- Spitfire List - http://spitfirelist.com -

FTR #1007 Alfa Males, Part 4: 9/11, the Underground Reich and the Russia-Gate Psy-Op

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained HERE [1]. The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by the fall of 2017. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more.)

WFMU-FM is pod­cast­ing For The Record–You can sub­scribe to the pod­cast HERE [2].

You can sub­scribe to e‑mail alerts from Spitfirelist.com HERE [3].

You can sub­scribe to RSS feed from Spitfirelist.com HERE [3].

You can sub­scribe to the com­ments made on pro­grams and posts–an excel­lent source of infor­ma­tion in, and of, itself HERE [4].

This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment. [5]

[6]

[7]

Prince Hans-Adam II

Intro­duc­tion: In this broad­cast, we present ele­ments fun­da­men­tal to an under­stand­ing of the Rus­sia-Gate psy-op–elements which heav­i­ly over­lap the 9/11 attacks in par­tic­u­lar.

In  sev­er­al pro­grams [8], we have not­ed Felix Sater’s work on behalf of both CIA and FBI.

Sater has been a very impor­tant [9] U.S. intel­li­gence oper­a­tive, with many of his prin­ci­pal efforts involv­ing fields of endeav­or direct­ly relat­ed to Al-Qae­da, Osama bin Laden and the 9/11 attacks. The arti­cle below high­lights those efforts, espe­cial­ly some which place his work direct­ly in the milieu of the Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids, which were effec­tive­ly cov­ered up by Robert Mueller [10] when he head­ed the FBI.

” . . . . Sater report­ed back to intel­li­gence agen­cies on the results of coali­tion bomb­ings, kills on the bat­tle­field, the finan­cial net­works behind the 9/11 bombers and oth­er al-Qae­da mem­bers world­wide, and even the iden­ti­ty of a New Mex­i­co com­pa­ny believed to be laun­der­ing ter­ror funds in the US. . . .”

Next, we revis­it infor­ma­tion from FTR #530 [11] con­cern­ing the rela­tion­ship between 9/11 hijack ring­leader Mohamed Atta and the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft, a joint U.S. Ger­man fel­low­ship pro­gram that spon­sored Atta’s entry to, and stay in, Ger­many. (For more about Atta and the CDS, see—among oth­er pro­grams—FTR#’s 477 [12], 523 [13].)

[14]It is inter­est­ing, and prob­a­bly sig­nif­i­cant that the mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man cou­ple who brought Atta into Ger­many under the aus­pices of the CDS came to meet him through their friend, Mohamed’s father. In FTR#523 [13], we exam­ined the senior Atta’s appar­ent super­vi­sion of the hijack­ers in Flori­da. He was appar­ent­ly the leader of the group, a fact cov­ered up by the FBI. In FTR#519 [15], we looked at the senior Atta’s endorse­ment of the Lon­don sub­way attacks.

Notice the strange cir­cum­stances [16] under which the face­less Ger­man cou­ple came to spon­sor Atta. Does this make sense? Note, also, that the iden­ti­ty of the Ger­man cou­ple who spon­sored Atta was kept secret by the Chica­go Tri­bune. WHY?!

In 2011, the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety merged with the Asso­ci­a­tion for Inter­na­tion­al Prac­ti­cal Train­ing (AIPT) and became Cul­tur­al Vis­tas. One of the CDS’s sub­sidiary ele­ments in the ear­ly years of this century–the Alfa Fel­low­ship Program–is now a sub­sidiary of Cul­tur­al Vis­tas.

In Jan­u­ary 2011, Cul­tur­al Vis­tas was formed after a non­prof­it merg­er between two long­stand­ing exchange orga­ni­za­tions: the Asso­ci­a­tion for Inter­na­tion­al Prac­ti­cal Train­ing (AIPT) and CDS Inter­na­tion­al.

The Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety (CDS Inter­na­tion­al in the above Wikipedia entry), which shep­herd­ed Atta into the U.S. is described [20] in an entry on a web­site that also fea­tured the Alfa Fel­low­ship, spon­sored by the Alfa con­glom­er­ate: ” . . . . In the 1920’s, Carl Duis­berg, Gen­er­al Direc­tor of Bay­er AG in Ger­many, envi­sioned send­ing Ger­man stu­dents to the Unit­ed States on work-study pro­grams. Duis­berg was con­vinced that inter­na­tion­al prac­ti­cal train­ing was crit­i­cal to the growth of Ger­man indus­try. Many of the return­ing trainees lat­er rose to promi­nent posi­tions at AEG, Bay­er, Bosch, Daim­ler Benz, and Siemens, bring­ing with them new meth­ods for mass pro­duc­tion, new ideas, and new busi­ness prac­tices. Fol­low­ing World War II, alum­ni from the first exchanges found­ed the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft (CDG) in 1949 to help engi­neers, busi­ness­men and farm­ers gain inter­na­tion­al work expe­ri­ence nec­es­sary for the rebuild­ing of Ger­many . . . .”

The Alfa Fel­low­ship was on the web­site of the CDS.  Now, it is a sub­sidiary of the Cul­tur­al Vis­tas non-prof­it, result­ing from the merged CDS enti­ty.

“ALFA FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM”; Page on the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety web site (as of 2006). [21]

“ALFA FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM: Near­ly fif­teen years after the fall of the Sovi­et Union, Cold War-era poli­cies and con­cepts con­tin­ue to affect U.S. rela­tions with Rus­sia. . . . The Alfa Fel­low­ship Pro­gram is designed to address this prob­lem . . . .”

Crown Resources and oth­er Crown enti­ties are part of the Alfa Group, one of whose out­growths is the CDS sub­sidiary pro­gram, the Alfa Fel­low­ship. Note that Marc Rich, whose par­don was inves­ti­gat­ed by for­mer FBI direc­tor James Comey, dealt with Crown Alfa [22], although an effort to sell his com­modi­ties deal to the  com­pa­ny failed. ” . . . . A deal to sell the Swiss-based com­modi­ties oper­a­tion of for­mer U.S. fugi­tive financier Marc Rich to Rus­sia-owned ener­gy trad­ing group Crown Resources is off. . . . Crown is owned by the Alfa Group con­glom­er­ate. . . .”

One of the prin­ci­pal fig­ures in the Crown/Alfa net­work is Dr. Nor­bert Seeger, about whom we will more below.

 . . . 30. Dr. Nor­bert Seeger; Rech­tan­swalt, Vaduz [Liechtenstein]—Information includes: Knowl­edge of facts per­tain­ing to role of Crown Finance Foun­da­tion and oth­er Crown enti­ties in mon­ey laun­der­ing and tax eva­sion activ­i­ties. . . .” (From the legal doc­u­ments in a lawsuit—“Rule 26 Ini­tial Dis­clo­sures; UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT; SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK; NOREX PETROLEUM LIMITED No. 02 Civ. 1499 (LTS)(KNF); Plain­tiff v. ACCESS INDUSTRIES, INC.; Et. Al. Defen­dants; PLAINTIFF’S RULE 26(a)(1) INITIAL DISCLOSURES; 1. INDIVIDUALS LIKELY TO HAVE DISCOVERABLE INFORMATION THAT MAY BE USED TO SUPPORT NOREX’S CLAIMS . . . . A. Indi­vid­u­als Asso­ci­at­ed With Plain­tiff”; p. 8. . . .

A crit­i­cal ele­ment of dis­cus­sion here con­cerns the tiny prin­ci­pal­i­ty of Liechtenstein—a small Euro­pean coun­try of 32,000 peo­ple, whose prin­ci­pal indus­try is mon­ey laun­der­ing. As we will see, Liecht­en­stein fig­ures sig­nif­i­cant­ly in the events in and around 9/11. In 2001, Prince Hans Adam became (for all intents and pur­pos­es) the only absolute monarch in Europe. This gam­bit was accom­plished through a pop­u­lar ref­er­en­dum, effect­ed under the aus­pices of a front group—the Pro­gres­sive Cit­i­zens Par­ty.

The ref­er­en­dum ced­ed to the Prince vir­tu­al­ly all real pow­er. In par­tic­u­lar, he had the abil­i­ty to com­plete­ly con­trol the judi­cial sys­tem, there­by con­trol­ling all legal inves­ti­ga­tions in the country—a par­tic­u­lar­ly inter­est­ing and impor­tant pow­er in the very impor­tant year of 2001! This assump­tion of absolute pow­er put Hans Adam in the posi­tion of being able to block or neu­tral­ize any legal inves­ti­ga­tion into any of the finan­cial shenani­gans that tran­spired in Liecht­en­stein, includ­ing 9/11-relat­ed activ­i­ties!

The Bank Al-Taqwa was incor­po­rat­ed in Liecht­en­stein! 

The head of Liechtenstein’s Pro­gres­sive Cit­i­zens Par­ty is Nor­bert Seeger—a prin­ci­pal fig­ure in Alfa’s Crown Resources sub­sidiary!!

Infor­ma­tion about the Al Taqwa/Asat Trust [23] links with the roy­al fam­i­ly of Liecht­en­stein is set forth as fol­lows: ” . . . . One com­pa­ny in the Al Taqwa galaxy that was des­ig­nat­ed by the Unit­ed States and the U.N. as a ter­ror­ist-relat­ed enti­ty is a Liecht­en­stein enti­ty called Asat Trust. . . . The records also shed light on the involve­ment of one mem­ber of the roy­al fam­i­ly of Liecht­en­stein in Asat Trust. Accord­ing to the doc­u­ments, deceased Prince Emanuel von und zu Liecht­en­stein became a board mem­ber of Asat Trust in May 1970 and stayed until Novem­ber 1990, when he was replaced by Mar­tin Wachter, the trust’s cur­rent direc­tor. Flo­ri­an Krenkel, a spokesman for the roy­al fam­i­ly, said Prince Emmanuel had died in 1987 and that he was a dis­tant cousin from rul­ing Prince Hans Adam II. . . .

. . . There also appears to be some links between Asat Trust and a bank owned by the Liecht­en­stein roy­al fam­i­ly. Sev­er­al Asat Trust doc­u­ments fea­ture on their let­ter­heads ‘Bank in Liecht­en­stein AG’ beneath ‘Asat Trust.’ The roy­al fam­i­ly bank has changed its name and is now called LGT bank. . . .”

Delv­ing into the nature of the roy­al fam­i­ly of Liecht­en­stein, the pro­gram clos­es with dis­cus­sion [24] of the close­ness between Hans-Adam II’s clan and the Haps­burg dynasty that ruled the Aus­tro-Hun­gar­i­an Empire until the end of World War I.

1. In  sev­er­al pro­grams [8], we have not­ed Felix Sater’s work on behalf of both CIA and FBI.

Sater has been a very impor­tant U.S. intel­li­gence oper­a­tive, with many of his prin­ci­pal efforts involv­ing fields of endeav­or direct­ly relat­ed to Al-Qae­da, Osama bin Laden and the 9/11 attacks. The arti­cle below high­lights those efforts, espe­cial­ly some which place his work direct­ly in the milieu of the Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids, which were effec­tive­ly cov­ered up by Robert Mueller [10] when he head­ed the FBI.

” . . . . Sater report­ed back to intel­li­gence agen­cies on the results of coali­tion bomb­ings, kills on the bat­tle­field, the finan­cial net­works behind the 9/11 bombers and oth­er al-Qae­da mem­bers world­wide, and even the iden­ti­ty of a New Mex­i­co com­pa­ny believed to be laun­der­ing ter­ror funds in the US. . . .”

“How A Play­er In The Trump-Rus­sia Scan­dal Led A Dou­ble Life As An Amer­i­can Spy” by Antho­ny Cormi­er; Jason Leopold; Buz­zFeed; 03/12/2018. [9]

In the sprawl­ing Trump-Rus­sia inves­ti­ga­tion, one name con­stant­ly pops up: Felix Sater. In sto­ry after sto­ry, Sater is described as Don­ald Trump’s for­mer busi­ness part­ner, a con­vict­ed stock swindler who was born in the Sovi­et Union, worked in Rus­sia, tried to win Trump a deal in Moscow, and even helped bro­ker a Ukrain­ian peace plan that Vladimir Putin would have loved.

Basi­cal­ly, he’s por­trayed as some­thing just short of a Russ­ian spy.

Effec­tive­ly, he has been a spy — but for the Unit­ed States. For the first time, Buz­zFeed News has ver­i­fied the sur­pris­ing sweep of Sater’s under­cov­er work and many of his spe­cif­ic exploits. He worked as an asset for the CIA and the Defense Intel­li­gence Agency (or DIA) and tracked Osama bin Laden. . . . 

. . . . In any event, the Moscow meet­ing with Blane launched Sater’s work for the gov­ern­ment, which would last for the bet­ter part of two decades. He said was not paid for his work — which two Jus­tice Depart­ment offi­cials con­firmed — but did it to help his coun­try and for the “thrill.”

One of Sater’s ear­ly oper­a­tions involved the pur­suit in 1998 of Stinger anti-air­craft mis­siles.The CIA had orig­i­nal­ly giv­en the mis­siles to the mujahideen to oust the Sovi­ets dur­ing their occu­pa­tion of Afghanistan — but now the agency want­ed to pre­vent them from falling into the hands of rad­i­cal­ized jihadists. Sater man­aged to find some, com­plete with their ser­i­al num­bers.

Sater’s attor­ney, Robert Wolf, said he act­ed as his con­duit to the CIA. As Wolf tells it, he called some­one he had long known: David Kendall, Bill Clinton’s lawyer, telling him that he had ser­i­al num­bers for the Stinger mis­siles that the Clin­ton admin­is­tra­tion had been try­ing to obtain. Kendall, Wolf said, called back and said he had spo­ken with Pres­i­dent Clin­ton and that Wolf should call Robert M. McNa­ma­ra Jr., the CIA’s gen­er­al coun­sel. Dur­ing the phone call with McNa­ma­ra, Wolf read out the ser­i­al num­bers for the Stinger mis­siles.

But, intel­li­gence sources told Buz­zFeed News, CIA offi­cials were skep­ti­cal. So Sater pro­vid­ed pho­tographs of the mis­siles — with their ser­i­al num­bers and a copy of a dai­ly news­pa­per to prove the pho­to was cur­rent. Two for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cers and an FBI agent con­firmed that Sater had pro­vid­ed the pho­tographs, an inci­dent they said bol­stered his cred­i­bil­i­ty.

Mean­while, Wolf recalled, McNa­ma­ra bro­kered a meet­ing at a restau­rant near the CIA head­quar­ters in Lan­g­ley, Vir­ginia, which was attend­ed by Wolf and two employ­ees of the CIA’s clan­des­tine divi­sion: an oper­a­tions offi­cer and an attor­ney named Steve Her­mes. For the next year or so, Wolf said, he talked reg­u­lar­ly with Her­mes by pay phone or land­line when Sater want­ed to pass on new infor­ma­tion — or when the CIA want­ed more intel­li­gence. “We just went back and forth for months and months about al-Qae­da, bin Laden, and the return of the Stingers,” Wolf said. . . . 

. . . . In August 1998, Pres­i­dent Bill Clin­ton autho­rized Oper­a­tion Infi­nite Reach — a bomb­ing strike against al-Qae­da in retal­i­a­tion for the ter­ror attacks on the US embassies in Kenya and Tan­za­nia, which killed 224 peo­ple. Sater, 10 cur­rent and for­mer intel­li­gence and law enforce­ment offi­cials said, sup­ple­ment­ed US intel­li­gence by pro­vid­ing loca­tion coor­di­nates for al-Qae­da camps that the US mil­i­tary ulti­mate­ly bombed in Khost, Afghanistan.

Buz­zFeed News also con­firmed anoth­er 1998 mis­sion, in which Sater infil­trat­ed the Afghan pre­cious stone mar­ket to find deal­ers who were laun­der­ing mon­ey for al-Qae­da.Sater found his own deal­er, from New York City’s 47th Street dia­mond dis­trict, and brought him to the Mid­dle East to make the ruse seem more authen­tic. An FBI source said the Jus­tice Depart­ment lat­er con­firmed this detail in court fil­ings that remain under seal. Buz­zFeed News reviewed an inter­nal gov­ern­ment doc­u­ment about the mis­sion in which an intel­li­gence offi­cial char­ac­ter­ized the infor­ma­tion Sater passed on as “high­ly sen­si­tive intel­li­gence.” . . . .

. . . . He devel­oped a close bond with an intel­li­gence offi­cer work­ing for the North­ern Alliance, the Afghan mili­tia led by Ahmad Shah Mas­soud, the fierce and beloved fight­er called the Lion of Pan­jshir. As the North­ern Alliance fought Islamists, its intel­li­gence offi­cer fed infor­ma­tion to Sater, accord­ing to Sater and a for­mer FBI agent.

Late in 1998, Sater was vaca­tion­ing in Italy with his fam­i­ly when the Afghan intel­li­gence offi­cer called with five satel­lite phone num­bers belong­ing to bin Laden. He asked Sater to pass the num­bers along to offi­cials in the US. . . . 

Sater said he set up Delaware LLCs in the US — for the “Bank of Kab­ul” and the “Bank of Afghanistan.” He reg­is­tered web­sites to con­vince the North­ern Alliance source that he was seri­ous about his inten­tions, going so far, he said, as to print out the cor­po­rate reg­is­tra­tions, adorn them with rib­bons, and use a wax stamp to make them seem more offi­cial. He said he mailed the doc­u­ments, and a satel­lite phone, to the source. . . .

. . . . But soon, accord­ing to three for­mer FBI agents, an intel­li­gence offi­cial, and a Depart­ment of Jus­tice offi­cial, Sater report­ed back to intel­li­gence agen­cies on the results of coali­tion bomb­ings, kills on the bat­tle­field, the finan­cial net­works behind the 9/11 bombers and oth­er al-Qae­da mem­bers world­wide, and even the iden­ti­ty of a New Mex­i­co com­pa­ny believed to be laun­der­ing ter­ror funds in the US.

Sater’s Afghan intel­li­gence source fun­neled to him copies of al-Qae­da pass­ports, jiha­di escape routes, the loca­tions of fight­ers, and weapons caches. He described the source as a “gold mine” — but it was only much lat­er that Sater learned that the infor­ma­tion orig­i­nat­ed inside al-Qaeda’s hide­outs. Accord­ing to a for­mer senior Jus­tice Depart­ment offi­cial and a for­mer FBI agent with knowl­edge of Sater’s work, Sater’s source had his own source: Mul­lah Omar’s per­son­al sec­re­tary, who was liv­ing inside a cave with bin Laden. . . .

. . . . Said anoth­er top intel­li­gence offi­cial who worked direct­ly on ter­ror cas­es before and after 9/11, “Felix like­ly does not real­ize how impor­tant his work has been in sav­ing Amer­i­can lives. What he did on behalf of the US for more than a decade out­weighs any of the bad deeds from his youth.” Sater, the offi­cial said, “deserves a com­men­da­tion.” . . . .

2a. Next, we revis­it infor­ma­tion from FTR #530 [11] con­cern­ing the rela­tion­ship between 9/11 hijack ring­leader Mohamed Atta and the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft, a joint U.S. Ger­man fel­low­ship pro­gram that spon­sored Atta’s entry to, and stay in, Ger­many. (For more about Atta and the CDS, see—among oth­er pro­grams—FTR#’s 477 [12], 523 [13].)

It is inter­est­ing, and prob­a­bly sig­nif­i­cant that the mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man cou­ple who brought Atta into Ger­many under the aus­pices of the CDS came to meet him through their friend, Mohamed’s father. In FTR#523 [13], we exam­ined the senior Atta’s appar­ent super­vi­sion of the hijack­ers in Flori­da. He was appar­ent­ly the leader of the group, a fact cov­ered up by the FBI. In FTR#519 [15], we looked at the senior Atta’s endorse­ment of the Lon­don sub­way attacks.

Notice the strange cir­cum­stances under which the face­less Ger­man cou­ple came to spon­sor Atta. Does this make sense?

Notice that the iden­ti­ty of the Ger­man cou­ple who spon­sored Atta was kept secret by the Chica­go Tri­bune. WHY?!

“Mohamed Atta Worked for Elite U.S.—German Gov­ern­ment Exchange Pro­gram” by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews; 4/24/2003. [16]

For at least four years while liv­ing in Ham­burg dur­ing the 1990’s, ter­ror­ist ring­leader Mohamed Atta was part of a ‘joint ven­ture’ between the U.S. and Ger­man gov­ern­ments, the Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews has learned, an elite inter­na­tion­al ‘exchange’ pro­gram run by a lit­tle-known pri­vate orga­ni­za­tion with close ties to pow­er­ful Amer­i­can polit­i­cal fig­ures like David Rock­e­feller and for­mer Sec­re­tary of State Hen­ry Kissinger. . .

. . . . The joint­ly-fund­ed gov­ern­ment effort picked up the tab for Atta on sojourns in Cairo, Istan­bul, and Alep­po in Syr­ia dur­ing the years 1994 and 1995, as well as employ­ing him as a ‘tutor’ and ‘sem­i­nar par­tic­i­pant’ dur­ing 1996 and 1997. More­over, Atta’s finan­cial rela­tion­ship with the U.S.—German gov­ern­ment effort may even extend­ed back to his ini­tial move from Egypt to Ger­many in 1992, after being ‘recruit­ed’ in Cairo by a mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man cou­ple dubbed the ‘hijacker’s spon­sors’ in a recent news account in the Chica­go Tri­bune.

Mohamed Atta, before becom­ing a ‘ter­ror­ist ring­leader,’ enjoyed the patron­age of a gov­ern­ment ini­tia­tive known as the ‘Con­gress-Bun­destag Pro­gram,’ over­seen by the U.S. State Depart­ment and the Ger­man Min­istry of Eco­nom­ic Devel­op­ment, the Ger­man equiv­a­lent of the U.S. Agency for Inter­na­tion­al Devel­op­ment busy cur­rent­ly super­vis­ing the secre­tive bid­ding race for tens of bil­lions of dol­lars of post-war recon­struc­tion con­tracts in Iraq.

News that Mohamed Atta had been on the pay­roll of the elite inter­na­tion­al pro­gram sur­faced in a curi­ous way just a month after the 9/11 attack a brief sev­en-line report by Ger­man news­pa­per Frank­furter All­ge­meine Zeitung on Oct. 18, 2001, under the head­line ‘Atta Was Tutor for Schol­ar­ship Hold­ers.’ The sto­ry quot­ed spokes­men for ‘Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft,’ described as a ‘Ger­man inter­na­tion­al fur­ther edu­ca­tion orga­ni­za­tion,’ as hav­ing admit­ted pay­ing Ham­burg cadre prin­ci­pal Atta as a ‘schol­ar­ship hold­er’ and ‘tutor,’ between 1995 and 1997.

But what makes the sto­ry curi­ous is that the Ger­man paper con­cealed the shock­ing impli­ca­tions of their sto­ry, that Mohamed Atta had been on the pay­roll of a joint U.S.—German gov­ern­ment pro­gram, through the sim­ple expe­di­ent of neglect­ing to men­tion that the ‘Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft’ was mere­ly a pri­vate enti­ty set up to admin­is­ter the ‘exchange’ ini­tia­tive of the two gov­ern­ments.

The U.S. end of the pro­gram is run out of an address at Unit­ed Nations Plaza in New York by CDS Inter­na­tion­al. The let­ters stand for Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety, also the name of its Ger­man coun­ter­part in Cologne, the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft. Both are named for Carl Duis­berg, a Ger­man chemist and indus­tri­al­ist who head­ed the Bay­er Cor­po­ra­tion dur­ing the 1920’s . . . .

. . . Kissinger, to cite just one exam­ple, had at one time addressed over 100 inter­na­tion­al busi­ness lead­ers at an anniver­sary din­ner orga­nized and cel­e­brat­ing CDS Inter­na­tion­al held at the Riv­er Club of New York June 2, 1987. Kissinger con­grat­u­lat­ed CDS Inter­na­tion­al on its 20 years of ser­vice in keep­ing close busi­ness ties, not only between Ger­many and the Unit­ed States, but more recent­ly through career devel­op­ment pro­grams for par­tic­i­pants from oth­er coun­tries as well. Five years lat­er, Mohamed Atta became one of these par­tic­i­pants from ‘oth­er’ coun­tries. . . .

CDS Inter­na­tion­al, states the organization’s lit­er­a­ture, pro­vides oppor­tu­ni­ties for young Ger­man engi­neers. Mohamed Atta was­n’t, strict­ly speak­ing, a ‘young Ger­man engi­neer,’ but appar­ent­ly Kissinger’s praise for ‘career devel­op­ment pro­grams for par­tic­i­pants from oth­er coun­tries as well’ had been tak­en to heart by the friend­ly folks at the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety. ‘These young Ger­man engi­neers earn real world expe­ri­ence and are giv­en assign­ments to con­tribute from the start,’ a pro­gram spokesman enthused in a news­pa­per inter­view. The orga­ni­za­tion is today under­stand­ably shy about men­tion­ing that their most famous recent grad­u­ate’s ‘real world expe­ri­ence’ includ­ed mur­der­ing almost 3000 peo­ple in New York City in slight­ly less than two hours.

A finan­cial rela­tion­ship between the ter­ror­ist ring­leader and the U.S. and Ger­man Gov­ern­ments has not pre­vi­ous­ly even been hint­ed at in Amer­i­ca’s major media. The con­spir­a­cy-mind­ed might con­clude that the fact that the scoop is going to the Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews may owe some­thing to the program’s raft of polit­i­cal­ly-pow­er­ful boost­ers. Hav­ing big juice in high places may also explain more equal­ly-curi­ous omis­sions in a sec­ond sto­ry about Mohamed Atta’s time in Ger­many, which appeared recent­ly in the March 7, 2003 Chica­go Tri­bune, under the head­line ‘9/11 haunts hijack­er’s spon­sors; Ger­man cou­ple talks of liv­ing with pilot Atta.’

. . . . The arti­cle describes the 1992 meet­ing in Cairo between Atta and a Ger­man cou­ple run­ning an ‘inter­na­tion­al stu­dent exchange pro­gram,’ a meet­ing which the Tri­bune says led Atta to move to Ham­burg. Dur­ing a vis­it to the Egypt­ian cap­i­tal in fall 1991, the Tri­bune report­ed, the Ger­man cou­ple had stayed with friends who knew Atta’s father, a Cairo lawyer, and his father’s friends had then intro­duced the Ger­man cou­ple to Atta. [Empha­sis added.] ‘Atta, who had recent­ly grad­u­at­ed with a degree in archi­tec­tur­al engi­neer­ing from the Uni­ver­si­ty of Cairo, told the cou­ple he want­ed to study archi­tec­ture in Ger­many, but he had no par­tic­u­lar idea where he should go,’ the paper report­ed.”

Though the arti­cle neglects to men­tion it, the rea­son Atta found him­self with ‘no par­tic­u­lar idea where he should go’ was because although he had stud­ied engi­neer­ing at pres­ti­gious Cairo Uni­ver­si­ty, he had not fared well enough to gain admis­sion to its grad­u­ate school. The paper quotes the Ger­man wife telling inves­ti­ga­tors: ‘In this first con­ver­sa­tion, we sug­gest­ed he con­tin­ue his stud­ies in Ham­burg and offered him a place to live at our house.’ Atta, she states, accept­ed their offer right away. This mag­nan­i­mous ges­ture by the Ger­man cou­ple to an undis­tin­guished young man they have just met rais­es seri­ous ques­tions. Per­haps their ges­ture is just the very milk of human kind­ness; per­haps it is some­thing else.

“Why did this Ger­man cou­ple run­ning an inter­na­tion­al exchange pro­gram leap at the oppor­tu­ni­ty to help a young man not con­sid­ered promis­ing enough to gain entrance to grad­u­ate school in Cairo, and offer him a place to live at their house. The Tri­bune doesn’t say. And they have made it dif­fi­cult for any­one lese to fol­low up on their sto­ry, because they neglect­ed to iden­ti­fy either the cou­ple or the ‘inter­na­tion­al’ pro­gram they ran by name. But although Tri­bune cor­re­spon­dent Steven­son Swan­son cites the Ger­man cou­ple for ‘hav­ing played such an impor­tant role in Atta’s move to Ger­many,’ he nev­er gives either their names nor that of the orga­ni­za­tion they worked for.”

This is some curi­ous, if you know what we mean. After all, the sto­ry is 1200 words in length. So it’s not as if they did­n’t have room to print the names, is it? ‘Jane and John Doe from Help-A-Stu­dent Inter­na­tion­al’ would have been enough. You know: Who, What, When, Where, and Why. So, either The Tri­bune just for­got the ‘Who,’ or some­thing even weird­er hap­pened.

After study­ing Ger­man in Cairo, Atta arrived in Ger­many on July 24, 1992, accord­ing to inves­ti­ga­tors’ records, and then lived rent-free for at least the next six months in the cou­ple’s home in a qui­et, mid­dle-class neigh­bor­hood. And since just two years lat­er Atta was on the pay­roll of the ‘Con­gress-Bun­destag Pro­gram,’ it is rea­son­able to conclude–and no thanks to The Chica­go Tribune–that it was also the ‘exchange pro­gram’ respon­si­ble for bring­ing him to Ger­many in the first place. . . CDS Inter­na­tion­al’s elite spon­sors are appar­ent­ly influ­en­tial enough to have kept their organization’s name out of the news­pa­pers. Or at any rate out of The Chica­go Tri­bune.

2b. In 2011, the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety merged with the Asso­ci­a­tion for Inter­na­tion­al Prac­ti­cal Train­ing (AIPT) and became Cul­tur­al Vis­tas. One of the CDS’s sub­sidiary ele­ments in the ear­ly years of this century–the Alfa Fel­low­ship Program–is now a sub­sidiary of Cul­tur­al Vis­tas.

“Cul­tur­al Vis­tas;” Wikipedia [25]

Cul­tur­al Vis­tas is a non­prof­it 501(c)(3) orga­ni­za­tion [26] that facil­i­tates intern­ships and pro­fes­sion­al exchange pro­grams [27] and ser­vices for vis­i­tors com­ing to the U.S., and Amer­i­can stu­dents and pro­fes­sion­als seek­ing expe­ri­en­tial learn­ing oppor­tu­ni­ties abroad. The orga­ni­za­tion is head­quar­tered in New York City [28], with region­al offices locat­ed in Berlin [29], and Wash­ing­ton, D.C. [30] . . . .

. . . . The orga­ni­za­tion was offi­cial­ly incor­po­rat­ed as a non­prof­it in 1963. In Jan­u­ary 2011, Cul­tur­al Vis­tas was formed after a non­prof­it merg­er between two long­stand­ing exchange orga­ni­za­tions: the Asso­ci­a­tion for Inter­na­tion­al Prac­ti­cal Train­ing (AIPT) and CDS Inter­na­tion­al.

2c. The Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety (CDS Inter­na­tion­al in the above Wikipedia entry), which shep­herd­ed Atta into the U.S. is described in an entry on a web­site that also fea­tured the Alfa Fel­low­ship, spon­sored by the Alfa con­glom­er­ate.

“His­to­ry of the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety” [20]

In the 1920’s, Carl Duis­berg, Gen­er­al Direc­tor of Bay­er AG in Ger­many, envi­sioned send­ing Ger­man stu­dents to the Unit­ed States on work-study pro­grams. Duis­berg was con­vinced that inter­na­tion­al prac­ti­cal train­ing was crit­i­cal to the growth of Ger­man indus­try. Many of the return­ing trainees lat­er rose to promi­nent posi­tions at AEG, Bay­er, Bosch, Daim­ler Benz, and Siemens, bring­ing with them new meth­ods for mass pro­duc­tion, new ideas, and new busi­ness prac­tices. Fol­low­ing World War II, alum­ni from the first exchanges found­ed the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft (CDG) in 1949 to help engi­neers, busi­ness­men and farm­ers gain inter­na­tion­al work expe­ri­ence nec­es­sary for the rebuild­ing of Ger­many . . . .

2d. Note the promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists on the board of direc­tors of the Duis­berg Soci­ety (as of 2006), and do not for­get the Bor­mann group’s stew­ard­ship of Ger­man indus­try in this con­text.

Board of Direc­tors: Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety [31]

Board of Direc­tors Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety: . . . Gerd D. Mueller (retired) [mem­ber of Bun­destag on CSU tick­et) Chair­man of the Board; Exec­u­tive Vice Pres­i­dent and CFO Bay­er Cor­po­ra­tion . . . . Dr. Hans W. Deck­er; Trea­sur­er of the Board; Professor—Columbia Uni­ver­si­ty . . . Robert Fen­ster­ma­ch­er; Exec­u­tive Direc­tor of CDS Inter­na­tion­al, Inc. (ex offi­cio) . . . Carl Geer­ck­en; Part­ner Alston & Bird LLP . . . Dr. Olaf J. Groth; Exec­u­tive Direc­tor, Strate­gic Analy­sis & Integration—Boeing Inter­na­tion­al Cor­po­ra­tion . . . Dr. H. Friedrich Holzapfel; Man­ag­ing Director—The Burling­ton Group . . . Dr. Gudrun Kochen­do­er­fer-Lucius; Man­ag­ing Director—InWEnt (Capac­i­ty Build­ing Inter­na­tion­al, Ger­many) . . . Fritz E. Kropatscheck; Mang­ing Director—Deutsche Bank, A.G. (retired) . . . Wolf­gang Linz (retired) Exec­u­tive Direc­tor CDS Inter­na­tion­al, Inc. . . . Dr. Karl M. May­er-Wittmann (retired); President—WEFA, Inc. . . . Frances McCaf­frey; Man­ag­er, Cen­ter Development—BMW of North Amer­i­ca . . . Dr. Horst K. Saal­bach Vice Chair­man of the Board–Festo Cor­po­ra­tion . . . Dr. Nor­bert Schnei­der; Chief Exec­u­tive Officer—Carl Duis­berg Cen­tren GmbH . . . .

2e. The Alfa Fel­low­ship was on the web­site of the CDS.  Now, it is a sub­sidiary of the Cul­tur­al Vis­tas non-prof­it, result­ing from the merged CDS enti­ty.

“ALFA FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM”; Page on the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety web site (as of 2006). [21]

“ALFA FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM: Near­ly fif­teen years after the fall of the Sovi­et Union, Cold War-era poli­cies and con­cepts con­tin­ue to affect U.S. rela­tions with Rus­sia. . . . The Alfa Fel­low­ship Pro­gram is designed to address this prob­lem . . . .”

3a. Crown Resources and oth­er Crown enti­ties are part of the Alfa Group, one of whose out­growths is the CDS sub­sidiary pro­gram, the Alfa Fel­low­ship. Note that Marc Rich, whose par­don was inves­ti­gat­ed by for­mer FBI direc­tor James Comey, dealt with Crown Alfa, although an effort to sell his com­modi­ties deal to the  com­pa­ny failed.

“Marc Rich Deal to Sell Com­modi­ties Oper­a­tion to Russ­ian Group Fails” [AP]; 6/8/2001. [22]

. . . .  A deal to sell the Swiss-based com­modi­ties oper­a­tion of for­mer U.S. fugi­tive financier Marc Rich to Rus­sia-owned ener­gy trad­ing group Crown Resources is off. . . . Crown is owned by the Alfa Group con­glom­er­ate. . . . .

3b. One of the prin­ci­pal fig­ures in the Crown/Alfa net­work is Dr. Nor­bert Seeger, about whom we will more below.

 . . . 30. Dr. Nor­bert Seeger; Rech­tan­swalt, Vaduz [Liechtenstein]—Information includes: Knowl­edge of facts per­tain­ing to role of Crown Finance Foun­da­tion and oth­er Crown enti­ties in mon­ey laun­der­ing and tax eva­sion activ­i­ties. . . .” (From the legal doc­u­ments in a lawsuit—“Rule 26 Ini­tial Dis­clo­sures; UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT; SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK; NOREX PETROLEUM LIMITED No. 02 Civ. 1499 (LTS)(KNF); Plain­tiff v. ACCESS INDUSTRIES, INC.; Et. Al. Defen­dants; PLAINTIFF’S RULE 26(a)(1) INITIAL DISCLOSURES; 1. INDIVIDUALS LIKELY TO HAVE DISCOVERABLE INFORMATION THAT MAY BE USED TO SUPPORT NOREX’S CLAIMS . . . . A. Indi­vid­u­als Asso­ci­at­ed With Plain­tiff”; p. 8.)

3c. A crit­i­cal ele­ment of dis­cus­sion here con­cerns the tiny prin­ci­pal­i­ty of Liechtenstein—a small Euro­pean coun­try of 32,000 peo­ple, whose prin­ci­pal indus­try is mon­ey laun­der­ing. As we will see, Liecht­en­stein fig­ures sig­nif­i­cant­ly in the events in and around 9/11. In 2001, Prince Hans Adam became (for all intents and pur­pos­es) the only absolute monarch in Europe. This gam­bit was accom­plished through a pop­u­lar ref­er­en­dum, effect­ed under the aus­pices of a front group—the Pro­gres­sive Cit­i­zens Par­ty.

The ref­er­en­dum ced­ed to the Prince vir­tu­al­ly all real pow­er. In par­tic­u­lar, he had the abil­i­ty to com­plete­ly con­trol the judi­cial sys­tem, there­by con­trol­ling all legal inves­ti­ga­tions in the country—a par­tic­u­lar­ly inter­est­ing and impor­tant pow­er in the very impor­tant year of 2001! This assump­tion of absolute pow­er put Hans Adam in the posi­tion of being able to block or neu­tral­ize any legal inves­ti­ga­tion into any of the finan­cial shenani­gans that tran­spired in Liecht­en­stein, includ­ing 9/11-relat­ed activ­i­ties!

The Bank Al-Taqwa was incor­po­rat­ed in Liecht­en­stein! 

The head of Liechtenstein’s Pro­gres­sive Cit­i­zens Par­ty is Nor­bert Seeger—a prin­ci­pal fig­ure in Alfa’s Crown Resources sub­sidiary!!

Wikipedia entry on the polit­i­cal sys­tem of Liecht­en­stein (This has changed since 2006–D.E.). [32]

 . . . In a ref­er­en­dum in March 23, 64% of vot­ers in Liecht­en­stein approved a mea­sure to give Prince Hans Adam II the pow­er to dis­miss gov­ern­ments, approve judi­cial nom­i­nees and veto laws. It is the most pow­er of any monarch in Europe. Hans Adam had threat­ened to leave the coun­try if the mea­sure was not approved. . . The Prince’s involve­ment in leg­is­la­tion con­sists in a right to take ini­tia­tives in the form of gov­ern­ment bills and in the right to veto par­lia­men­tary pro­pos­als. The Prince has the pow­er to enact prince­ly decrees. Emer­gency prince­ly decrees are pos­si­ble when the secu­ri­ty and wel­fare of the coun­try is at stake. A coun­tersig­na­ture by the head of gov­ern­ment is, nev­er­the­less required. The Prince has the right to con­vene and adjourn par­lia­ment and, for seri­ous rea­sons, to adjourn it for 3 months or to dis­solve it. On the basis of the names put for­ward by Par­lia­ment, the Prince nom­i­nates the gov­ern­ment dis­trict and high court judges, the judges of the Supreme Court, and the pres­i­dents and their deputies of the Con­sti­tu­tion­al Court and of the Admin­is­tra­tive Court of Appeal. The Prince’s oth­er author­i­ties include exer­cis­ing the right to mit­i­gate and com­mute pun­ish­ments that have been imposed with legal force and the abolition–i.e., the dismissal—of inves­ti­ga­tions that have been ini­ti­at­ed. All judg­ments are issued in the name of the Prince. . . .

 . . . Since 2001, it has been the Pro­gres­sive Cit­i­zens Par­ty that has pro­vid­ed all the mem­bers of the gov­ern­ment. The minor­i­ty par­ties, as oppo­si­tion par­ties, act as a check on the gov­ern­ment in Par­lia­ment and on par­lia­men­tary com­mis­sions. . . .

. . . Polit­i­cal par­ties and lead­ers: Pro­gres­sive Cit­i­zens’ Par­ty of FBPL. [Nor­bert Seeger]; . . .

5. Infor­ma­tion about the Al Taqwa/Asat Trust links with the roy­al fam­i­ly of Liecht­en­stein is set forth as fol­lows:

“Ter­ror Fund Trail Leads to Alpine King­dom” by Marc Perel­man; For­ward; 10/17/2003. [23]

. . . One com­pa­ny in the Al Taqwa galaxy that was des­ig­nat­ed by the Unit­ed States and the U.N. as a ter­ror­ist-relat­ed enti­ty is a Liecht­en­stein enti­ty called Asat Trust. . . .

. . . . copies of busi­ness reg­is­tra­tion doc­u­ments on file with author­i­ties in Liecht­en­stein show that Asat Trust has been inti­mate­ly involved with the Al Taqwa net­work dur­ing the last 30 years, reg­is­ter­ing changes in com­pa­ny names, per­son­nel and finan­cial struc­ture, which may explain why Asat Trust land­ed on the Amer­i­can and U.N. ter­ror­ist lists. . . .

. . . . The records also shed light on the involve­ment of one mem­ber of the roy­al fam­i­ly of Liecht­en­stein in Asat Trust. Accord­ing to the doc­u­ments, deceased Prince Emanuel von und zu Liecht­en­stein became a board mem­ber of Asat Trust in May 1970 and stayed until Novem­ber 1990, when he was replaced by Mar­tin Wachter, the trust’s cur­rent direc­tor. Flo­ri­an Krenkel, a spokesman for the roy­al fam­i­ly, said Prince Emmanuel had died in 1987 and that he was a dis­tant cousin from rul­ing Prince Hans Adam II. . . .

. . . There also appears to be some links between Asat Trust and a bank owned by the Liecht­en­stein roy­al fam­i­ly. Sev­er­al Asat Trust doc­u­ments fea­ture on their let­ter­heads ‘Bank in Liecht­en­stein AG’ beneath ‘Asat Trust.’ The roy­al fam­i­ly bank has changed its name and is now called LGT bank. A tele­phone and an e‑mail query to the bank’s spokesman Hans-Mar­tin Uehringer went unre­turned. . . .

[7]

Prince Hans-Adam II

6. Delv­ing into the nature of the roy­al fam­i­ly of Liecht­en­stein, the pro­gram notes the close­ness between Hans-Adam II’s clan and the Haps­burg dynasty that ruled the Aus­tro-Hun­gar­i­an Empire until the end of World War I.

Inter­view with Prince Hans-Adam II; www.blisty.cz/art/17123.html. [24]

. . . . LADISLAV KAHOUN: To what degree does your fam­i­ly feel spir­i­tu­al­ly akin to the Haps­burg dynasty? Do you know that in the Czech and Mora­vian aware­ness you were always con­sid­ered the house clos­est to the Haps­burg dynasty? PRINCE HANS-ADAM II: My grand­moth­er was a sis­ter of the Arch­duke Franz Fer­di­nand who was killed in Sara­je­vo. This is per­haps the rea­son why in the Czech and Mora­vian aware­ness the Liecht­en­stein house is con­sid­ered the clos­est to the Haps­burg dynasty. His­tor­i­cal­ly one has to say that the Liecht­en­stein fam­i­ly became a for­eign dynasty with the end of the Holy Roman Empire and were there­fore quite close to the Haps­burg dynasty. A num­ber of those for­eign dynas­ties kept prop­er­ties in the Aus­tri­an-Hun­gar­i­an Empire after 1806 as the Liecht­en­steins did. They were also very often clos­er relat­ed to the Haps­burg dynasty through marriage—just think about Empress Sis­si, the wife of Emper­or Franz Joseph II. . . .