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Con­sist­ing largely of excerpts from pre­vi­ous For the Record pro­grams, this broad­cast high­lights the polit­i­cal her­itage to which George W. is heir. The Bush fam­ily has a long, exten­sive, influ­en­tial, and largely sin­is­ter history.

1. The pro­gram begins with an excerpt of FTR-186. (The text is excerpted from The Secret War Against the Jews: How West­ern Espi­onage Betrayed the Jew­ish Peo­ple, by John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; copy­right 1994; ISBN 0–312-11057X.)

2. The dis­cus­sion focuses on the pro­found involve­ment of George Her­bert Walker (W’s great grand­fa­ther) and his son-in-law Prescott Bush Sr. in the financ­ing of the Ger­man indus­trial con­cerns that backed Hitler. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 358–9; 36061.) Prescott Bush, Sr., is the father of the for­mer Pres­i­dent and CIA Direc­tor and the grand­fa­ther of “W.”)

3. The Walker-Bush involve­ment with the invest­ment firm Brown Broth­ers, Har­ri­man & Com­pany is a major focal point of the broad­cast. (Idem.)

4. In par­tic­u­lar, the pro­gram focuses on the Hamburg-Amerika line, one of the Bush-connected com­pa­nies that played a key role in Nazi espi­onage before and dur­ing World War II.

5. The com­pany helped to finance the oper­a­tions of the SS. (Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile, by Paul Man­ning; Copy­right 1981 [HC] (copy­right held by the Man­ning fam­ily); pub­lished by Lyle Stu­art; p.43.)

6. The dis­cus­sion under­scores the strong con­nec­tions between Walker, Prescott Bush Sr. and Fritz Thyssen. (Thyssen was a Ger­man steel maker and one of Hitler’s ear­li­est and most promi­nent finan­cial back­ers. The Walker-Thyssen rela­tion­ship began in 1924.) (Idem.)

7. The pro­gram also excerpts FTR-186 (and the Loftus/Aarons text) with a look at George Sr.‘s involve­ment with the Nazi émigré milieu that spawned the Repub­li­can Eth­nic Her­itage Orga­ni­za­tion, lit­er­ally a Nazi wing of the Repub­li­can Party. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 369–71.)

8. A close polit­i­cal ally of Richard Nixon’s, George Bush mid­wifed the for­mal inclu­sion of the Nazi “eth­nics” in the GOP, uti­liz­ing his posi­tion as chair­man of the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee. Bush later used this same Nazi émigré net­work in his 1988 pres­i­den­tial cam­paign. (Idem.)

9. In a shift of focus to George H.W Bush’s career as direc­tor of the CIA, the pro­gram high­lights George W’s brief­ing by the agency at its head­quar­ters. (The San Fran­cisco Exam­iner, 9/3/2000; p. A-3.)

10. Reca­pit­u­lat­ing a sec­tion of FTR-214, the dis­cus­sion high­lights the phony “oil short­age” of the late 1970’s against the back­ground of the allegedly real “oil short­age” of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333–335.)

11. In this impor­tant and exten­sively foot­noted vol­ume, the authors draw on vet­eran Amer­i­can and British intel­li­gence offi­cers in order to doc­u­ment col­lu­sion among ele­ments of George Bush’s CIA, the petro­leum indus­try and the gov­ern­ment of Saudi Ara­bia. Together, these ele­ments fab­ri­cated an alleged Soviet petro­leum short­fall, as well as a phony “decline” in Saudi oil pro­duc­tion. Career oil indus­try pro­fes­sional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely fore­cast a world-wide oil short­age. (Idem.)

12. The report also rumi­nated about the pos­si­bil­ity that the Sovi­ets might invade the Mid­dle East in order to aug­ment allegedly fail­ing domes­tic pro­duc­tion. The goal of the report was to influ­ence Jimmy Carter to increase oil pro­duc­tion and to man­date weapons sales to Saudi Ara­bia in order to “defend against the Soviet men­ace.” (Idem.)

13. Carter and Energy Sec­re­tary James Schlesinger instead responded with a pro­gram of con­ser­va­tion. This enraged the petro­leum inter­ests, which then responded with the phony “gas short­age” of 1979. This gas short­age helped to pro­pel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post ear­lier in Carter’s admin­is­tra­tion.) For­mer CIA direc­tor Bush became Vice-President under Rea­gan and (accord­ing to some sources) became “power behind the throne.” Even­tu­ally, it became evi­dent that the CIA report was false, and that the Mid­dle East was swim­ming in oil. Nonethe­less, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum indus­try fraud was suc­cess­ful in con­ning con­sumers into accept­ing dra­mat­i­cally higher gaso­line prices, desta­bi­liz­ing the Carter admin­is­tra­tion, and per­suad­ing Con­gress and the Pres­i­dent to autho­rize a Saudi mil­i­tary buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the mil­i­tary bal­ance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most impor­tantly, the phony oil short­age set the stage for an unprece­dented mil­i­tary build-up dur­ing the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tions. That mil­i­tary build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.

14. Next, the pro­gram high­lights George W. adviser Con­doleeza Rice’s role as a direc­tor of the Chevron Cor­po­ra­tion. (San Fran­cisco Exam­iner; 8/28/2000; p. A-12.) If “W.” is elected, there is a strong chance Rice will be Sec­re­tary of State.

15. In an excerpt of FTR-182, the broad­cast reviews busi­ness con­nec­tions between Bin Laden’s fam­ily and George W. Bush. (For­tu­nate Son; J. H. Hat­field; St. Martin’s Press; copy­right 1999.) Bush’s Arbusto Energy com­pany was begun, in part, with money from one James R. Bath. Bath’s reputed asso­ci­a­tions run from the Cen­tral Intel­li­gence Agency to the failed BCCI. The later was a finan­cial insti­tu­tion involved in drug deal­ing, ter­ror­ism and arms traf­fick­ing. (It was used by Oliver North for some of his Iran-Contra machi­na­tions.) (For more on BCCI, see also Mis­cel­la­neous Archive Show M-51, as well as FTR-29.) Bath was the Texas busi­ness rep­re­sen­ta­tive for Bin Laden’s fam­ily and the money he used to help start Arbusto may very well have come, in part, from Bin Laden’s family.

16. Next, the pro­gram focuses on George H.W. Bush’s piv­otal role in the Iran-Contra and “Iraq­gate” scan­dals. After dis­cus­sion of his par­don­ing of sev­eral key par­tic­i­pants in the affair, the pro­gram turns to his involve­ment in the events them­selves. (The Los Ange­les Times; 8/28/2000; p. A13.)

17. Excerpt­ing FTR-174, the broad­cast focuses on Bush and the world of “inter­na­tional ter­ror­ism.” (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 407–409; p. 429.)

18. Hav­ing chaired the Vice-President’s Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, George H.W. Bush over­saw and imple­mented rec­om­men­da­tions issung from that Task Force. In a series of National Secu­rity Deci­sion Direc­tives, Bush was given com­mand of what authors John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons describe as “His (Bush’s) own pri­vate spy agency,” and “a White House within the White House.” (See FTR-29.)

19. Osten­si­bly cre­ated to pro­vide a rapid, pro­phy­lac­tic response to “inter­na­tional ter­ror­ism,” these net­works became the pri­mary vehi­cles for the real­iza­tion of the ill-fated, ille­gal and trea­so­nous Iran-Contra and Iraq­gate schemes. Far from being “out of the loop,” as he claimed, George Bush was the pri­mary player in both affairs. (Idem.)

20. His “pri­vate spy agency” was the most sig­nif­i­cant ele­ment in the both the admin­is­tra­tion and imple­men­ta­tion of the oper­a­tions. (Idem.)

21. Next, we review George Bush Sr.‘s pres­ence at a meet­ing with (among oth­ers) Army intel­li­gence agents McKee and Gan­non. (Excerpt from FTR-228.)

22. This meet­ing had been a major point of inter­est for Iran-Contra Spe­cial Pros­e­cu­tor Lawrence Walsh. (Iran-Contra: The Final Report; pub­lished by Times Books.)

23. Both McKee and Gan­non were killed in the bomb­ing of Pan Am flight 103. (Gideon’s Spies, Gor­don Thomas; Thomas Dunne; copy­right 1999.) (The name of arms and drug dealer Monzer Al-Kassar has come up in con­nec­tion with the bomb­ing of Pan Am 103. The Pan Am insur­ance investigator’s report claimed that Al-Kassar was the author of the bomb­ing and that the attack was allowed to go for­ward in order to silence McKee and Gan­non. Al-Kassar was piv­otally involved in the Iran-Contra scandal.

24. The pro­gram con­cludes with dis­cus­sion of George H.W. Bush’s post-presidential employ­ment as a speaker on behalf of the Uni­fi­ca­tion Church in Latin Amer­ica. (The mate­r­ial is excerpted from FTR-84. In turn, that broad­cast draws on The Dark Side of Rev­erend Moon by Robert Parry in I.F. Mag­a­zine; September/October/ 1997, Vol. 1, #2.)

25. Paid mil­lions for his work, Bush has been par­tic­u­larly active on behalf of Moon in Argentina. (Idem.)