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For The Record  

FTR #380 Between Iraq and a Hard Place, Part 3

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Assessing the Iraqi situation from the viewpoint of a geopolitical struggle between the Underground Reich and its Islamofascist allies and the United States, this program details support by neo-Nazi elements for Iraq, as well as German institutional support for Saddam Hussein provided by Helmut Kohl’s government. (At the conclusion of this program description, there will be a short discussion of some considerations to be evaluated in connection with the Iraqi situation.

To grasp the admittedly complex and, for the newcomer, incredible-seeming nature of the inquiry undertaken in the For The Record series, access the information contained in FTR 155 about the Bormann Organization’s support for the development of the Argentine/Iraqi Condor missile program, as well as an Argentine/Iraqi/Underground Reich nuclear program. This is the last work bequeathed to us by the heroic Paul Manning, arguably the greatest broadcast journalist of his generation.

A member of the CBS team that covered World War II in Europe, Manning trained as a B-17 gunner to cover air raids into occupied Europe (and shot down an ME-109 while doing so), broadcast the surrender of Germany on the CBS radio network, trained as a B-29 gunner to cover the air raids over Japan and then broadcast the surrender of Japan on the CBS radio network. After the war, he began his heroic investigation of the Underground Reich and the Bormann Organization, partially underwritten by CBS, which refused to go public with the story. The working hypothesis presented in the long FTR series on the events in and around 9/11 is predicated, in part, on Manning’s heroic investigation. (He paid dearly for his endeavors-his career was destroyed, his economic situation undermined and, finally, his son Gerry murdered in retaliation for his continued investigation into the Bormann Organization.) Listeners are strongly encouraged to utilize the vast body of information about the Bormann Organization presented in the For The Record series.

1. The discussion begins with a quote from former Goebbels aide Johann von Leers. (Von Leers was in charge of anti-Semitic propaganda for the Third Reich, served with Nazi émigré elements in Argentina and the Middle East, and mentored Achmed Huber, the Swiss-born Islamist and neo-Nazi who serves on the board of directors of Al Taqwa. Al Taqwa was identified by the U.S. government as an organization that has helped Al Qaeda, among other terrorist organizations. For more about von Leers, see the numerous interviews with Kevin Coogan, as well as many of the broadcasts about Al Taqwa. In the following quote, von Leers stresses the effect that U.S. support for Israel has had on Arab populations-an obvious geopolitical element exploited by the Underground Reich in order to gain ideological and political control over that key area. “The monkey-love of USA government for the Jews isolates the Americans both in Germany and in the Near East.” (Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International; by Kevin Coogan; Copyright 1999 [SC]; Autonomedia; ISBN 1/57027-039-2; pp. 439-440.)

2. One of von Leers’ émigré associates who worked for Nasser in Egypt was Walter Busse, who later put his expertise to work for Saddam Hussein. “Walter Busse, for example, designed ballistic missiles and military jet engines for Nasser in the late 1950’s and 1960’s; he subsequently turned up as an advisor to Saddam Hussein’s military R & D program prior to the 1991 Gulf War.” (The Beast Reawakens; by Martin A. Lee; Copyright 1997 [HC]; Little, Brown & Co.; ISBN 0-316-51959-6; p.150.)

3. A Third Position fascist exemplifying the fusion of “left fascist” views with Islamofascism and secular Arabo-fascism was Jean Thiriart. (For more about the fascist Third Position, see, among other programs, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M19 and M21.) The listeners are asked to evaluate Thiriart’s views against the background of the events of 9/11, the growing anti-American sentiment in Europe, and the probable effect of a U.S. invasion of Iraq on Arab opinion in the Middle East. Do not fail to take notice of Thiriart’s liaison with a younger Saddam Hussein. “In 1968, Thiriart visited several Arab countries in an effort to win support for his idea of a ‘European brigade,’ which he envisioned as the embryo of a future guerrilla army that would engage in armed struggle against the American ‘occupation forces’ on the Continent. He sought to convince his Arab hosts that it would be to their advantage if the United States became embroiled in a ‘blind war’ in Europe against ‘a terrorist enemy both invisible and ever-present.'” (Ibid.; p. 180.)

“With this in mind, Thiriart traveled to Iraq, where officials of the ruling Ba’ath Party received him warmly. After denouncing ‘Zionist-American collusion in the Middle East’ at a Baghdad press conference, he conferred with an up-and-coming Iraqi colonel named Saddam Hussein. Iraqi leaders were all ears when Thiriart spelled out his plan for a European military force to assist the Arabs in their fight against Israel. In addition to helping the Arab cause, Thiriart’s young recruits would gain valuable combat experience that would presumably serve them well when they returned to Europe to take on the Americans. According to Thiriart, the Iraqis were enthusiastic, but the Soviet Union nixed the proposal. Iraq had no choice but to comply, given that it was largely dependent on the USSR for military aid.” (Idem.)

4. Thiriart also became close to George Habbash, an associate of Francois Genoud, a name that figures prominently in the broader inquiry into 9/11. “After Israel’s victory in the 1967 Six-Day War, a mood of desperate militancy engulfed the miserable Palestinian refugee camps. Deprived of a homeland and faced with an implacable enemy, Palestinian leaders apparently felt they couldn’t afford to turn down offers of help, no matter how unsavory the donors. Arab revolutionaries were continually approached by neo-Nazi suitors. Dismissing the distinction between Jews and Zionists as ‘a subtlety for intellectuals,’ Thiriart forged a close relationship with George Habbash, head of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which hijacked several commercial jets and engaged in other international acts of terror and sabotage. According to Luc Michel, Thiriart’s secretary: ‘Habbash gave money to La Nation Europeenne, and Thiriart supported Habbash in this magazine.'” (Ibid.; pp. 180-181.)

“In addition to his ties with Thiriart, Dr. Habbash collaborated with Francois Genoud, a shadowy Swiss banker with extensive neo-Nazi connections. Described by Otto Ernst Remer as ‘a very important person,’ Genoud became an early member of the Swiss Nazi Party and worked for German military intelligence during World War II. Somehow Genoud was able to secure the posthumous rights to all the writings of Hitler, Goebbels, and Martin Bormann.” (Idem)

5. Another of the SS veterans who worked with Arab elements in the postwar period was Otto Ernst Remer. “While based in Damascus, Otto Ernst Remer was in contact with Yasser Arafat, chief of the Palestine Liberation Organization. ‘I know Mr. Arafat quite well, naturlich,’ he asserted. ‘I saw him many times. He invited me to eat at his headquarters. I knew all his people. They wanted many things from us.’ For Remer, anyone who was an enemy of Israel was his friend, particularly when a profit could be turned. He claimed to have brokered several business deals between West German companies and the PLO.” (Ibid.; p. 182.)

“Thiriart continued to view the Palestinian struggle as a springboard to pursue his dream of a pan-European revolution. . . . Throughout the 1970’s he stayed out of the limelight, giving only a few interviews in which he pounded home his anti-American message. ‘The whole of Europe, from Stockholm to Naples, must know about each American who is killed within 48 hours of the event,’ Thiriart told a French reporter. ‘European unity will only come about when 200 or 300 American occupiers are killed in every corner of Europe just to prove our point. Then there will be no going back.'” (Idem.) Again, Thiriart’s views should be evaluated against the background of what has taken place in and around 9/11.

6. Next, the broadcast focuses on the support of neo-Nazi elements (particularly in Germany) for Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War. Of particular note is Michael Kuhnen, one of the more prominent German neo-Nazis of the 1980’s and 1990’s. Note, in this context, the anti-American and anti-Semitic motivation for the stance taken by Kuhnen and company. “As the United States rattled its saber and threatened Baghdad, Michael Kuhnen contacted the Iraqi embassy in Bonn. His overtures culminated in a memorandum of agreement with Iraqi officials, which stipulated that Baghdad would finance and equip an anti-Zionist legion composed of neo-Nazi mercenaries from Germany and other countries. This so-called international Freedom Corps was supposed to assist Iraq if it came under attack by the United States. Kuhnen, the designated commander of the volunteer brigade, praised Saddam Hussein as a freedom fighter: ‘We have common ideals-the creation of living spaces for different people and races in accordance with their own culture and tradition.’ Referring to Kuwait as ‘the Silesia of Iraq,’ Kuhnen claimed that Arabs were not Marxists but nationalists ‘just like we are.’ Moreover, they had the same enemy-‘the United States and its backers, the Zionist forces.’ But the martial prowess of the neo-Nazis, who pretentiously strutted around Baghdad in SS uniforms, left much to be desired. As soon as the bombs started to fall on the Iraqi capital, Kuhnen’s motley delegation scurried back to Europe.” (Ibid.; p. 249.)

“Kuhnen and his clique were not the only fascists who supported Saddam during the 1991 Gulf War. The Republikaner Party dispatched a representative to Baghdad, where he was warmly received by Iraqi leaders. Jean-Marie le Pen of the French Front National also got the red-carpet treatment when he met Saddam. And several British neo-Nazis ventured to Iraq shortly before the onset of the American-led blitzkrieg. South African white supremacists sent messages of support to Saddam as well. Not surprisingly, Kuhnen was quick to applaud when Iraqi Scuds began hitting Israel. Even if Saddam Hussein used biological and chemical weapons, the German neo-Nazi chief maintained, he deserved respect for standing up to the United States.” (Idem.)

7. Of greater significance is the profound support given by the German government of Helmut Kohl for Saddam Hussein’s weapons program. One should note, in this context, that German institutions evolved from those of the Third Reich and that the Underground Reich maintained effective control of German industry and finance, the German intelligence service and military in the postwar period. “Kuhnen’s bluster on behalf of Iraq was curiously in synch with the covert policy that Bonn had been pursuing for nearly a decade. With the full knowledge and cooperation of the federal government and its BND spy apparatus, dozens of German companies were instrumental in helping Saddam Hussein develop one of the world’s most diversified unconventional-warfare arsenals. Several of West Germany’s biggest firms supplied equipment and expertise to set up entire plants for the production of nuclear, chemical, and biological weaponry. Other countries, including the United States, cashed in on the macabre bonanza that created Iraq’s high-tech death machine during the 1980’s, but Bonn’s role far outstripped the international competition. In addition to constructing Saddam’s underground bunker and extending the range of the Scud missiles to be able to hit Israel, German engineers concocted new delivery systems for poison gas and dispensed advice on the most efficient way to enrich uranium into weapons-grade fuel for a nuclear bomb.” (Ibid.; pp. 249-250.)

It is also significant that the BND (itself descended from the Nazi Eastern-Front spy apparatus of Reinhard Gehlen) helped train Iraqi intelligence agents. “More tensions between Washington and Bonn arose during the 1991 Gulf War. Disregarding the United Nations trade embargo, more than fifty German companies continued to provide Iraq with missile parts, chemical agents, and state-of-the-art engineering equipment right up until the United States attacked Baghdad. Once again, Chancellor Kohl ignored repeated requests by the U.S. government to probe these illicit business transactions. Later it would be disclosed that the BND had trained Iraqi and Libyan secret police units. Germany’s willingness to go its own way in the international arena would result in sharp arguments with its Western allies in the months ahead.” (Ibid.; p. 251.)

8. Another German supporter of Saddam was Gerhard Frey, a publisher and backer of the DVU, a top neo-Nazi party. “Even before he formed the DVU in 1971 with the professed objective to ‘save Germany from Communism,’ Frey received behind-the-scenes support from General Reinhard Gehlen, Bonn’s powerful spy chief. But after the superpower face-off ended, the DVU fuehrer quickly shifted gears and demanded that Germany leave NATO. His newspapers began to run inflammatory articles that denounced the United States and praised Russia as a more suitable partner for post-Cold War Germany. Frey also joined the chorus of neo-Nazi agitators who expressed solidarity with Saddam Hussein and condemned the U.S.-led war against Iraq in 1991.” (Ibid.; pp. 326-327.)

9. In evaluating the debate about Iraq, it is worth remembering the hints that there may have been an Iraqi connection to the Oklahoma City bombing. There are also evidentiary tributaries connecting the first World Trade Center attack in 1973, Oklahoma City and the attacks of 9/11. Of possible additional significance in this regard are the neo-Nazi/Saddam connection discussed above, and the parallel support given to Saddam by Kohl’s government. Previous programs on the Oklahoma City bombing have underscored the testimony of an ATF informant that the Oklahoma City bombing was masterminded by Andreas Strassmeier, the son of Gunther Strassmeier-Helmut Kohl’s former chief of staff and the architect of German reunification. Gunther’s father, in turn, was one of the early members of the Nazi party under Hitler. “One reason for the FBI’s apparent lack of interest might be this motel’s alleged connection to Timothy McVeigh and a group of Iraqis who worked in Oklahoma City. According to the motel owner and other witnesses and investigators interviewed by the Weekly, McVeigh and several of these Iraqis were motel guests in the months preceding the 1995 bombing. Witnesses also claimed they saw several of the Iraqis moving barrels of material around on the bed of a truck. The motel owner said the material smelled of diesel fuel and he had to clean up a spill. Diesel fuel was a key component of the truck bomb that blew up the Federal Building.” (“The Terrorist Motel” by Jim Crogan; L.A. Weekly; 7/26-8/1/2002.)

“The motel owner said he and his staff reported this information to the FBI in 1995. ‘We did have an ATF agent come out and collect the originals of the room registrations for that period, but we never heard back from them. And I never could get the registrations returned.’ He added that his previous experience with the FBI made him reluctant to contact them about Moussaoui. ‘But I made him reluctant to contact them about Moussaoui. ‘But I decided it was my duty to tell them what had happened. So I did.'” (Idem.)

“Former Oklahoma City TV reporter Jayna Davis also interviewed motel staff and former guests. In the process, she collected signed affidavits about their contacts with McVeigh and the Iraqis. She tried twice to give the Bureau this information, but the FBI refused to accept her materials. (The Weekly first reported on her investigation in an article published in September 2001.)” (Idem.)

The Weekly’s law-enforcement source said he has reviewed Davis’ material and considers it credible. ‘Last December I personally took the documents to the Joint Terrorism Task force,’ he said. ‘I told them they should do their own investigation.’ The response was not encouraging. He said he was later informed that the Bureau brought in an analyst, ‘but I was told it would probably go nowhere. They were afraid the whole Oklahoma City bombing can of worms would be opened up and the FBI would have to explain why they didn’t investigate this material before.'” (Idem.) As discussed in FTR #88, there is also evidence of a possible connection between the AMIA bombing in Argentina and the Oklahoma City bombing.

10. In evaluating the issue of Iraq’s weapons of destruction, it is important to remember that the elder George Bush was one of the pivot points in equipping the Iraqis with their biological warfare capability (along with the Germans and the Underground Reich.) Because of that, a bioterror attack by Iraq might not be something that could be discussed publicly by this administration. In FTR#’s 374 and 379, we examined the possibility that the outbreak of foot and mouth disease in the United Kingdom may have been an Iraqi BW (biological warfare) incident. Similar questions were asked in FTR#379 concerning the West Nile Fever outbreak in the United States. Answering these questions in conjunction with the issue of possible Underground Reich sponsorship with Iraq of terrorist incidents such as Oklahoma City may yield an understanding of the true nature of the conflict. It is Mr. Emory’s view that the United States is being lured into a trap, perhaps leading to massive terror attacks against America, perhaps leading to the destruction of the U.S. economy, perhaps leading to the irreversible alienation of the Muslim population of the world and resultant economic impact. These questions will be explored at greater length in FTR 381.


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