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FTR #395 Tangled Webs: Deep Politics, Para-Politics, and Proxy War in the Middle East

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Continuing For The Record‘s coverage and analysis of the events in and around 9/11, this program sets forth some of the petroleum industry para-political and deep political maneuvering with the looming conflict in Iraq. In particular, the Bush administration’s links to big oil and the Saudi elite are weighed in conjunction with the Iraq/US conflict. Much of the broadcast is devoted to discussion of the US hostilities with Muslim fundamentalist and Arab nationalist movements. This program supplements material [4] about the Underground Reich’s use of the Muslim/Arab populations to wage “Proxy War” in the Middle East. It is the theme of those brodcasts is that Al Qaeda and related institutions (such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Al Taqwa milieu) constitute an element of a dual-pronged, Underground Reich attack on the United States, not unlike that which led to the subjugation of France in World War II.

1. Peter Dale Scott, the brilliant Berkeley professor, has noted the evolution of “para-politics” into “deep politics.” Clandestine power-political relationships—”para-politics”—can become, over time, “deep politics,” institutionalized and beyond the effective control of their creators. Many of the para-political relationships developed by the US with the Underground Reich during the Cold War became institutionalized to the point at which the US appeared relatively helpless in the face of the 9/11 attacks. The inability of the US to transcend the para-political forces that ultimately turned on America on 9/11 may well prove fatal. The enormous power of the petroleum industry-an influence that transcends ideology and national allegiance–is one of the para-political and deep political influences central to an understanding of the events in and around 9/11. It is also very important not to oversimplify that influence.

2. The discussion begins with the pivotal role of Elizabeth Cheney in US Middle East diplomacy. (Ms. Cheney is Vice President Dick Cheney’s daughter). Ms. Cheney occupies a critical State Department office in charge of liaison functions with so-called “friendly” governments in that part of the world. One should not forget that she is also the daughter of the former CEO of Halliburton-a major petroleum firm.

“Yet the work assigned to Ms. Cheney, a deputy US assistant undersecretary of state and daughter of the vice-president, is hardly diplomacy as usual. The focus of her efforts is countries in the Arab world. Her newly created post is at the forefront of US efforts to instigate political reform among the authoritarian regimes long regarded by Washington as allies.”

(” ‘Iraq Will Cause a Change in the Region and Make America’s Enemies Desperate'” by Rhoula Khalaf; Financial Times; 1/16/2003; p. 11.)

3. Repeating a very important question posed in FTR#393, the program sets forth Saudi Arabia’s sudden reversal of course with regard to allowing the United States to use bases in that country in a war with Iraq. Having previously indicated that they would not allow the use of such bases, they have now changed position. Was there a quid-pro-quo with the Bush administration, and will Bush and company now suppress or discourage investigation of the Saudi role in 9/11 in exchange for the use of these bases? Does this Saudi reversal have anything to do with the “Political Plate Tectonics” discussed in FTR 390?

“Saudi Arabia has told American military officials that the kingdom would make its airspace, air bases and an important operations center available to the United States in the event of war with Iraq, senior military officials say. Saudi Arabia was the main staging area for U.S. forces in the 1991 Persian Gulf War, but conflicting public statements by top Saudi officials over the past several months have cast doubt on the Saudis’ support for military operations against Iraq this time around.”

(“Saudis to Let U.S. Use Air Facilities in Iraq War” by Eric Schmitt [The New York Times’; San Francisco Chronicle; 12/29/2002; p. A8.)

4. Among the daunting questions surrounding a potential military involvement in Iraq is the cost of occupying and rebuilding Iraq after a war.

” . . . Nor does anyone know what vanquishing Saddam and then governing Iraq will cost in either dollars or lives. Lawrence Lindsey, the chief White House economic adviser, was fired after he put the bill at $100 billion to $200 billion. But William Nordhaus, the Yale economist, puts the Lindsey estimate at the low end, with the high end being $1.6 trillion over a decade. Whatever the number the cost of the war isn’t being factored at all into the budget proposal the White House will send to Congress, according to USA Today.”

(“Joe Millionaire for President” by Frank Rich; The New York Times; 1/18/2003; p. A35.)

5. In connection with the discussion that follows, it is worth noting that the Saudis are utilizing their influence with OPEC to increase production, thereby reducing the possible disruption to the world’s industrial economy of a US/Iraqi war.

“Saudi Arabia yesterday showed its muscle in pushing through a large increase in the output quota of the Opec oil cartel, pleasing importing nations and gaining much of the additional market share. ‘Saudi Arabia will get a lot of recognition from the world importing countries, including the US, for this,’ said John Lichtblau, chairman of the Petroleum Industry Research Foundation.”

(“Saudis Lead Way on Rise in Opec Quota” by Carola Hoyos; Financial Times; 1/13/2003; p. 2.)

6. Listeners are no doubt familiar with the expression “big things come in small packages.” Short in length but large in significance is an article published in Newsweek. Augmenting the Bush family’s important connections with the Saudi power elite, a key former GOP congressman has been hired by the Saudis as a liaison with the Bush administration. Tom Loeffler is also close to Dick Cheney (along with Bush a former petroleum company executive). Bear in mind that Dick Cheney is also the father of Elizabeth, the State Department official working with “friendly” countries in the region. Recalling a discussion [5] about the 3/20/2002 Operation Green Quest raids and the dismissal of former Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill, it is worth noting that one of Loeffler’s functions will be coordinating with the Saudis on the matter of terrorism financing.

“With mounting criticism from Congress over its record in the war on terror, Saudi Arabia is beefing up its forces in D.C. Newsweek has learned that to strengthen ties with the White House, the Saudis have retained the high-powered law firm of former Texas GOP Congressman Tom Loeffler. Loeffler, whose firm will be paid about $720,000 a year, is one of President George W. Bush’s top political moneymen. He headed up fund-raising for Bush’s first gubernatorial campaign and served as finance cochair for his presidential race. Loeffler also is tight with Dick Cheney. ‘You couldn’t find anybody closer to this White House,’ said one D.C. consultant. A Saudi official says Loeffler will be used mostly to lobby on trade issues, but will branch out to matters such as terrorism financing when needed. [Emphasis added.].”

(“Saudis: Close Ties” by Michael Isikoff; Newsweek; 1/13/2003; p. 8.)

7. The program poses several critical questions. Has a quid-pro-quo been struck between the Saudis and the Bush administration? Are the Saudis agreeing to assist the US in Iraq (use of bases, helping to finance the reconstruction of Iraq, promoting increased OPEC production) in exchange for a suppression of the Saudi links to 9/11? Will the Saudi Bin Laden Group receive some of the key construction contracts in a postwar Iraq as part of the deal? Will the Shiite majority in Iraq be marginalized, in deference to the Wahhabi/Sunni sect that dominates Saudi Arabia (which borders Iraq)? Is this hypothesis related to the “political plate tectonics” [5]?

8. Further highlighting the Saudi/Bush administration maneuvering, the broadcast discusses Saudi Prince Alwaleed’s funding of a scholarship program established in the name of the elder George Bush.

“The retention of Loeffler comes on top of another move that critics charge is designed to influence the White House: A $500,000 gift by Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal to help fund the newly created George Herbert Walker Bush Scholarship Fund at Phillips Academy, Andover . . . But Andover says the elite school won’t reject the prince’s money. And a Bush spokesperson says the former president, like his son an Andover graduate, ‘felt it had been given in good faith.'”

(Idem.)

9. Next, the program further develops information about the German role in arming Saddam Hussein with his nuclear technology. The documentary film discussed below was part of the subject material in FTR 384.

“Stealing the Fire is an investigative film that provides staggering evidence showing how a German scientist, Karl Heinz Schaab, who helped develop the centrifuges necessary to extract weapons-grade Uranium 235, sold classified documents in the early 1990’s to Iraq.”

(“Stealing the Fire;” Eye Spy; Issue 13; p. 18.)

10. It is interesting to note that the co-producer of the film discovered the “clandestine nuclear trail” while working on a PBS show about the BCCI. The BCCI scandal is inextricably linked with the subject of Saudi Arabia and the events of 9/11. (For a summary account of the significance of the BCCI scandal in the context of 9/11, see FTR#391 and the programs referenced in that program.)

” . . . The investigation started many, many years ago. In 1992, Eric Nadler an investigate journalist, began researching material on the underground trafficking of nuclear weapons. Ten years later, he and co-producer, John S. Friedman, the founder of the Documentary Center at Colombia University have released their findings. Nadler told Paperclips magazine. ‘I was working for Frontline on PBS, and I was doing a story about the BCCI scandal, which was a crooked bank based in Pakistan. I was doing a story called ‘The Arming of Saudi Arabia’ about the hidden history of United States/Saudi relations. I got very disturbed about the hidden history, especially about nuclear stories that weren’t being covered . . .”

(Ibid.; pp. 18-19.)

11. According to Mr. Nadler, Saudi Arabia was heavily involved in financing Saddam Hussein’s quest for the bomb. Like the Saudis and the Bush family, Saddam Hussein’s own history is inextricably linked with that of the Third Reich. The For The Record series presents the view that Al Qaeda, the Wahhabi militants, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Iraqis and the PLO constitute “proxy warriors” for the Underground Reich, against the USA, Britain and Israel. It is this “Proxy War” that is alluded to in the title of this broadcast. (For discussion of the Saudi links to the Third Reich, see the discussion and references in FTR 391.)

“. . . And I produced for Frontline something that aired in 1992, in which our team got classified CIA and DIA documents, which said the following: ‘We know that Saudi Arabia has given $5 billion to Saddam Hussein’s nuclear program for the express purpose of building a nuclear bomb.’ My investigative team at Frontline got the banks, we got the dates, we got the money transfers, and we put this on American television. [We showed] that America’s biggest ally in the Gulf had given $5 billion to the Hitler of the Gulf to build nuclear weapons. And though USA Today put it on their television page, it caused barely a ripple in the popular culture. I was interested in secret nuclear stories from that moment on . . .”

(Ibid.; p. 19.)

12. In Stealing the Fire, the central figure in the Iraqi/German nuclear connection was one Karl Heinz Schaab.

” . . . He was fascinated by Iraq’s determined efforts to create nuclear weapons. By examining the investigation of the United Nations weapons inspectors, he came across a ‘mysterious man’-Karl Heinz Schaab. Nadler and Friedman thought that by researching Schaab, this would open other doors and reveal the companies behind the ‘covert nuclear trading deals . . .'”

(Idem.)

13. Schaab was a protégé of Dr. Gernot Zippe, one of the principal figures involved with developing the Third Reich’s nuclear program.

“Schaab was a student of Dr. Gernot Zippe, an Austrian physicist often referred to as the ‘father of the centrifuge.’ And Stealing the Fire is as much about the centrifuge as the dirty deals done to get the technology to Iraq. Nadler says the equipment originated in the research laboratories of wartime Germany. Hence the information supplied by Schaab in 1989 to the Iraqis basically originated from the failed Nazi atomic bomb program.”

(Idem.)

14. After discussing Zippe’s capture by the Soviets and his work for the U.S.S.R. on nuclear matters, the program sets forth his return to Degussa [6], the firm which produced the Zyklon B for the gas chambers in World War II.

“The nuclear scientist worked at the University of Virginia for a while, and de-briefed the Pentagon on the Russian centrifuge. However, he got homesick and soon returned to Germany and found work at Degussa.”

(Idem.)

15. Zippe was not the only Third Reich alumnus associated with Degussa’s nuclear export operations.

“Dr. Alfred Boettcher was an SS scientific officer who headed the precious metals division at Degussa in the postwar years. He later became nuclear export attache for the West German Government.”

(Ibid.; p. 21.)

16. Degussa subsidiary NUKEM was the division involved with the trafficking of nuclear material to Iraq, as well as other countries attempting to manufacture nuclear weapons. Boettcher and Zippe were joined by yet another Third Reich alumnus in Germany’s work on behalf of Iraq’s nuclear efforts.

“Two transactions that spring heightened fears that Iraq intended to use the Osirak reactor to produce bomb-grade plutonium. An Italian company, in a semi-clandestine deal, sold Iraq six tons of depleted uranium purchased from the West German nuclear consortium NUKEM. Fearing that NUKEM might not deliver the uranium if they knew it was intended for Iraq, the Italians claimed it was for domestic use in Italy. But they needn’t have worried about NUKEM’s scruples. The consortium was a wholly owned subsidiary of the German chemicals giant Degussa, which had invented and manufactured Zyklon B, the powerful cyanide gas that streamed out of the showerheads in Hitler’s death camps, killing millions of European Jews. Degussa had also played a key role in the Nazi effort to build an atom bomb, stopped only when its Oranienburg works near Berlin were flattened by U.S. bombers in 1945. That same year, the Third Reich was going up in flames, Degussa’s chairman, Hermann Schlosser, donated 45,000 reichsmarks to Hitler’s SS. Thirty-five years later Schlosser was still on the Degussa board, and in 1987 he was awarded the German Federal Merit Cross for his services to industry. One of Schlosser’s services was shipping nuclear equipment and materials to almost every developing nation that was known to have a clandestine bomb program. Another was opening the vast Iraqi market to German firms. His readiness to supply nuclear materials to both India and Pakistan had impressed on Saddam Hussein that this was a man he could do business with.”

(The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq; Kenneth Timmerman; Copyright 1991 [HC]; Houghton Mifflin Company; p. 70.) (For more on the arming of Iraq, see RFA-20, FTR #’s 16, 24, 31, 52, 87, 287, 295.)

17. “Nadler called Degussa ‘the worst company ever.’ The investigator believes the directors of the company were ‘not prosecuted because of their international connections to several major US corporations.”

(Ibid.; p. 20.)

18. It is significant that, according to Nadler, the Iraqis received software, not hardware. This complicates the issue of the weapons inspections, at the forefront of the Iraqi/US confrontation. In the context of the Underground Reich (heavily involved with Latin America as well as the Middle East), it is worth noting that Schaab was also involved with deals with members of the Brazilian armed forces.

“Schaab’s name was actually found on documents recovered by UN weapons inspectors in Iraq. He had been selling the centrifuge secrets to Baghdad. Eye Spy asked Nadler just what exactly the Iraqis received for their money, ‘software not hardware,’ he said. He then confirmed that with this data Iraq could easily build a factory-a production line-for nuclear bombs. The investigators tracked Schaab to Brazil, where he temporarily fled to avoid prosecution. Here also was the location of further obscure deals with high ranking officials of the Brazilian armed forces.”

(Ibid.; p. 20.)

19. Nadler notes the role of Germany as the greatest exporter of nuclear technology in the postwar period. (The German role in the development of the Pakistani bomb is discussed in FTR#336. There is documented sympathy among some of the creators of the Pakistani bomb for the Taliban regime.)

“In a broad New York accent, Nadler told Eye Spy that the centrifuge program could easily be hidden from the weapons inspectors and roving spy satellites. ‘The project could be underground-quite easily.’ Living just a few hundred yards from the destroyed World Trade Center, Nadler believes that Saddam is anything from six months to five years away from having the bomb. The investigators research tends to support the British intelligence brief on Iraq’s WMD, and highlights a controversial deal between a NATO country and Iraq. Nadler said that between 1945 and 1990, Germany was the ‘greatest proliferator of nuclear weapons technology in the world . . .'”

(Idem.)

20. Schaab appears to have been operating with the blessings of the German government.

” . . . On the German Government’s light sentence for Schaab, and the suggestion other people might be involved, Nadler was diplomatic: ‘Schaab had a story and he stuck to it. He said that two other men who are now dead were involved. But it’s quite clear that all this activity had to be monitored and known by the Germans. We can safely say that the case was woefully under-investigated, and, as one person says in our film, the German government just wanted it to go away. . .'”

(Idem.)

21. ” . . . Schaab took the secret plans of the centrifuge and sold hundreds of blueprints to the Iraqis. And on a recent television news program on Fox, Nadler said it is possible that Iraq may have sold the plans to al-Qaeda. ‘The fact remains that the classified plans for uranium enrichment technology were stolen and sold to the Iraqis; what they do with it is a mystery. The enrichment technology they have is very difficult to detect with spy satellites. But Iraq is a state that sponsors terrorist groups worldwide, and terrorist groups are known to be looking for weapons of mass destruction. It’s not too far-fetched that a group like al-Qaeda could get their hands on this technology. Once the technology is in place, you don’t have one bomb, you’ve got the capability to assembly-line them, and that is truly disturbing.”

(Idem.)

22. A recent report in the German press fingered Germany as the number one supplier of weapons to Iraq and highlighted the fact that the trade continued for a full decade after the Gulf War. The German government was apparently complicit in this activity.

“Iraq’s declaration of its weapons programs contains explosive news for Germany, a Berlin paper has reported. The dossier is said to detail covert arms deals between German defense firms and Iraq. Just as the heated debates within the German government over the role of German troops and equipment in a possible war against Iraq seem to be cooling down, another potential bombshell threatens to re-ignite the fires. On Tuesday, the Berlin-based left-wing paper, Tageszeitung reported that aspects of the 12,000-page Iraqi report on Iraq’s weapons programs, submitted to the U.S. last week, could prove highly embarrassing for Germany. The newspaper-believed to be the first to have access to the top-secret dossier-has written that the Iraqi declaration contains the names of 80 German firms, research laboratories and people, who are said to have helped Iraq develop its weapons program.”

(“Iraqi Report Could Prove Damaging to Germany”; Detusche Welle; 12/17/2002; p. 1.)

23. “The most contentious piece of news for Germany is that the report names it as the number one supplier of weapons supplies to Iraq. German firms are supposed to easily outnumber the firms from other countries who have been exporting to Iraq. They have delivered technical know-how, components, basic substances and even entire technical facilities for the development of atomic, chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction to Iraq right since 1975.”

(Idem.)

24. “In some cases, conventional military and technical dealings between Germany and Iraq are said to date till 2001, ten years after the second Gulf war and a time when international sanctions against Saddam Hussein are still in place. The paper reports that the dossier contains several indications of cases, where German authorities right up to the Finance ministry tolerated the illegal arms cooperation and also promoted it, to an extent . . .”

(Ibid.; pp. 1-2.)

25. “German arms companies in the meantime have been conducting booming business with Iraq in recent years. According to the German Federal Statistics Office, German military exports to Iraq have been steadily rising from year to year. From annual exports amounting to 21.7 million Euros in 1997, the volume of exports for the following year shot to some 76.4 million Euros. The trend continued in 2001 with exports to Iraq bringing German firms profits in the range of 336.5 million Euros. German goods worth 226.2 million Euros have already been shipped to Iraq in the first half of this year. Some of the official heavyweights in the export scene are the German electronics firm Siemens with medical equipment and energy distribution systems and carmaker Daimler Chrysler. Both are reported to rake in revenues worth double-digit figures in the millions. . .”

(Ibid.; pp. 2-3.)

26. The story also notes the contradiction between Schroder’s pacifist image and the realities of the German/Iraq arms trade. It will be interesting to see if there is diplomatic arm twisting by the US, using the German complicity in the arming of Saddam Hussein to leverage German cooperation in the war-to-come.

“Another real fear is that Schroder’s image as a staunch pacifist might now be sullied if it emerges that Germany has all along been helping the very leader who it has been unwilling to topple, to stockpile his weapons. The report could also provide the U.S. with an excuse to step up the pressure on Germany to give in to American military demands for deployment of German troops and use of German military equipment in the case of a military attack on Iraq.”

(Ibid.; p. 3.)

27. Indicative of the German/Islamist link at the core of the Underground Reich/Islamist/secular Arabo-fascist proxy warrior connection is a recent disclosure concerning Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamist organization just outlawed in Germany.

“Germany’s top law enforcement official on Wednesday outlawed an Islamic group accused of establishing contacts with neo-Nazis and spreading propaganda calling for the destruction of Israel and the killing of Jews . . .”

(“Germany Bans Islamic Group” by Eric Geiger; San Francisco Chronicle; 1/16/2003; p. A9.)

28. “Founded in 1952, Hizb ut-Tahrir has said its goal is to restore the ‘Islamic way of life’ in the Muslim world and create a single Islamic ‘Caliphate’ from the western coast of Africa to China. It is believed to be based in Britain, but no one knows for sure. . .”

(Idem.)

29. ” . . . In recent media reports, German intelligence officials have been described as being stunned that widened surveillance showed high-ranking Muslim leaders in Germany making contact with terror suspects. Their identities are being zealously guarded but reportedly include leaders of a nationwide Turkish immigrant organization and representatives of the Muslim Brotherhood, the most powerful opposition group in Egypt.”

(Idem.)

30. Among the organizations “fellow travelling” with the Hizb ut-Tahrir is the NPD, the top German “neo”-Nazi group. Al Taqwa director Ahmed Huber and Horst Mahler are among the associates of the NPD.

“Hizb ut-Tahrir became well known in Germany after staging a rally at Berlin’s Technical University in October at which the main speaker made anti-American comments, Schily said. Members of Germany’s extreme right-win NPD, a party the government is trying to ban, also attended the rally, he said.”

(“Germany Bans Islamic Group it Says is Anti-Semitic” [Reuters]; South Florida Sun-Sentinel; 1/15/2003.)

31. Supplementing and reinforcing analysis presented in FTR#394, the program highlights the fact that German intelligence had the Hamburg cell involved in the 9/11 attacks under surveillance by August of 1998. It was in that month that “the Battle of Menwith Hill” began. Note that it was in August of 1998 that Osama bin Laden stopped using his cell phone. The For The Record series poses the question: what is the relationship between Germany/EU’s attack on the Menwith Hill facility and the ECHELON network, bin Laden’s abandonment of his satellite phone, and the beginning of the surveillance of the Hamburg cell at the epicenter of the 9/11 attacks?

“Three years before the Sept. 11 attacks, Germany’s domestic intelligence service was tracking prominent members of the Hamburg terrorist cell that planned and executed the aircraft hijackings, according to newly obtained documents. The documents, including intelligence reports, surveillance logs and transcripts of intercepted telephone calls, appear to contradict public claims by the German authorities that they knew little about the members of the Hamburg cell before the attacks.”

(“Germans Were Tracking Sept. 11 Conspirators as Early as 1998, Documents Disclose” by Desmond Butler; New York Times; 1/18/2003; p. A10.)

32. “As early as 1998, the records show, the Germans monitored a meeting between men suspected of plotting the attacks. The surveillance would lead a year later to the Hamburg apartment where Mohamed Atta and other main plotters were living while attending universities. While the records do not indicate that authorities heard any mention of a specific plan, they depict a surveillance mission extensive enough to raise anew the politically sensitive question of whether the Germans missed a chance to disrupt the cell during the initial stages of planning the attacks. Some American investigators and officials have argued that the Germans in the past missed evidence that could have stopped the plot. The Germans have maintained steadfastly that the information they had was too scanty to warrant serious alarm, and that their police and intelligence agencies were not focused on Al Qaeda at the time.”

(Idem.)

33. “The documents come from the files of various German police and intelligence agencies. They detail how close an investigation of Qaeda contacts in Hamburg begun in 1997 by the Constitutional Protection Agency, Germany’s domestic intelligence service, came to the main cell members. They were provided to The New York Times by someone with official access to the files of the continuing investigation into the events leading to the Sept. 11 attacks. When the documents were described to officials at the German Interior Ministry and the constitutional protection police, they declined to answer any questions about them but did not dispute their authenticity . . .”

(Idem.)

34. “Mr. Motassadeq admitted that he knew Mr. Atta and other plotters and had attended Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan. He has maintained in trial testimony that he did not know that his friends were planning to attack the United States. No evidence has been presented at his three-month trial that would reveal when the police first opened an inquiry into Mr. Motassadeq. But the intelligence agency documents show that by August 1998 he was under surveillance and that the trail soon led to most of the main participants in the later attacks.”

(Idem.)

35. “According to the documents, the surveillance was in place on Aug. 29, 1998, when Mr. Motassadeq and Mohamed Haydar Zammar, who had already been identified by police as a suspected extremist, met at the Hamburg home of Said Bahaji. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s] The police monitored several other meetings between the men in the months that followed, the documents said. The record of the meeting shows that police had identified Mr. Bahaji, another person suspected of being a cell member and believed to have been intimately involved in the planning and logistics of the plot, who fled to Pakistan days before the attacks. Mr. Bahaji later moved in with Mr. Atta and Ramzi bin al-Shibh in the now-infamous apartment at 54 Marienstrasse in the Harburg section of Hamburg.”

(Idem.)

36. Embodying the historical and strategic analysis of the Battle of Menwith Hill, the program reprises an excerpt of text from the description for FTR 119, from December, 1998 and FTR 103, August, 1998.) “In the wake of the Cold War, the lines of political struggle are being redrawn, with potential conflict between the United States and Germany (and beyond, the German-dominated European Union) threatening to replace the confrontation between the U.S. and former U.S.S.R. In the field of intelligence, the U.S.-German conflict is already beginning to manifest itself. This broadcast sets forth some of the most important and recent developments in the friction between American and German intelligence. After a brief discussion of Germany’s expulsion of an American diplomat who allegedly worked for the CIA, the broadcast reprises a section of FTR 103 [originally broadcast in August of 1998]. This section of the program sets forth friction between German intelligence chief Bernd Schmidbauer and the FBI over industrial spying, as well as a consummately important story about attempts by the European Union (read ‘Germany’) to compromise the National Security Agency’s vital Menwith Hill electronic listening post in England. Mr. Emory has characterized that pressure on the NSA facility as an act of war and believes it to be (in the ‘Information Age’) as strategically significant as the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in World War II.”

37. It is particularly interesting to observe the contrast between their pronouncements in the immediate aftermath of the attacks and the truth concerning the surveillance of the Hamburg 9/11 cell. August of 1998 was a fateful month. That was when the attacks on the US embassies in Africa took place, attributed by the Muslim Brotherhood to Bill Clinton’s need to distract from the Monica Lewinsky affair. It was in this same time period that Saddam Hussein began taking a more defiant line with UN weapons inspectors, perhaps taking advantage of a weakened Bill Clinton. In this context, one should bear in mind that the Underground Reich (like Al Qaeda) is a “virtual state” lacking precise geographical boundaries. The events taking place inside the United States and in Africa and Germany in August of 1998 could be seen as part of a coordinated effort, culminating in the political destruction of the Clinton administration and, ultimately, the 9/11 attacks. Eventually the Clinton administration was replaced by the Bush administration, the central element in the Underground Reich presence in the United States.

38. In evaluating the discussion of the 9/11 attacks in the For The Record series, it is essential to refer to FTR 391 [7] a summary analysis of the attacks and related events.

39. In evaluating the material presented above, the evident fact emerges that the elder George Bush was the primary American operative involved in the US contribution to the acquisition of Saddam’s arsenal.