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FTR #1084 The Turner Diaries, Leaderless Resistance and the Internet

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This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment [6].

[7]Intro­duc­tion: Resum­ing analy­sis from our last pro­gram, we begin by review­ing and sup­ple­ment­ing dis­cus­sion about the con­ti­nu­ity of Nazism and fas­cism around the polit­i­cal and his­tor­i­cal milieu of  Sub­has Chan­dra Bose.

Surya Kumar Bose is pres­i­dent of the Indo-Ger­man asso­ci­a­tion [8]. (S.K. Bose is the grand­nephew and acolyte of Sub­has Chan­dra Bose.) ” . . . . Surya, who has a soft­ware con­sul­tan­cy busi­ness in Ham­burg and is pres­i­dent of the Indo-Ger­man Asso­ci­a­tion . . . .”

[9]

Saikat Chakrabar­ti

We note the gen­e­sis [10] of the Indo-Ger­man asso­ci­a­tion in Ger­many dur­ing World War II: ” . . . . The DIG was set up on Sep­tem­ber 11, 1942, by Sub­hash Chan­dra Bose at Hotel Atlanta in Ham­burg.’ . . . . Bose recounts, adding that the DIG today is the largest bilat­er­al organ­i­sa­tion in Ger­many, with 27 branch­es. As a con­sul­tant he often guides Ger­mans keen on work­ing in the boom­ing Indi­an IT sec­tor. He is also a founder-mem­ber of the Ger­man-Indi­an Round Table, an infor­mal gath­er­ing that seeks to fur­ther mutu­al busi­ness inter­ests. . . .”

[11]

Sub­has Chan­dra Bose

Note, also, Surya Kuma Bose’s net­work­ing with Alexan­der Werth [10], the Ger­man trans­la­tor for Sub­has Chan­dra Bose’s Ger­man forces, which were fold­ed into the Waf­fen SS at the end of World War II. ” . . . . Back in the day, Netaji’s stay in Ger­many had proved instru­men­tal in shap­ing his strug­gle. Decades lat­er, that lega­cy would play a piv­otal role in shap­ing his grandnephew’s career. Bose came to Ger­many on the advice of Alexan­der Werth, Netaji’s Ger­man inter­preter in the Indi­an Legion. . . .”

[12]

Sub­has Chan­dra Bose Meets Hitler

In an audio seg­ment from 1985 (con­tained in FTR #1068 [13]), we accessed infor­ma­tion from Spies and Trai­tors of World War II by Kurt Singer.  That vol­ume, writ­ten just after World War II, notes the par­tic­i­pa­tion in the Ger­man-Indi­an Soci­ety of Ger­man intel­li­gence chief Admi­ral Wil­helm Canaris (head of the Abwehr.) This makes the DIG an ele­ment of polit­i­cal, eco­nom­ic, mil­i­tary and intel­li­gence con­ti­nu­ity from the World War II peri­od to the present.

Recap­ping infor­ma­tion [14] about what we feel is an “Ille­gal Immi­grant Psy-Op,” we review the piv­otal role [15] of a fake Face­book account in the gen­er­a­tion of the immi­grant car­a­van that became a pro­pa­gan­da foot­ball for Team Trump in the run-up to the 2018 mid-term elec­tions.

We also not­ed the mur­der of Mol­lie Tib­betts [16], alleged­ly by Chris­t­ian Rivera. Bear­ing sim­i­lar­i­ties to the mind-con­trol [17] of RFK assas­si­na­tion pat­sy Sirhan Sirhan and the appar­ent role of the Pol­ka-Dot-Dress Girl [18] in that gam­bit, Rivera “blacked out” and has no mem­o­ry of the mur­der.

Next we review Glenn Green­wald’s piv­otal role [19] in run­ning legal inter­fer­ence [20] for the lead­er­less resis­tance strat­e­gy, the lit­er­a­ture pub­lished  by the Nation­al Alliance [21], in par­tic­u­lar.

We then briefly detail the lead­er­less resis­tance strat­e­gy [22] as set forth by Louis Beam, not­ing that the Inter­net, social media, chat groups and bul­letin boards dra­mat­i­cal­ly ampli­fy the reach of that strat­e­gy.

The Turn­er Diariespub­lished by the Nation­al Alliance, is high­ly influ­en­tial in the milieu of the lead­er­less resis­tance. A nov­el, it was craft­ed as an instruc­tion­al man­u­al and tool of ide­o­log­i­cal inspi­ra­tion to the Nazi move­ment.

Depict­ing a suc­cess­ful Nazi upris­ing against what is por­trayed as ZOG (Zion­ist Occu­pa­tion Gov­ern­ment), the book opens [23] with the con­fis­ca­tion of firearms by the author­i­ties.

Although reac­tion to the recent shoot­ings in El Paso and Day­ton will not lead to the con­fis­ca­tion of firearms, any moves toward gun con­trol will be por­trayed as such in the fas­cist media and inter­net echo cham­ber.

In that con­text, we note that New Zealand shoot­er Bren­ton Tar­rant intend­ed his action [24] to inspire  gun con­trol mea­sures in the U.S., which he  felt would lead to a Nazi upris­ing.

We con­clude with review of Tar­ran­t’s stay in Ukraine, and pos­si­ble net­work­ing with the Azov Bat­tal­ion [25].

1a. Surya Kumar Bose is pres­i­dent of the Indo-Ger­man asso­ci­a­tion [8]. ” . . . . Surya, who has a soft­ware con­sul­tan­cy busi­ness in Ham­burg and is pres­i­dent of the Indo-Ger­man Asso­ci­a­tion . . . .”

We note the gen­e­sis [10] of the Indo-Ger­man asso­ci­a­tion in Ger­many dur­ing World War II: ” . . . . The DIG was set up on Sep­tem­ber 11, 1942, by Sub­hash Chan­dra Bose at Hotel Atlanta in Ham­burg.’ . . . . Bose recounts, adding that the DIG today is the largest bilat­er­al organ­i­sa­tion in Ger­many, with 27 branch­es. As a con­sul­tant he often guides Ger­mans keen on work­ing in the boom­ing Indi­an IT sec­tor. He is also a founder-mem­ber of the Ger­man-Indi­an Round Table, an infor­mal gath­er­ing that seeks to fur­ther mutu­al busi­ness inter­ests. . . .”

Note, also, Surya Kuma Bose’s net­work­ing with Alexan­der Werth [10], the Ger­man trans­la­tor for Sub­has Chan­dra Bose’s Ger­man forces, which were fold­ed into the Waf­fen SS at the end of World War II. ” . . . . Back in the day, Netaji’s stay in Ger­many had proved instru­men­tal in shap­ing his strug­gle. Decades lat­er, that lega­cy would play a piv­otal role in shap­ing his grandnephew’s career. Bose came to Ger­many on the advice of Alexan­der Werth, Netaji’s Ger­man inter­preter in the Indi­an Legion. . . .”

“Lega­cy Wrapped in a Mys­tery” by Ragi­ni Bhuyan; The Hin­du Busi­nessLine; 7/17/2015. [10]

[7]1b.  Audio seg­ment from FTR #1068 [13]. Text: Spies and Trai­tors of World War II by Kurt Singer.

1c. In FTR #718 [26], we warned [back in 2010] that Face­book was not the cud­dly lit­tle enti­ty it was per­ceived to be but a poten­tial engine of fas­cism enabling. Momen­tum for the remark­ably timed immi­grant car­a­van that became a focal point for Trump/GOP/Fox News pro­pa­gan­da dur­ing the recent­ly-con­clud­ed midterm elec­tions was gen­er­at­ed [14]by a fake Face­book account, which mim­ic­ked [15] a Hon­duran politician/human rights activist, Bar­to­lo Fuentes. Sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the event:

  1. ” . . . . Face­book has admit­ted the account was an imposter account imper­son­at­ing a promi­nent Hon­duran politi­cian. But it is refus­ing to release infor­ma­tion about the account, who may have set it up or what coun­try it orig­i­nat­ed from. . . .”
  2. ” . . . . In response to a query from Buz­zFeed News, a Face­book spokesper­son said the pho­ny account ‘was removed for vio­lat­ing [the company’s] mis­rep­re­sen­ta­tion pol­i­cy,’ but declined to share any fur­ther infor­ma­tion, such as what coun­try it orig­i­nat­ed from, what email address was used to open it, or any oth­er details that might reveal who was behind it. Face­book added that, bar­ring a sub­poe­na or request from law enforce­ment, it does not share such infor­ma­tion out of respect for the pri­va­cy of its users. Fuentes said he believes it’s impor­tant to find out who was behind the rogue account — but hasn’t got­ten any answers from Face­book. ‘Who knows how many mes­sages could have been sent and who received them?’ . . . .”
  3. [27] ” . . . . Fuentes has been unable to get any infor­ma­tion from Face­book about the account, but one small detail stood out. Who­ev­er cre­at­ed it list­ed the Hon­duran cap­i­tal of Tegu­ci­gal­pa as Fuentes’s home­town, rather than the San Pedro Sula sub­urb of El Pro­gre­so. That might seem like a minor error, but it’s the sort of mis­take a for­eign­er — not a Hon­duran — would make about the well-known for­mer law­mak­er, whose left-wing par­ty stands in oppo­si­tion to the cur­rent president’s admin­is­tra­tion. . . . ”
  4. ” . . . . It oper­at­ed entire­ly in Span­ish and pre­cise­ly tar­get­ed influ­encers with­in the migrant rights com­mu­ni­ty. And rather than crit­i­cize or under­mine the car­a­van — as oth­er online cam­paigns would lat­er attempt to do — it was used to legit­imize the event, mak­ing a loose­ly struc­tured grass­roots event appear to be a well-orga­nized effort by an estab­lished migrant group with a proven track record of suc­cess­ful­ly bring­ing Cen­tral Amer­i­can peo­ple to the US bor­der. . . .”
  5. ” . . . . before the account got start­ed not many peo­ple seemed to be join­ing. Only after the account kicked into gear did enthu­si­asm and par­tic­i­pa­tion spike. The account also claimed false­ly that the car­a­van was being led by a migrant rights orga­ni­za­tion called Pueblo Sin Fron­teras. Lat­er, once the car­a­van swelled to a mas­sive scale, the Pueblo Sin Fron­teras did get involved, though in a sup­port rather than lead­er­ship role. . . .”
  6. [28]” . . . . It appears that this account helped the car­a­van gain key momen­tum to the point where its size became a self-ful­fill­ing prophe­cy, spurring even more to join and groups which hadn’t been sup­port­ive to get involved. . . .”
  7. ” . . . . It’s hard to believe one Face­book account could play that deci­sive a role. But the account seems to have been sophis­ti­cat­ed. And it is equal­ly dif­fi­cult to believe that a sophis­ti­cat­ed oper­a­tor or orga­ni­za­tion would have gone to such trou­ble and lim­it­ed their efforts to a sin­gle imposter account. . . .”

1d. In the sum­mer of 2018, we high­light­ed the first degree mur­der charge [16] laid against an “ille­gal” Mex­i­can migrant work­er fol­low­ing the dis­cov­ery of a deceased white Iowa col­lege girl Mol­lie Tib­betts. This became pro­pa­gan­da fod­der for Team Trump.

We note in this con­text that:

  1. The announce­ment of River­a’s arrest for the Tib­betts mur­der hap­pened on the same day that Paul Man­afort’s con­vic­tion was announced and Michael Cohen plead­ed guilty. Might we be look­ing at an “op,” intend­ed to eclipse the neg­a­tive pub­lic­i­ty from the the Manafort/Cohen judi­cial events?
  2. Rivera exhib­it­ed pos­si­ble symp­toms of being sub­ject­ed to mind con­trol, not unlike Sirhan Sirhan. ” . . . . Inves­ti­ga­tors say Rivera fol­lowed Mol­lie in his dark Chevy Mal­ibu as she went for a run around 7.30pm on July 18. He ‘blacked out’ and attacked her after she threat­ened to call the police unless he left her alone, offi­cers said. . . . It is not yet clear how Mol­lie died. . . . Rivera told police that after see­ing her, he pulled over and parked his car to get out and run with her. . . . Mol­lie grabbed her phone and threat­ened to call the police before run­ning off ahead. The sus­pect said that made him ‘pan­ic’ and he chased after her. That’s when he ‘blacked out.’ He claims he remem­bers noth­ing from then until he was back in his car, dri­ving. He then noticed one of her ear­phones sit­ting on his lap and blood in the car then remem­bered he’d stuffed her in the truck. . . . ‘He fol­lowed her and seemed to be drawn to her on that par­tic­u­lar day. For what­ev­er rea­son he chose to abduct her,’ Iowa Depart­ment of Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion spe­cial agent Rick Ryan said on Tues­day after­noon. . . . ‘Rivera stat­ed that she grabbed her phone and said: ‘I’m gonna call the police.’ . . . . ‘Rivera said he then pan­icked and he got mad and that he ‘blocked’ his mem­o­ry which is what he does when he gets very upset and does­n’t remem­ber any­thing after that until he came to at an inter­sec­tion.’ . . .”
  3. Just as Sirhan had been in a right-wing milieu pri­or to the Robert Kennedy assas­si­na­tion, so, too, was Rivera: ” . . . . The promi­nent Repub­li­can fam­i­ly which owns the farm where Mol­lie Tib­betts’ alleged killer worked have insist­ed that he passed back­ground checks for migrant work­ers. Christhi­an Rivera, 24, who is from Mex­i­co, was charged with first degree mur­der on Tues­day after lead­ing police to a corn field where Mol­lie’s body was dumped. Dane Lang, co-own­er of Yarrabee Farms along with Eric Lang, con­firmed that Rivera had worked there for four years and was an employ­ee ‘of good stand­ing.’ Dane’s broth­er is Craig Lang, for­mer pres­i­dent of the Iowa Farm Bureau Fed­er­a­tion and the Iowa Board of Regents, and a 2018 Repub­li­can can­di­date for state sec­re­tary of agri­cul­ture. . . .”
  4. Trump cit­ed the Tib­betts mur­der in a Charleston, West Vir­ginia, ral­ly that day: ” . . . . Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump chirped in dur­ing his Tues­day address at a ral­ly in Charleston, West Vir­ginia, blam­ing immi­gra­tion laws for Mol­lie’s death. ‘You heard about today with the ille­gal alien com­ing in very sad­ly from Mex­i­co,’ he said. ‘And you saw what hap­pened to that incred­i­ble beau­ti­ful young woman. ‘Should’ve nev­er hap­pened, ille­gal­ly in our coun­try. We’ve had a huge impact but the laws are so bad. The immi­gra­tion laws are such a dis­grace. ‘We are get­ting them changed but we have to get more Repub­li­cans.’ Gov. Kim Reynolds com­plained about the ‘bro­ken’ immi­gra­tion sys­tem that allowed a ‘preda­tor’ to live in her state. . . .”

“Promi­nent Iowa Repub­li­can Fam­i­ly which Owns Farm where Mol­lie Tib­betts’ Alleged Killer Worked say he PASSED Gov­ern­men­t’s Migrant Back­ground Check as the 24-year-old Is Charged with Her Mur­der after Admit­ting to ‘Chas­ing Her Down while Jog­ging’” by Ben Ash­ford, Chris Pleas­ance, Jen­nifer Smith and Han­nah Par­ry; Dai­ly Mail [UK]; 8/21/2018. [16]

The promi­nent Repub­li­can fam­i­ly which owns the farm where Mol­lie Tib­betts’ alleged killer worked have insist­ed that he passed back­ground checks for migrant work­ers.

Christhi­an Rivera, 24, who is from Mex­i­co, was charged with first degree mur­der on Tues­day after lead­ing police to a corn field where Mol­lie’s body was dumped.

Dane Lang, co-own­er of Yarrabee Farms along with Eric Lang, con­firmed that Rivera had worked there for four years and was an employ­ee ‘of good stand­ing.’

Dane’s broth­er is Craig Lang, for­mer pres­i­dent of the Iowa Farm Bureau Fed­er­a­tion and the Iowa Board of Regents, and a 2018 Repub­li­can can­di­date for state sec­re­tary of agri­cul­ture.

Dane’s state­ment said: ‘First and fore­most, our thoughts and prayers are with the fam­i­ly and friends of Mol­lie Tib­betts.

‘This is a pro­found­ly sad day for our com­mu­ni­ty. All of us at Yarrabee Farms are shocked to hear that one of our employ­ees was involved and is charged in this case.

‘This indi­vid­ual has worked at our farms for four years, was vet­ted through the gov­ern­men­t’s E‑Verify sys­tem, and was an employ­ee in good stand­ing.

‘On Mon­day, the author­i­ties vis­it­ed our farm and talked to our employ­ees. We have coop­er­at­ed ful­ly with their inves­ti­ga­tion.’

The E‑Verify site allows employ­ers to estab­lish the eli­gi­bil­i­ty of employ­ees, both US or for­eign, by com­par­ing a work­er’s Employ­ment Eli­gi­bil­i­ty Ver­i­fi­ca­tion Form I‑9 with data held by the gov­ern­ment.

The employ­ee is eli­gi­ble to work in the US if the data match­es. If it does­n’t, the work­er has only eight fed­er­al gov­ern­ment work days to resolve the issue.

Despite the Lang fam­i­ly using the sys­tem, police say Rivera had been in the US ille­gal­ly for between four and sev­en years.

Inves­ti­ga­tors say Rivera fol­lowed Mol­lie in his dark Chevy Mal­ibu as she went for a run around 7.30pm on July 18.

He ‘blacked out’ and attacked her after she threat­ened to call the police unless he left her alone, offi­cers said. 

Rivera was iden­ti­fied by sur­veil­lance footage obtained in the last cou­ple of weeks from some­one’s home.

It showed him fol­low­ing the stu­dent in his car and Mol­lie run­ning ahead of him.  It is not yet clear how Mol­lie died. 

Ear­li­er Mon­day a mem­ber of the Lang fam­i­ly which runs Yarrabee Farms told DailyMail.com he was a per­son­al friend of Mol­lie and her broth­ers and was ‘dev­as­tat­ed’ by the news of her death.

It’s under­stood the com­pa­ny hires around 15 migrant work­ers, most of whom are believed to be Mex­i­can.

Rivera is believed to have lived with a num­ber of oth­er migrant work­ers on a seclud­ed farm­house in Brook­lyn owned by their employ­er.

Work­ers asso­ci­at­ed with the farm told DailyMail.com that they bare­ly knew Rivera but con­firmed that he lived there with a girl­friend named Iris Monar­rez and their baby.

They said Iris had gone to stay with her moth­er after Rivera was arrest­ed in Mol­lie’s mur­der.

Neigh­bors told DailyMail.com they had seen a black Chevy Mal­ibu just like the one Rivera was dri­ving when he abduct­ed Mol­lie reg­u­lar­ly dri­ving to and from the prop­er­ty for the past cou­ple of years. 

Mol­lie’s autop­sy is planned for Wednes­day but the results may not be released for weeks.

Rivera told police that after see­ing her, he pulled over and parked his car to get out and run with her. 

Mol­lie grabbed her phone and threat­ened to call the police before run­ning off ahead. The sus­pect said that made him ‘pan­ic’ and he chased after her.

That’s when he ‘blacked out.’  

He claims he remem­bers noth­ing from then until he was back in his car, dri­ving. 

He then noticed one of her ear­phones sit­ting on his lap and blood in the car then remem­bered he’d stuffed her in the truck. 

Rivera drove her then to a corn field where he hauled her body out of the truck and hid her beneath corn stalks.

He was arrest­ed on Fri­day after police honed in on his vehi­cle by view­ing sur­veil­lance footage obtained from a pri­vate res­i­den­t’s home sur­veil­lance cam­eras.

‘He fol­lowed her and seemed to be drawn to her on that par­tic­u­lar day. For what­ev­er rea­son he chose to abduct her,’ Iowa Depart­ment of Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion spe­cial agent Rick Ryan said on Tues­day after­noon. 

But it’s still unclear what the motive behind the killing was, Rahn said.

Rivera told police he had seen her in the area before. She is friends on Face­book with the moth­er of his daugh­ter but it is not clear if he and Mol­lie knew each oth­er.

Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump chirped in dur­ing his Tues­day address at a ral­ly in Charleston, West Vir­ginia, blam­ing immi­gra­tion laws for Mol­lie’s death.

‘You heard about today with the ille­gal alien com­ing in very sad­ly from Mex­i­co,’ he said. ‘And you saw what hap­pened to that incred­i­ble beau­ti­ful young woman.

‘Should’ve nev­er hap­pened, ille­gal­ly in our coun­try. We’ve had a huge impact but the laws are so bad. The immi­gra­tion laws are such a dis­grace. 

‘We are get­ting them changed but we have to get more Repub­li­cans.’

Gov. Kim Reynolds com­plained about the ‘bro­ken’ immi­gra­tion sys­tem that allowed a ‘preda­tor’ to live in her state.

‘I spoke with Mol­lie’s fam­i­ly and passed on the heart­felt con­do­lences of a griev­ing state,’ Reynolds said. ‘I shared with them my hope that they can find com­fort know­ing that God does not leave us to suf­fer alone. Even in our dark­est moments, He will com­fort and heal our bro­ken hearts.’

At 3pm on Mon­day, law enforce­ment arrived at the farm­house where Rivera worked, accord­ing to a neigh­bor.

FBI agents were still search­ing the house and a num­ber of near­by trail­ers on Tues­day after­noon.

Neigh­bors said the build­ing housed a ‘revolv­ing door’ of hired migrant work­ers but that they had nev­er caused any prob­lems.

FBI agents attend­ed anoth­er near­by prop­er­ty belong­ing to the farm overnight Mon­day to quiz River­a’s co-work­ers, most of whom claim only to under­stand Span­ish.

‘There was a pan­ic when they arrived because they thought at first that it was ICE launch­ing a raid,’ a local source told DailyMail.com.

‘A lot of these peo­ple arrive with forged doc­u­ments. But it turned it was the FBI and it was about Mol­lie.’

Accord­ing to pub­lic records the prop­er­ty being searched is owned by Mary and Craig Lang, whose fam­i­ly own the near­by Yarrabee Farms.

Mol­lie was stay­ing alone overnight in her boyfriend’s home the night she went miss­ing and was last seen going for a jog in the neigh­bor­hood at around 8pm but what hap­pened after­wards has remained a com­plete mys­tery for weeks. 

Her boyfriend opened a Snapchat pho­to­graph from her at 10pm which appeared to sug­gest that she was indoors but it is not known what time Mol­lie sent it.

In his arrest war­rant, police describe River­a’s chill­ing con­fes­sion.

‘Rivera admit­ted to mak­ing con­tact with the female run­ning in Brook­lyn and that he pur­sued her in his vehi­cle in an area east of Brook­lyn. Defen­dant Rivera stat­ed he parked the vehi­cle, got out and was run­ning behind her and along­side of her.

‘Rivera stat­ed that she grabbed her phone and said: ‘I’m gonna call the police.’

‘Rivera said he then pan­icked and he got mad and that he ‘blocked’ his mem­o­ry which is what he does when he gets very upset and does­n’t remem­ber any­thing after that until he came to at an inter­sec­tion.

‘Rivera stat­ed he then made a u‑turn, drove back to an entrance to a field and then drove into a dri­ve­way to a corn­field.

‘He noticed there was an ear piece from head­phones in his lap and that this is how he real­ized he put her in the trunk.

‘He went to get her out of the trunk and he noticed blood on the side of her head.

‘He described the female’s cloth­ing, what she was wear­ing includ­ing an ear phone or head phone set.

‘He described that he dragged Tib­betts on foot from his vehi­cle to a seclud­ed loca­tion in a corn­field.

‘He put her over his shoul­der and took her about 20 meters into the corn­field and he left her cov­ered in some corn leaves and that he left her there, face up.

‘The Defen­dant was able to use his phone to deter­mine the route he trav­eled from Brook­lyn.

‘Rivera then lat­er guid­ed law enforce­ment to her loca­tion from mem­o­ry,’ the affi­davit con­tin­ues.

River­a’s arrest and the dis­cov­ery of the stu­den­t’s body brings an end to five weeks of tire­less inves­ti­ga­tion by the FBI, the Iowa Divi­sion of Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion and local sher­iffs.

River­a’s ini­tial court appear­ance is sched­uled for 1pm Wednes­day in Mon­tezu­ma.

If con­vict­ed of first-degree mur­der he faces a manda­to­ry sen­tence of life in prison with­out parole.

Last week, the FBI said it believed she had been abduct­ed by some­one she knew.

They warned that the per­son was ‘hid­ing in plain sight’ and had even attend­ed vig­ils held in her hon­or but no arrests were made.

A $400,000 fund for her safe return was estab­lished but it did not pro­duce any leads either.

Greg Wil­ley of Crime Stop­pers of Cen­tral Iowa said her fam­i­ly and inves­ti­ga­tors would ded­i­cate their resources to catch­ing her killer ‘once they catch their breath’.

The Iowa Depart­ment of Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion refused to share details of the dis­cov­ery on Tues­day when con­tact­ed by DailyMail.com.

The only per­son who had been vis­i­bly scru­ti­nized by police after she went miss­ing was pig farmer Wayne Cheney.

He was grilled by offi­cers more than once and had his prop­er­ty searched twice after search crews found a red t‑shirt that was sim­i­lar to one owned by the stu­dent near his land.

It was nev­er estab­lished if the t‑shirt did in fact belong to Mol­lie.

Mol­lie’s father Rob went back to Cal­i­for­nia, where he lives, last week for what he called a much need­ed ‘break’ from the inves­ti­ga­tion

He said he had been urged by author­i­ties to do so and that it was a ‘half way’ point in the inves­ti­ga­tion.

Rob was not in the state when his daugh­ter dis­ap­peared.

Her boyfriend, Dal­ton Jack, was away for work when she dis­ap­peared as was his old­er broth­er Blake.

The young­sters lived togeth­er in a home in Brook­lyn with Blake’s fiancee who was also cleared.

As the hunt for her inten­si­fied,  author­i­ties set up a web­site that was ded­i­cate to find­ing her.

It pro­vid­ed a map detail­ing five loca­tions police con­sid­ered to be sig­nif­i­cant. The web­site also offered a tips page which gen­er­at­ed hun­dreds of clues about what may have hap­pened to her.

The news of her death shook the small town of Brook­lyn where most res­i­dents are known to each oth­er.

The Rev. Joyce Proc­tor at Grace Unit­ed Methodist Church said she’d been pray­ing for Tib­betts’ ene­mies ‘to do the right thing... and release her.’

Sad­ly that nev­er hap­pened.

Proc­tor, who said she heard Tib­betts ‘was a won­der­ful young lady’, said peo­ple were in shock their lit­tle town isn’t as safe as they first believed it was, the Des Moines Reg­is­ter [29] report­ed.

‘I told the ladies at our prayer group this morn­ing that if it’s not safe in Brook­lyn it’s not safe any­where,’ she said. ‘And I think that’s been a hard thing to real­ize for a lot of peo­ple here.’

2. Anoth­er icon of the so-called “pro­gres­sive” sector–Glenn Greenwald–harbors views on immi­gra­tion which have a Trumpian tone:

“Would You Feel Dif­fer­ent­ly About Snow­den, Green­wald, and Assange If You Knew What They Real­ly Thought?” by Sean Wilentz; The New Repub­lic; 1/19/2014. [19]

. . . . Greenwald’s oth­er clients includ­ed the neo-Nazi Nation­al Alliance, who were impli­cat­ed in an espe­cial­ly hor­ri­ble crime. Two white suprema­cists on Long Island had picked up a pair of unsus­pect­ing Mex­i­can day labor­ers, lured them into an aban­doned ware­house, and then clubbed them with a crow­bar and stabbed them repeat­ed­ly. The day labor­ers man­aged to escape, and when they recov­ered from their injuries, they sued the Nation­al Alliance and oth­er hate groups, alleg­ing that they had inspired the attack­ers. . . .

. . . . On cer­tain issues, though, his [Green­wald’s] prose was suf­fused with right-wing con­ceits and catch­phras­es. One exam­ple was immi­gra­tion, on which Green­wald then held sur­pris­ing­ly hard-line views. “The parade of evils caused by ille­gal immi­gra­tion is wide­ly known,” Green­wald wrote in 2005. The facts, to him, were indis­putable: “ille­gal immi­gra­tion wreaks hav­oc eco­nom­i­cal­ly, social­ly, and cul­tur­al­ly; makes a mock­ery of the rule of law; and is dis­grace­ful just on basic fair­ness grounds alone.” Defend­ing the nativist con­gress­man Tom Tan­cre­do from charges of racism, Green­wald wrote of “unman­age­ably end­less hordes of peo­ple [who] pour over the bor­der in num­bers far too large to assim­i­late, and who con­se­quent­ly have no need, moti­va­tion or abil­i­ty to assim­i­late.” Those hordes, Green­wald wrote, posed a threat to “mid­dle-class sub­ur­ban vot­ers.” . . . .

3. In addi­tion to Matthew Hale, Green­wald also rep­re­sent­ed a con­sor­tium of neo-Naz­i/White Suprema­cist groups, includ­ing the Nation­al Alliance [21].

Being sued for incit­ing two white suprema­cists to attack Lati­no day-labor­ers [30], they were rep­re­sent­ed by Green­wald. It was Green­wald’s con­tention that he was moti­vat­ed by the need to pre­serve the free speech rights [20] of these groups.

“The Day the Blog­gers Won” by Eric Boehlert; salon.com; 5/19/2007. [31]

. . . . His work was at times polit­i­cal in the sense that he took on unpop­u­lar clients in free speech cas­es that spot­light­ed the prac­ti­cal ten­sions between the rights of indi­vid­u­als and the col­lec­tive urges of the com­mu­ni­ty. In 2002 he defend­ed a stri­dent anti-immi­gra­tion group, Nation­al Alliance, in a New York civ­il rights law­suit after two Mex­i­can day work­ers were beat­en and stabbed on Long Island by two men pos­ing as con­trac­tors in search of labor­ers. The vic­tims claimed that the anti-immi­gra­tion rhetoric of Nation­al Alliance, which urged racist vio­lence against Lati­no immi­grants and oth­er racial minori­ties, was part­ly to blame for the beat­ings. Green­wald argued that the case rep­re­sent­ed a mis­guid­ed attempt to impose lia­bil­i­ty and pun­ish­ment on groups because of their polit­i­cal and reli­gious views. A fed­er­al judge threw out the case. . . .

4. More about the attack on the Mex­i­can day-labor­ers and Green­wald’s defense of the Nation­al Alliance.

“Anti-Immi­grant Groups Can’t Be Held Liable for Attack” [AP]; First Amend­ment Cen­ter; 9/16/2002. [20]

A fed­er­al judge has dis­missed a civ­il rights law­suit that held sev­en anti-immi­gra­tion orga­ni­za­tions part­ly respon­si­ble for the bru­tal Sep­tem­ber 2000 attack on a pair of Mex­i­can day labor­ers.

But work­ers Israel Perez and Mag­daleno Estra­da can still pur­sue civ­il rights claims against the two men con­vict­ed of beat­ing them, U.S. Dis­trict Judge Joan­na Sey­bert ruled on Sept. 13.

In her deci­sion, Sey­bert said the sev­en groups did not vio­late the two immi­grants’ civ­il rights by mak­ing anti-immi­grant state­ments. A lawyer for one of the groups, the Farm­ingville-based Sachem Qual­i­ty of Life, praised the rul­ing. . . .

. . . Perez and Estra­da were beat­en and stabbed by Christo­pher Slavin and Ryan Wag­n­er in Sep­tem­ber 2000. The pair had posed as con­trac­tors look­ing for day labor­ers.

Both attack­ers were con­vict­ed of attempt­ed mur­der, and sen­tenced to 25 years in prison. . . .

. . . . The news­pa­per also report­ed that the law­suit claimed that the phi­los­o­phy of white suprema­cist orga­ni­za­tions — includ­ing the West Vir­ginia-based Nation­al Alliance and Amer­i­can Patrol in Sher­man Oaks, Calif. — urged racist vio­lence against Lati­no immi­grants and oth­er racial minori­ties. News­day report­ed that Brew­ing­ton said the group’s urg­ings prompt­ed the attacks.

“The law­suit was a very dan­ger­ous attempt to start impos­ing lia­bil­i­ty and pun­ish­ment on groups because of their polit­i­cal and reli­gious views,” Glenn Green­wald, a Man­hat­tan attor­ney rep­re­sent­ing the Nation­al Alliance and oth­er groups, was quot­ed by Newsweek as say­ing. “If you can be liable for the actions of oth­er peo­ple who hear your views, then you would be afraid to ever express any views that were ever uncon­ven­tion­al.”

5. An arti­cle that will be dis­cussed in the next pro­gram in this series (prob­a­bly in two weeks, as an inter­view is ten­ta­tive­ly sched­uled for next week), we high­light Louis Beam’s for­mu­la­tion of the “Lead­er­less  Resis­tance” strat­e­gy.

“The Strat­e­gy of Vio­lent White Suprema­cy Is Evolv­ing” by J.M. Berg­er; The Atlantic; 8/7/2019. [22]

. . . . In the 1980s, [Louis] Beam, a for­mer Klans­man and Aryan Nations activist, had been linked to The Order [32], a semi-inde­pen­dent ter­ror­ist cell that car­ried out a spree of armed rob­beries and mur­der before final­ly being stopped by the FBI. Although The Order act­ed most­ly at its own dis­cre­tion, it fun­neled some of the pro­ceeds from its crimes back into for­mal white-nation­al­ist orga­ni­za­tions.

Believ­ing that The Order’s activ­i­ties had been close­ly coor­di­nat­ed with lead­ers of the white-suprema­cist move­ment, the Jus­tice Depart­ment indict­ed 14 promi­nent figures—including Beam—for sedi­tious con­spir­a­cy [33] in 1987. The high-pro­file tri­al was a dis­as­ter for the gov­ern­ment, end­ing in the exon­er­a­tion of all those accused (13 acquit­tals and one dis­missal of charges). But it was also bad for the accused, some of whom were impris­oned for oth­er crimes, and oth­ers made infa­mous, no longer able to oper­ate from the shad­ows.

Beam him­self leaned into his new noto­ri­ety, pub­lish­ing a racist mag­a­zine taunt­ing­ly titled The Sedi­tion­ist, in whose pages appeared the essay for which he is most remem­bered, “Lead­er­less Resis­tance.” Beam had not invent­ed the idea, which was au courant in white-nation­al­ist cir­cles of the day, but he explic­it­ly artic­u­lat­ed and enthu­si­as­ti­cal­ly endorsed it. Allud­ing indi­rect­ly to his expe­ri­ence in the sedi­tion tri­al, the thrust of his florid­ly writ­ten argu­ment can be summed up as fol­lows:

  • The struc­ture of “resis­tance” (mean­ing white-suprema­cist) orga­ni­za­tions is too vul­ner­a­ble to dis­rup­tion by the oppres­sive U.S. fed­er­al gov­ern­ment, which through infil­tra­tion and pros­e­cu­tion will “crush” any orga­ni­za­tion with real poten­tial to resist it effec­tive­ly.
  • The solu­tion to this prob­lem is that extrem­ists should adopt a strat­e­gy of self-direct­ed action on an indi­vid­ual lev­el, or as part of very small cells that oper­ate inde­pen­dent­ly from one anoth­er and from any larg­er orga­ni­za­tion.
  • These indi­vid­ual cells and orga­ni­za­tions should not take orders from any­one else in the move­ment but should instead loose­ly coor­di­nate their activ­i­ties based on a shared infor­ma­tion infra­struc­ture of wide­ly dis­trib­uted “news­pa­pers, leaflets, com­put­ers, etc.”
  • Num­bers were key to the strat­e­gy, as out­lined by Beam, because the FBI would be over­whelmed with the demands of inves­ti­gat­ing so many indi­vid­u­als and tiny uncon­nect­ed groups. “A thou­sand small phan­tom cells … is an intel­li­gence night­mare for a gov­ern­ment,” he wrote.

A lit­tle more than three years after the essay was pub­lished, the strat­e­gy pro­duced what was, for a time, con­sid­ered to be its most notable suc­cess, the Okla­homa City bomb­ing [34]. But that plot, car­ried out by a small cell super­fi­cial­ly sim­i­lar to what Beam had described, served in many ways to high­light the strategy’s weak­ness­es.

The first dis­con­ti­nu­ity relat­ed to the “lead­er­less” part of the equa­tion. While Tim­o­thy McVeigh and his co-con­spir­a­tors (at min­i­mum Ter­ry Nichols and Michael Forti­er) were nev­er proved to have tak­en direc­tion from an orga­ni­za­tion, they were hard­ly inde­pen­dent and uncon­nect­ed. McVeigh  com­mu­ni­cat­ed with many white suprema­cists and anti-gov­ern­ment extrem­ists as he advanced his plot, includ­ing trav­el­ing very near to Beam him­self [35] and com­mu­ni­cat­ing with sev­er­al of Beam’s asso­ciates. He also repeat­ed­ly reached out [36] to an even wider assort­ment of lead­ers, activists, and orga­ni­za­tions, although most of these efforts appear to have been unsuc­cess­ful. If McVeigh was not con­nect­ed to an orga­ni­za­tion or leader, it was not for lack of try­ing. . . .

. . . . Then came the inter­net. Beam’s orig­i­nal con­cep­tion of lead­er­less resis­tance required wide­ly dis­trib­uted “news­pa­pers, leaflets, com­put­ers, etc.” to spread extrem­ist ide­olo­gies and loose­ly syn­chro­nize the activ­i­ties of lead­er­less “phan­tom cells” by sig­nal­ing the time and type of the required action.

While white suprema­cists cer­tain­ly gen­er­at­ed enough of this material—thousands and thou­sands of pages pro­duced fair­ly con­sis­tent­ly over the course of decades—virtually no one saw it. When Beam intro­duced the lead­er­less con­cept in 1992, the only media plat­forms that could meet the require­ments of his strategy—television, com­mer­cial radio, and com­mer­cial presses—were pro­hib­i­tive­ly expen­sive and pro­tect­ed by reg­u­la­to­ry and cor­po­rate gate­keep­ers. All of the white-suprema­cist newslet­ters, video­tapes, short­wave-radio pro­grams, and cable-access shows com­bined could only reach a tiny frac­tion of the pop­u­la­tion.

The spir­it was will­ing, but the dis­tri­b­u­tion was weak, until the inter­net age arrived. White suprema­cists were ear­ly adopters, fol­low­ing the exam­ple of Beam, who had run dial-up BBS forums for white suprema­cists as ear­ly as the 1980s. In 1995, the for­mer Klans­man Don Black launched Storm­front [37], a white-suprema­cist mes­sage board that still oper­ates today. Oth­er boards and web­sites soon fol­lowed.

While these forums helped pro­vide some con­ti­nu­ity in the move­ment dur­ing the years that fol­lowed the Okla­homa City bomb­ing, they were not engines of growth. Open social-media plat­forms changed the game.

Jihadists were the first extrem­ists to extract real ter­ror­ist val­ue from the new envi­ron­ment. It began with Inspire, the Eng­lish-lan­guage mag­a­zine pro­duced by al-Qae­da in the Ara­bi­an Penin­su­la and dis­trib­uted online, first through jihadist mes­sage boards and lat­er on social media. Inspire weld­ed ide­o­log­i­cal provo­ca­tion to detailed instruc­tions about how to car­ry out ter­ror­ist attacks, alarm­ing media out­lets and pol­i­cy mak­ers enough to make sure that every­one with a tele­vi­sion or the inter­net knew about its exis­tence. After a slow start, the mag­a­zine even­tu­al­ly lived up to its name and inspired a sig­nif­i­cant num­ber of self-direct­ed ter­ror­ist attacks [38], most notably the Boston Marathon bomb­ing [39].

Even more dra­mat­ic was the rise of the Islam­ic State, whose slow-motion split from al-Qae­da was for­mal­ized in ear­ly 2014 amid an aggres­sive social-media cam­paign [40]. ISIS quick­ly went from auto­mat­ed “astro­turf” tweets to more sophis­ti­cat­ed forms of online recruit­ment [41], uti­liz­ing Face­book, Twit­ter, and oth­er plat­forms (remem­ber Google+?) to build enthu­si­as­tic com­mu­ni­ties of fans and suc­cess­ful­ly urge online sup­port­ers to car­ry out attacks. Some of these were again mis­con­strued [42] as lead­er­less or lone-wolf attacks, when in fact they were direct­ed quite sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly by the organization’s hier­ar­chy [43].

Mean­while, white suprema­cists were catch­ing up in the online space. Although many lega­cy white-nation­al­ist fig­ures and orga­ni­za­tions had Twit­ter or Face­book accounts by 2012 [44], most boast­ed only a hand­ful of fol­low­ers. By 2016, the same fig­ures on Twit­ter had increased their fol­low­er counts by more than 600 per­cent [45], and by 2018, hun­dreds of thou­sands [46] of new and lega­cy racist extrem­ists had flood­ed the plat­form. Those num­bers were ampli­fied by astro­turf, but unques­tion­ably includ­ed thou­sands of real, engaged peo­ple, many of whom were vis­i­ble par­tic­i­pants in main­stream pol­i­tics [47].

Less promi­nent plat­forms, includ­ing 4chan [48], 8chan [49], and Gab [50], made space for more extreme white suprema­cists who couldn’t col­or with­in the lines of the major social-media plat­forms’ rules. When Face­book [51] and YouTube [52] began, belat­ed­ly, to crack down on white-suprema­cist con­tent this year, many users moved to the encrypt­ed Telegram app, join­ing ISIS in exploit­ing that platform’s more per­mis­sive envi­ron­ment.

Deplat­form­ing helped reduce the over­all reach of white-suprema­cist pro­pa­gan­da, but users who migrat­ed to less promi­nent plat­forms quick­ly cre­at­ed a pres­sure-cook­er envi­ron­ment where rad­i­cal­iza­tion to vio­lence could take place very quick­ly, with adher­ents goad­ing one anoth­er into ever more extreme views and actions.

While all this was hap­pen­ing on the infor­ma­tion front, anoth­er impor­tant dynam­ic changed—the art of the pos­si­ble.

In 2011, the Nor­we­gian white suprema­cist and anti-Mus­lim extrem­ist Anders Behring Breivik [53] car­ried out a dev­as­tat­ing­ly dead­ly and tru­ly lone ter­ror­ist attack, killing 77 peo­ple [54] in a sin­gle day with no assis­tance, no accom­plices, and appar­ent­ly none of the crav­ing for val­i­da­tion that led Tim­o­thy McVeigh to make repeat­ed phone calls to white-suprema­cist lead­ers in the days before the Okla­homa City bomb­ing. Oth­er lone actors had killed before, but Breivik was set apart by his soli­tary plan, his mas­sive body count, and his 1,518-word man­i­festo, which laid out both his rea­sons for car­ry­ing out the attack and his detailed tac­ti­cal prepa­ra­tions.

That man­i­festo became the baton in a relay race of extrem­ists [55], passed from one ter­ror­ist mur­der­er to the next through online com­mu­ni­ties. Since Breivik’s attack, a series of ter­ror­ist imi­ta­tors and suc­ces­sors [56] have repli­cat­ed the form of the writ­ten record he left behind, and his style of attack. In the after­math of Breivik’s attack, a sig­nif­i­cant num­ber of extrem­ists, both white nation­al­ist and jihadist, car­ried out reg­u­lar and high­ly lethal gun mas­sacres with­out appar­ent direc­tion, includ­ing but not lim­it­ed to a mas­sacre at a Sikh tem­ple in Wis­con­sin in 2012, the Charleston church shoot­ing in June 2015, the San Bernardi­no shoot­ing in Decem­ber 2015, and the Pulse night­club shoot­ing in 2016. In July of this year, an anar­chist lone attack­er [57] was killed by police while mount­ing an assault on an ICE facil­i­ty in Taco­ma, Wash­ing­ton.

In recent months, the chain of cus­tody has become much clear­er and more explic­it, espe­cial­ly with­in white nation­al­ism. The Christchurch mosque shoot­er [58] pub­lished a man­i­festo in March 2019 that direct­ly cit­ed Breivik’s man­i­festo. In April, the attack­er of a Poway [59] syn­a­gogue post­ed a man­i­festo cit­ing the Christchurch doc­u­ment as inspi­ra­tion, and the killer in El Paso [60] on Sat­ur­day did the same. The next ter­ror­ist attack­er may well point to El Paso.

he lead­er­less-resis­tance strat­e­gy of yes­ter­year was unmoored from its time, but real­i­ty may final­ly have caught up with Beam’s mag­num opus. Yet in its cur­rent man­i­fes­ta­tion, lead­er­less resis­tance is still less than what Beam him­self and those who have inter­pret­ed his essay as a Roset­ta Stone for under­stand­ing and pri­or­i­tiz­ing the “lone wolf” mod­el of ter­ror­ism con­ceived it to be. The jury is still out as to whether the cur­rent iter­a­tion of the strat­e­gy can be con­sid­ered tru­ly lead­er­less or tru­ly a resis­tance move­ment.

On the lead­er­ship front, many of the recent attacks are ful­ly self-direct­ed, in the sense that no evi­dence has emerged that the per­pe­tra­tors are tak­ing orders from any one per­son. But a host of oth­er influ­ences are eas­i­er to detect. In place of lead­er­less resis­tance, we seem to be wit­ness­ing dis­trib­uted lead­er­ship, as 2019’s man­i­festo writ­ers sug­gest. The man­i­festos them­selves offer a form of direc­tion, and the three key examples—Christchurch, Poway, and El Paso—all fol­lowed the same vec­tor of intro­duc­tion. The doc­u­ments were post­ed to 8chan, where a com­mu­ni­ty of blood­thirsty boost­ers encour­age imi­ta­tors by lion­iz­ing pre­vi­ous killers, rat­ing them for the qual­i­ty of their man­i­festo writ­ing and their body count “high scores. [61]” . . . .

6. We note that the Nazi takeover por­trayed in the Turn­er Diaries begins with the con­fis­ca­tion of firearms. Although no one is advo­cat­ing the con­fis­ca­tion of firearms

The Turn­er Diaries; “Andrew Mac­don­ald;” Bar­ri­cade Books, Inc. [SC] 1996; Copy­right 1978, 1980 William Pierce; ISBN 1–56980-086–3. [23]

Chap­ter 1 Sep­tem­ber 16, 1991. Today it final­ly began! After all these years of talk­ing-and noth­ing but talk­ing-we have final­ly tak­en our first action. We are at war with the Sys­tem, and it is no longer a war of words. I can­not sleep, so I will try writ­ing down some of the thoughts which are fly­ing through my head. It is not safe to talk here. The walls are quite thin, and the neigh­bors might won­der at a late-night con­fer­ence. Besides, George and Kather­ine are already asleep. Only Hen­ry and I are still awake, and he’s just star­ing at the ceil­ing. I am real­ly uptight. I am so jit­tery I can bare­ly sit still. And I’m exhaust­ed. I’ve been up since 5:30 this morn­ing, when George phoned to warn that the arrests had begun, and it’s after mid­night now.

I’ve been keyed up and on the move all day. But at the same time I’m exhil­a­rat­ed. We have final­ly act­ed! How long we will be able to con­tin­ue defy­ing the Sys­tem, no one knows. Maybe it will all end tomor­row, but we must not think about that. Now that we have begun, we must con­tin­ue with the plan we have been devel­op­ing so care­ful­ly ever since the Gun Raids two years ago. What a blow that was to us! And how it shamed us! All that brave talk by patri­ots, “The gov­ern­ment will nev­er take my guns away,” and then noth­ing but meek sub­mis­sion when it hap­pened. On the oth­er hand, maybe we should be heart­ened by the fact that there were still so many of us who had guns then, near­ly 18 months after the Cohen Act had out­lawed all pri­vate own­er­ship of firearms in the Unit­ed States. It was only because so many of us defied the law and hid our weapons instead of turn­ing them in that the gov­ern­ment was­n’t able to act more harsh­ly against us after the Gun Raids. I’ll nev­er for­get that ter­ri­ble day: Novem­ber 9, 1989.

They knocked on my door at five in the morn­ing. I was com­plete­ly unsus­pect­ing as I got up to see who it was. I opened the door, and four Negroes came push­ing into the apart­ment before I could stop them. One was car­ry­ing a base­ball bat, and two had long kitchen knives thrust into their belts. The one with the bat shoved me back into a cor­ner and stood guard over me with his bat raised in a threat­en­ing posi­tion while the oth­er three began ran­sack­ing my apart­ment. My first thought was that they were rob­bers. Rob­beries of this sort had become all too com­mon since the Cohen Act, with groups of Blacks forc­ing their way into White homes to rob and rape, know­ing that even if their vic­tims had guns they prob­a­bly would not dare use them. Then the one who was guard­ing me flashed some kind of card and informed me that he and his accom­plices were “spe­cial deputies” for the North­ern Vir­ginia Human Rela­tions Coun­cil.

They were search­ing for firearms, he said. I could­n’t believe it. It just could­n’t be hap­pen­ing. Then I saw that they were wear­ing strips of green cloth tied around their left arms. As they dumped the con­tents of draw­ers on the floor and pulled lug­gage from the clos­et, they were ignor­ing things that rob­bers would­n’t have passed up: my brand-new elec­tric razor, a valu­able gold pock­et watch, a milk bot­tle full of dimes. They were look­ing for firearms! Right after the Cohen Act was passed, all of us in the Orga­ni­za­tion had cached our guns and ammu­ni­tion where they weren’t like­ly to be found. Those in my unit had care­ful­ly greased our weapons, sealed them in an oil drum, and spent all of one tedious week­end bury­ing the drum in an eight-foot-deep pit 200 miles away in the woods of west­ern Penn­syl­va­nia. But I had kept one gun out of the cache. I had hid­den my .357 mag­num revolver and 50 rounds of ammu­ni­tion inside the door frame between the kitchen and the liv­ing room. By pulling out two loos­ened nails and remov­ing one board from the door frame I could get to my revolver in about two min­utes flat if I ever need­ed it. I had timed myself. But a police search would nev­er uncov­er it. And these inex­pe­ri­enced Blacks could­n’t find it in a mil­lion years. . . .

8. It was with an eye toward gun con­trol (as por­trayed in The Turn­er Diaries) that Bren­ton Tar­rant, the appar­ent Christchurch shoot­er, under­took his shoot­ing and man­i­festo-post­ing.

 “Shit­post­ing, Inspi­ra­tional Ter­ror­ism and the Christchurch Mosque Mas­sacre,” by Robert Evans; Belling­cat; 3/15/2019. [24]

. . . . At mul­ti­ple points in the man­i­festo the author express­es the hope that his mas­sacre will spark fur­ther attempts at gun con­trol in the Unit­ed States, which he believes will lead to gun con­fis­ca­tion and a civ­il war. . . .

9. Brent Tar­rant, allege Christchurch, New Zealand, Mosque shoot­er, had appar­ent­ly vis­it­ed Ukraine.

 “Sus­pect Trav­eled World, But Lived on the Inter­net” by David D. Kirk­patrick; The New York Times [West­ern Edi­tion]; 3/16/2019; p. A15. [62]

. . . . His man­i­festo alludes to vis­its to Poland, Ukraine, Ice­land and Argenti­na as well. . . .

10a.  Tar­rant may have been a ben­e­fi­cia­ry of the afore­men­tioned visa-free trav­el that EU asso­ci­a­tion has for Ukraine.

“Tragi­com­e­dy;” The Econ­o­mist; 3/16/2019; pp. 44–45. [63]

. . . . Three quar­ters of them say the coun­try is head­ed in the wrong direc­tion, despite the fact that Ukraine has moved clos­er to Europe (it now has visa-free trav­el to the EU, for instance). . . .

10b. Even The New York Times not­ed the pos­si­ble con­tact between Azov and Tar­rant.

   “Ukraine’s Ultra-Right Increas­ing­ly Vis­i­ble as Elec­tion Nears” [AP]; The New York Times; 3/27/2019. [64]

. . . . The Ukrain­ian far right also appears to have ties in oth­er coun­tries. Aus­tralian Bren­ton Tar­rant, accused of slaugh­ter­ing 50 peo­ple at two mosques in the city of Christchurch in New Zealand, men­tioned a vis­it to Ukraine in his man­i­festo, and some reports alleged that he had con­tacts with the ultra-right. The Soufan Cen­ter, a research group spe­cial­iz­ing on secu­ri­ty, has recent­ly alleged pos­si­ble links between Tar­rant and the Azov Bat­tal­ion. . . .

10c. A pri­vate intel­li­gence group–the Soufan Center–has linked Tar­rant to the Azov Bat­tal­ion.

“Intel­brief: The Transna­tion­al Net­work That No One Is Talk­ing About;” The Soufan Net­work; 2/22/2019. [25]

In the wake of the New Zealand mosque attacks, links have emerged between the shoot­er, Brent Tar­rant, and a Ukrain­ian ultra-nation­al­ist, white suprema­cist para­mil­i­tary orga­ni­za­tion called the Azov Bat­tal­ion. Tarrant’s man­i­festo alleges that he vis­it­ed the coun­try dur­ing his many trav­els abroad, and the flak jack­et that Tar­rant wore dur­ing the assault fea­tured a sym­bol [65] com­mon­ly used by the Azov Bat­tal­ion. . . .