification Church. ” . . . . Kim Kun-nam, one of the two authors of Shintan, which can be called the first doctrine of Shincheonji, is from the Unification Church. Kim also served as a lecturer in the Unification Church. It is no exaggeration to say that Shincheonji doctrine developed on the basis of what Kim made. . . .”
7.–In FTR #1118, we examined the Shincheonji cult in connection with the Covid-19 outbreak. The cult was the major apparent vector for introducing the virus into South Korea. With a branch in Wuhan, we have speculated that it may have been a vector for China as well. Might that suit have been a contributing factor to Park Won-soon’s death?
Despite his life-long professional efforts on behalf of women, Park Won-soon was charged by a secretary (anonymous to date) with having sexually harassed her. Immediately following the lodging of that accusation, he allegedly took his life.
In the context of Park’s alleged suicide, recall a strategic synopsis of the counterintelligence applications of the #MeToo stratagem, presented in FTR #1001:
” . . . . From the standpoint of counter-intelligence analysis, the #MeToo phenomenon signals a superb tactic for political destruction: a) infiltrate a woman into the entourage or professional environment of a male politician, media or business figure targeted for destruction; b) have her gain the trust of her political target and his associates (the cardinal rule for a good double agent is “make yourself indispensable to the effort”); c) after sufficient passage of time, surface the allegations of sexual harassment; d) IF the opportunity for actual sex play and/or flirtation presents itself, take advantage of it for later use as political/rhetorical ammunition; e) with accusers having the tactical luxury of remaining anonymous, the operational template for a form of sexual McCarthyism and the precedent-setting contemporary manifestation of a sexual Star Chamber is very real–the operational similarities between much of the #metoo movement and the Salem Witch Trials should not be lost on the persevering observer [Park Won-soon’s accuser has had the benefit of anonymity–D.E.]; f) proper vetting of the accusations is absent in such a process; g) for a public figure in the U.S., proving deliberate defamation (libel/slander) is extremely difficult and litigation is very expensive–the mere surfacing of charges is enough to taint someone for life and the exorbitant expense of litigation is prohibitive for all but the wealthiest among us. . . .”
In the audio of the program, Mr. Emory discusses various scenarios in which a secretary/administrative assistant could have subverted Mr. Won-soon’s situation. Weaponized feminism employs a dynamic in which accused males are presumed guilty until proven innocent. The proving of innocence is exceedingly difficult in alleged instances of sexual harassment–there are generally no witnesses to, nor audio and/or video recordings of the incident in question.
In light of the powerful political, economic and historical dynamics challenged by Park Won-soon, the possibility that he was yet another victim of weaponized feminism should be taken into account. We bet that it won’t.
Other topics highlighted in this broadcast include:
1.–The background of Harry B. Harris, Jr., the U.S. Ambassador to South Korea. Harris was former “head of the United States Pacific Command”–a very important and powerful individual. He also had been the commander of the Guantanamo detention center–one of a number of counter-terror assignments in his military career. Like anti-submarine warfare (another element of his military CV), counter-terror is an intelligence function. We wonder if Harris is either ONI and/or CIA, and playing a key role in the full-court press against China.
2.–An account of the Comfort Women, one of the focal points of Park Won-soon’s criticism of the Japanese colonial occupation of Korea.
3.–The beginning of an account of Japan’s centuries long plunder of Korea–a topic that will be covered at greater length in the following program. Note that this element of analysis involves the Black Dragon and Black Ocean societies, two of the patriotic and ultra-nationalist societies that appear to be the forerunner of the Unification Church.