Lis­ten: Side 1 | Side 2

The title derives from a con­cept intro­duced in early August of 1998, and devel­oped at length in Jan­u­ary 2003. Cur­rently being man­i­fested in the Iraqi war, this geopo­lit­i­cal strug­gle is a con­tin­u­a­tion of World War II, with an eco­nomic con­test between the dol­lar and the euro at the cen­ter of the strug­gle. Employ­ing proxy war in the Mid­dle East, “diplo­macy as a con­tin­u­a­tion of war by other means” and the eco­nomic the­o­ries of pan-German the­o­reti­cian Friedrich List, a Third Reich gone under­ground and its French and Islam­o­fas­cist allies are fight­ing against the US and UK.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Review of the “Bat­tle of Men­with Hill” and reprise of the ini­tial For The Record dis­cus­sion of the EU/German attack on the Ech­e­lon net­work and the Men­with Hill lis­ten­ing sta­tion; an alleged Pak­istani ter­ror­ist money launderer’s con­nec­tions to the World Mus­lim Con­gress; the WMC’s fas­cist her­itage under the Grand Mufti; the indict­ment of Bush polit­i­cal ally Sami Al-Arian for ter­ror­ist sup­port activ­i­ties; Al-Arian’s con­nec­tions to Sheik Rah­man (con­nected to the first World Trade Cen­ter attack); the activ­i­ties of Bush busi­ness asso­ciate Khalid Bin Mah­fouz in con­junc­tion with Al Qaeda; the arrest of a key Al Qaeda financier in Pak­istan; the sud­den rever­sal of field by the defense in the case of the 3/20/2002 Oper­a­tion Green Quest Raids; the con­nec­tions of the 3/20 Green Quest raids to the Sami Al-Arian case; Mohammed Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates; the Ger­man elite con­nec­tions of Atta’s Ger­man friends; the two Florida flight schools owned by the “Fly­ing Dutch­men” at which the 9/11 pilots trained; the res­ig­na­tion of a top White House coun­tert­er­ror­ism offi­cial; Al Qaeda nego­ti­a­tions with Sad­dam Hus­sein to act as a “back-up unit” to Sad­dam Hussein.

1. The broad­cast begins with (and takes its title from) an excerpt from FTR 103, recorded in early August of 1998, dis­cussing the German/EU pro­pa­ganda attack on the Men­with Hill lis­ten­ing sta­tion and the asso­ci­ated Ech­e­lon net­work. In that pre­scient broad­cast, Mr. Emory char­ac­ter­ized the story as “a block­buster . . . for all intents and pur­poses an act of war . . . a reform­ing of the bat­tle lines of World War II . . . in effect, “Anglo-Saxonia ver­sus Ger­ma­nia.” (“EU Sim­mers Over Men­with Lis­ten­ing Post” by Simon Davies; Elec­tronic Tele­graph; 7/16/1998.)

2. Con­tin­u­ing to pur­sue Oper­a­tion Green Quest—the ongo­ing intel­li­gence effort aimed at inter­dict­ing ter­ror­ist financing—federal agents arrested a Pak­istani national (con­nected to that country’s polit­i­cal elite). That indi­vid­ual, in turn, was asso­ci­ated with the World Mus­lim Con­gress, an orga­ni­za­tion with an “Islam­o­fas­cist” her­itage. ” . . . The most fas­ci­nat­ing case involved Sha­heen Khalid Butt, a Pak­istan native arrested late Thurs­day for laun­der­ing money, sell­ing fake immi­gra­tion papers and skirt­ing cur­rency report­ing laws from the Man­hat­tan For­eign Exchange, an unli­censed money trans­fer firm he ran from the base­ment of the Kash­mir Restau­rant in mid­town Man­hat­tan. . . .Pak­istani press reported Butt has orga­nized pro-separatist ral­lies out­side the United Nations as pres­i­dent of the Kash­mir Cen­ter and is a long­time friend of ousted Pak­istani Prime Min­is­ter Nawaz Sharif. A 2001 United Nations con­fer­ence on ‘least-developed nations’ iden­ti­fied a man by that name as a U.S. rep­re­sen­ta­tive from the World Mus­lim Con­gress, a non­govern­men­tal orga­ni­za­tion.” (“9 Arrested for Alleged Money Smug­gling” by Alan Gath­right; San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle; 3/22/2003; pp. A1-A14.)

3. Review­ing the his­tory of the World Mus­lim Con­gress, the broad­cast details some of its fas­cist his­tory. “Another favorite IHR speaker and col­lab­o­ra­tor was Issah Nakleh of the World Mus­lim Con­gress (WMC). Based in Pak­istan, the WMC was ini­tially headed by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who, like his friend H. Keith Thomp­son, stood by the Third Reich until his death in 1974. A few years later, the WMC, then headed by Pak­istani Dr. Ina­mul­lah Kahn, mailed Holocaust-denial lit­er­a­ture to every mem­ber of the U.S. Con­gress and the British Par­lia­ment. The WMC’s offi­cial mouth­piece, Mus­lim World, car­ried the ads for The Pro­to­cols of the Elders of Zion and Henry Ford’s The Inter­na­tional Jew. Dr. Khan’s con­gress also pub­lished Freema­sonry, a book warn­ing that Jews were using lodge mem­bers to extend secret con­trol over reli­gion and society—a para­noid the­ory that has long been pop­u­lar among Lib­erty Lobby sup­port­ers and neo-Nazi groups around the world. Acknowl­edg­ing their polit­i­cal kin­ship, WMC secretary-general Khan sent a let­ter to the Spot­light prais­ing its ‘superb in-depth analy­sis’ and stat­ing that the paper deserved ‘the thanks of all right-minded peo­ple.’ Dr. Khan also served as an advi­sor to the Saudi Ara­bian royal fam­ily, which lav­ished funds on the WMC. In addi­tion, the Saudi Ara­bian gov­ern­ment retained the ser­vices of Amer­i­can neo-nazi William Grim­stead as a Wash­ing­ton lob­by­ist. . .Soon, the World Mus­lim Con­gress began work­ing closely with U.S. intel­li­gence and Pak­istani mil­i­tary offi­cials, who were covertly sup­port­ing the Afghan mujahideen in their fight against the Soviet-installed regime in Kabul. This effort was strongly endorsed by Dr. Khan, who served for many years as the Pak­istani rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Nazi-infested World Anti-Communist League, which played an impor­tant role in the Rea­gan administration’s ‘secret war’ in the Golden Cres­cent.” (The Beast Reawak­ens; Mar­tin A. Lee; Copy­right 1997 [HC]; Lit­tle, Brown & Co.; ISBN 0–316-51959–6; pp. 225–226.)

4. The length of time and the his­tory of this orga­ni­za­tion are illus­trated by a quote from a book pub­lished in 1952.) “In Feb­ru­ary 1951 he [the Grand Mufti] sud­denly reap­peared in Karachi, Pak­istan to meet old friends who had sup­ported his cause in Iraq and to pre­side over a twelve-day World Moslem Con­gress. In a typ­i­cal inflam­ma­tory address, he called for a ‘full strug­gle’ by the Moslems ‘to meet the aggressor’—meaning, in this instance, the non-Moslem Hin­dus of India. He assured the del­e­gates: ‘We shall meet next with sword in hand on the soil of either Kash­mir or Pales­tine.’” (Cairo to Dam­as­cus; John Roy Carl­son; p. 423.)

5. An impor­tant mem­ber of the Saudi elite and part of the busi­ness milieu to which George W. Bush (and his father) belong, Khalid Bin Mah­fouz has been linked to the fund­ing of Al Qaeda. FTR#403 details Mr. Bin Mahfouz’s nui­sance law­suit against Jean-Charles Bris­ard, co-author of a vital book about 9/11. (For more about Bin Mah­fouz, seethe pro­grams ref­er­enced in FTR#391.) “A cache of al Qaeda doc­u­ments seized last year by U.S. agents in Bosnia iden­ti­fies some of Saudi Arabia’s rich­est and most influ­en­tial fam­i­lies as among the first finan­cial sup­port­ers of Osama bin Laden, and shows how al Qaeda used char­i­ta­ble arms of the Saudi gov­ern­ment. An account of the roots of al Qaeda found on a com­puter used by a sus­pected al Qaeda front group con­tains a 1988 mem­o­ran­dum list­ing 20 Saudi finan­cial back­ers of Mr. bin Laden—‘the Golden Chain,’ as the bin Laden orga­ni­za­tion called it. The list includes the fam­i­lies of three bil­lion­aire Saudi bank­ing mag­nates, sev­eral top indus­tri­al­ists and at least one for­mer gov­ern­ment min­is­ter.” (“Al Qaeda List Points to Saudi File” by Glenn R. Simp­son; The Wall Street Jour­nal; 3/18/2003; p. A7.)

6. “The Golden Chain list, which doesn’t indi­cate the size of the dona­tions, was drawn up at a time when sup­port­ing the Afghan revolt against Soviet invaders—Mr. bin Laden’s cause at the time—was a top U.S. foreign-policy objec­tive, as well as a Saudi national cause with deep patri­otic and reli­gious over­tones. The list doesn’t show any con­tin­u­ing sup­port for al Qaeda after the orga­ni­za­tion began tar­get­ing Amer­i­cans, but a num­ber of the Saudis on it have been under scrutiny by U.S. offi­cials as to whether they have sup­ported ter­ror­ism in recent years. . .” (Idem.)

7. ” The Golden Chain list was con­firmed by U.S. offi­cials and trans­lated from Ara­bic by the Jus­tice Depart­ment. It names bil­lion­aire bankers Saleh Kamel and Khalid bin Mah­fouz, as well as the Al-Rajhi fam­ily, another bank­ing fam­ily, and Mr. bin Laden’s own broth­ers. A num­ber of the Saudis on the list, includ­ing the bin Mah­fouz, Al-Rajhi and Kamel fam­i­lies, are among those under U.S. scrutiny. A bank con­trolled by the Al-Rajhi fam­ily is in lit­i­ga­tion in the United King­dom against the pub­lisher of The Wall Street Jour­nal Europe, for an arti­cle that iden­ti­fied the bank as being mon­i­tored by Saudi bank­ing author­i­ties. . .” (Idem.)

8. ” . . . Al Qaeda was founded in 1988, the year the list was com­piled and about the time Mr. bin Laden was in tran­si­tion from being a U.S. ally to its sworn enemy. The al Qaeda doc­u­ments were obtained from fed­eral pros­e­cu­tors in Chicago by French ter­ror­ism researcher Jean Charles Bris­ard, who per­suaded the Bosn­ian Supreme Court to demand them back from the U.S. Mr. Bris­ard is a con­sul­tant to trial lawyer Ronald Mot­ley, who is rep­re­sent­ing many vic­tims of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks in a civil suit against al Qaeda’s alleged finan­cial sup­port­ers.” (Idem.)

9. Next, the broad­cast notes the con­nec­tions of George W. Bush to Sami Al-Arian, the focal point of a law­suit by the heroic John Lof­tus. That law­suit directly pre­cip­i­tated the 3/20/2002 Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids. ” . . . Pros­e­cu­tors in Tampa and Wash­ing­ton didn’t see the com­bined evi­dence against Al-Arian from secret phone and fac­sim­ile wire­taps until last Novem­ber. That’s when a spe­cial appeals court gave the Jus­tice Depart­ment approval to use the Patriot Act to its fullest extent. A U.S. offi­cial said Thurs­day that evi­dence gath­ered by intel­li­gence and law enforce­ment agents was shared in ‘dribs and drabs’ after Con­gress the law in the fall of 2001. ‘But the spigot opened after the appeals court rul­ing,’ he said. The result is the most richly detailed indict­ment yet in the domes­tic war on ter­ror­ism, a pos­si­ble har­bin­ger of future cases against ter­ror­ists and their bankrollers.” (“Pro­fes­sor Was Watched Through­out the 1990’s” by Toni Locy; USA Today; p. 4A.)

10. Among Al-Arian’s alleged asso­ciates is Sheik Rah­man, con­nected to the milieu of the 1993 attack on the World Trade Cen­ter and Al Qaeda. ” . . . The indict­ment says Al-Arian also had con­nec­tions to promi­nent ter­ror­ists, includ­ing Omar Abdel-Rahman, ‘the Blind Sheik,’ who is serv­ing a life sen­tence for con­spir­ing to blow up New York land­marks.” (Idem.)

11. More about the Bush/Al-Arian asso­ci­a­tion: “. . . Al Arian later told friends he even used the occa­sion to press Bush on a key issue among Mus­lim Amer­i­cans: the Jus­tice Department’s use of secret evi­dence to deport accused ter­ror­ists. In those pre-9/11 days, Bush was eagerly court­ing the grow­ing Mus­lim vote and more than will­ing to lis­ten to seem­ingly sin­cere activists like Al-Arian. When he debated Al Gore later in the year, Bush even made a point of bring­ing up the secret-evidence issue. Al-Arian was thrilled and began reg­is­ter­ing local Mus­lims for the Repub­li­can Party and prais­ing bush at local mosques. ‘I think I per­son­ally played a big role in elect­ing Bush, he boasted at a Mus­lim Amer­i­can din­ner last April . . . ’” (“Did a Mus­lim Pro­fes­sor Use Activism as a Cloak for Ter­ror?” by Michael Isikoff; Newsweek; 3/3/2003; p. 1.)

12. When Khalid Sheik Mohammed (alleged mas­ter­mind of the 9/11 attacks) took place recently, the raids also net­ted a key Al Qaeda money man—a wealthy Saudi. ” . . . The author­i­ties also arrested another man in the apart­ment, a 34-year-old Saudi they couldn’t imme­di­ately iden­tify. It wasn’t until the next day that they dis­cov­ered was Mustafa Ahmed al-Hawsawi, another most-wanted Qaeda ter­ror­ist believed to be one of the 9/11 plot’s key ‘pay­mas­ters.’ Offi­cials tell Newsweek that Mohammed and al-Hawsawi are both under intense inter­ro­ga­tion, pos­si­bly at the U.S. air base in Baghram, Afghanistan. If they talk, the men could pro­vide answers to many key ques­tions about the Sep­tem­ber plot that inves­ti­ga­tors have yet to fig­ure out: Whose idea was it? Who issued the go-ahead? And who sup­plied the money to finance the attacks? That last puz­zle is espe­cially impor­tant, since it could help author­i­ties unravel the all-important world­wide net­work of wealthy indi­vid­u­als, char­i­ties and gov­ern­ments that enable Osama bin Laden to make his deadly fan­tasies come true. (On Sat­ur­day, author­i­ties scored another vic­tory, arrest­ing Abu Jazir al-Jaziri, described by intel­li­gence sources as an ‘impor­tant Al Qaeda fig­ure’ who han­dled logis­tics.) Few peo­ple know more about the cash end of the busi­ness than al-Hawsawi. . .” (“Al Qaeda’s Money Man” by Mark Hosen­ball and Michael Isikoff; Newsweek; 3/24/2003; p. 38.)

13. ” . . .The account was flush with cash. Not long after al-Hawsawi opened it, some­one made a series of deposits total­ing $102,000. (Intel­li­gence sources say al-Hawsawi, who comes from a well-off Saudi fam­ily, may have put up some of the money him­self.) Al-Hawsawi’s work wasn’t done. Accord­ing to inter­nal FBI reports obtained by Newsweek, two weeks after al-Hawsawi opened the account, he—or some­one using his cell-phone number—wired $15,000 to Ham­burg, Ger­many: The per­son who went to col­lect the money was Ramzi bin al-Shibh, an alleged top 9/11 plot­ter who was cap­tured last Sep­tem­ber. Within days, offi­cials say, bin al-Shibh wired $14,000 to Zacarias Mous­saoui in the United States . . . And wad­ing through the cache of evi­dence found at the apart­ment has been slow and dif­fi­cult. But U.S. offi­cials say they have clas­si­fied evi­dence link­ing al-Hawsawi to other ter­ror­ist plots.” (Idem.)

14. Stem­ming from the Al-Arian indict­ment, the Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids of 3/20/2002 con­tinue to have reper­cus­sions. A promi­nent Mus­lim scholar dis­cussed in FTR#398 was named as an unin­dicted co-conspirator in terrorist-support activ­i­ties. “Fed­eral pros­e­cu­tors in Vir­ginia have impli­cated a promi­nent U.S. Mus­lim reli­gious scholar in pos­si­ble involve­ment with ter­ror­ism fund­ing. In a fil­ing late Fri­day with the U.S. Dis­trict Court for East­ern Vir­ginia, pros­e­cu­tors dis­closed that one sub­ject of their probe is also an unin­dicted co-conspirator in a sep­a­rate ter­ror­ism inves­ti­ga­tion in Florida involv­ing for­mer Uni­ver­sity of South Florida pro­fes­sor Sami Al-Arian and his asso­ciates. A fed­eral grand jury in Tampa, Fla., recently handed up a 50-count indict­ment that charges ter­ror­ism financ­ing and rack­e­teer­ing against Mr. Arian and seven asso­ciates accused of belong­ing to or sup­port­ing the ter­ror group Pales­tin­ian Islamic Jihad.” (“U.S. Links Scholar to Ter­ror Fund­ing” by Glenn R. Simp­son; The Wall Street Jour­nal; 3/17/2003; p. A4.)

15. “The unin­dicted co-conspirator isn’t named in the new fil­ing, but the Arian indict­ment and other records indi­cate the per­son is reli­gious scholar Taha Alawani, a widely respected reli­gious leader I the U.S. Mus­lim com­mu­nity. Mr. Alawani was recently fea­tured in a page-one arti­cle in The Wall Street Jour­nal for his role in train­ing Mus­lim chap­lains serv­ing in the U.S. mil­i­tary and U.S. pris­ons, some of whom have been accused of spread­ing anti-Western Islamic the­ol­ogy. Mr. Alawani’s home and offices were raided last year by fed­eral antiter­ror­ism agents, but in a sub­se­quent inter­view he strongly denied any involve­ment in import­ing ter­ror­ism . . .” (Idem.)

16. ” . . . The new Jus­tice Depart­ment fil­ing pro­poses a par­tial unseal­ing of the search-warrant affi­davit at the behest of the news media. It states that the Arian probe in Florida ‘was one of the inves­ti­ga­tions out­side the East­ern Dis­trict of Vir­ginia described in the search war­rant affi­davit which we sought to safe­guard by seal­ing the affi­davit,’ U.S. attor­ney Paul McNulty told the court. Now that Mr. Arian has been indicted, the secrecy is no longer nec­es­sary, Mr. McNulty said . . .” (Idem.)

17. It is pro­foundly inter­est­ing to note the sud­den change that the defen­dants took in this case. Their coun­sel has now asked that the orig­i­nal fil­ing be sealed. Mr. Emory asks the ques­tion: “Is this because of the arrest of al-Hawsawi in Pak­istan? Did those raids uncover some­thing impor­tant that would incrim­i­nate the defen­dants? “The fil­ing also dis­closes a major twist in the legal bat­tle over the search war­rant. The sub­jects of the North­ern Vir­ginia probe, a group of Mus­lim busi­ness­men and polit­i­cal activists who con­sti­tute much of the cream of the U.S. Mus­lim polit­i­cal estab­lish­ment, long have sought to unseal the affi­davit. But last week they sud­denly reversed them­selves, and Ms. Luque asked the Fourth Cir­cuit to keep the doc­u­ment sealed in its entirety.” (Idem.)

18. The NSC’s top counter-terrorist offi­cial has resigned after a few month on the job. “The top National Secu­rity Coun­cil offi­cial in the war on ter­ror resigned this week for what a NSC spokesman said were per­sonal rea­sons, but intel­li­gence sources say the move reflects con­cern that the loom­ing war with Iraq is hurt­ing the fight against ter­ror­ism. Rand Beers would not com­ment for this arti­cle, but he and sev­eral sources close to him were emphatic that the res­ig­na­tion was not a protest against an inva­sion of Iraq. But the same sources, and other cur­rent and for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cials described a broad con­sen­sus in the anti-terrorism and intel­li­gence com­mu­nity that an inva­sion of Iraq would divert crit­i­cal resources from the war on ter­ror. Beers has served as the NSC’s senior direc­tor for counter-terrorism only since August. White House said Wednes­day that he offi­cially remains on the job and has yet to set a depar­ture date.” (“Top White house Anti-Terror Boss Resigns” by p. Mitchell Prothero; 3/19/2003; (UPI); p. 1.)

19. A crit­i­cally impor­tant arti­cle detail­ing Mohammed Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates is fea­tured on the web­site main­tained by Daniel Hop­sicker. Be sure to check out this and other alle­ga­tions researched by Mr. Hop­sicker. “A year-long Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews inves­ti­ga­tion has uncov­ered evi­dence that at least seven of Mohamed Atta’s clos­est asso­ciates in Florida dur­ing the year lead­ing up to the 9/11 attack were not Arab, but Ger­man. The names of the seven, all pilots, have not sur­faced in any press accounts of Atta’s stay in the U.S., nor has their exis­tence been men­tioned or alluded to in offi­cial state­ments. Trav­el­ing with Atta, or meet­ing him around the state, Atta’s Ger­man friends appeared to share a rela­tion­ship with him of long-standing, accord­ing to eye­wit­nesses, dat­ing back to his days in Ham­burg. The meet­ings, in places like key West and Miami, were appar­ently very seri­ous busi­ness; when they returned, said some­one who was there, Atta and his Ger­man asso­ciates ‘always came back glum.’ Only one of the seven is still in the U.S.; five live in Ger­many or Switzer­land. The sev­enth, with whom Atta report­edly trav­eled exten­sively, has a crim­i­nal record in Ger­many, and today lives in Saudi Ara­bia. The iden­ti­ties of the seven Ger­man nation­als were pieced together from infor­ma­tion gleaned in inter­views with Atta’s one-time Amer­i­can girl­friend, cor­rob­o­rated by inde­pen­dent avi­a­tion sources in Venice and Naples, FL. . .” (“9/11: The Ger­man Con­nec­tion” by Daniel Hop­sicker; MadCowProd.com)

20. The arti­cle stresses the struc­tural sim­i­lar­ity of Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates with the back­ground of Andreas Strass­meir, alleged mas­ter­mind of the Okla­homa City bomb­ing and asso­ciate of Tim­o­thy McVeigh. ” . . . Strassmeir’s father was once a top aide to Ger­man Chan­cel­lor Hel­mut Kohl; Atta’s Ger­man friends are all chil­dren of the Ger­man elite. But before delv­ing fur­ther into Atta’s Ger­man con­nec­tions, there were two other related devel­op­ments in Florida last week. In the first, the for­mer owner of the ter­ror flight school in Venice, FL., Rudi Dekkers, was arrested last week on a sin­gle count of felony fraud, and booked into the Col­lier County jail in Naples, FL.” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

21. Both of the men run­ning the fly­ing schools in Florida that trained the hijack­ers were Dutch nation­als. Might this have some con­nec­tion to the Thyssen-Bornemisza link to the Nether­lands described in FTR#370? “As the Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews has been report­ing, sus­pi­cious and often ille­gal activ­i­ties were com­mon­place occur­rences at Dekkers-owned flight schools at the same time the schools were train­ing a ver­i­ta­ble ‘Who’s Who’ of Ham­burg cadre ter­ror­ists. Now the arrest of the con­tro­ver­sial Dutch national comes amid indi­ca­tions from author­i­ties that Fed­eral agen­cies involved in the 9/11 inves­ti­ga­tion are tak­ing a closer look at Dekker’s busi­ness activ­i­ties in Florida dur­ing the past decade, fuel­ing spec­u­la­tion he might become the first non-Arab charged in a wider 9/11 con­spir­acy than has so-far been revealed. . . .Pos­ing for a new mug shot is the lat­est in a series of rever­sals suf­fered recently by the Venice ‘Magic Dutch Boy,’ so-called because he is one of two Dutch nation­als who owned flight schools at the Venice Air­port which each—by appar­ent freak coincidence—ended up train­ing ter­ror­ists to fly. . .” (Idem.)

22. Is some­one work­ing to silence Dekkers and Kruithof? ” . . . Then, too Dekker’s heli­copter crashed recently, while he was en route to a show­down meet­ing with part­ner Wally Hilliard over con­trol of Huff­man Avi­a­tion. In another freak coin­ci­dence, owner of the sec­ond Dutch-owned flight school at the Venice Air­port, Arne Kruithof, also suf­fered a near-fatal avi­a­tion mishap last sum­mer when his plane fell from a hun­dred feet in the air onto the run­way of the Venice Air­port. It appears as if both would be well-advised to stay away from open win­dows.” (Ibid.; pp. 2–3.)

23. “The Ger­man ele­ment arrived in Florida with ‘Wolf­gang’ in 1996. Prior to arriv­ing in Naples he was asso­ci­ated with an orga­ni­za­tion called ‘The Fly­ing Club of Munich.’ ‘Wolf­gang showed up from Munich in the mid-1990’s and imme­di­ately began oper­at­ing a flight school ille­gally in ’96,’ stated an avi­a­tion source in Naples. ‘He’s half Swiss, half Ger­man.’ Wolf­gang was instru­men­tal in bring­ing another of Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates to Florida, a pilot named ‘Stephan,’ who we were to learn has done jail time in Ger­many, was on parole there when he came to the U.S., and recently spent a year in Gun­dogdu, Turkey.” (Ibid.; p. 3.)

24. “While reg­u­lar Ger­man flight stu­dents strug­gle to obtain the nec­es­sary visas, Wolf­gang and Stephan appar­ently had inside con­nec­tions which smoothed their progress. ‘Some­times it makes me mad that a crim­i­nal gets pref­er­ence,’ stated one Ger­man national flight instruc­tor in Naples with obvi­ous bit­ter­ness. ‘Wolf­gang signed off on Stephan’s books, and Stephan also got in on a fraud­u­lent busi­ness investor’s visa.’ ‘Wolf­gang was in his thir­ties,’ says Amanda Keller, who lived with Atta dur­ing March and April of 2001. ‘He and Wolf­gang were very tight, they went every­where together. When he came into the pic­ture they were together all the time. . .’” (Idem.)

25. “Strangely, Keller also states that Atta always spoke Ger­man with Wolf­gang, a state­ment con­tra­dicted by the tes­ti­mony of Rudi Dekkers, who told a Con­gres­sional Com­mit­tee that when he addressed him in Ger­man, Atta had merely looked at him strangely . . . Newsweek says its sources say the unnamed coun­try is Saudi Ara­bia. That may prove to be at least partly cor­rect; still, there are few, if any, Saudis named ‘Wolf­gang.’ Newsweek should keep dig­ging.” (Ibid.; pp. 3–4.)

26. The broad­cast closes with dis­turb­ing indi­ca­tions of Sad­dam Hussein’s pos­si­ble recruit­ment of Al Qaeda as a “backup unit” in the event of an Amer­i­can inva­sion. Is this part of the Under­ground Reich’s con­spir­acy against the United States? Are we walk­ing into a trap? “It appears, how­ever, that this ver­sion is only the pub­licly admis­si­ble one, the one that can pass polit­i­cal muster. Accord­ing to the same sources, there was another sce­nario more in keep­ing with the cal­cu­lat­ing men­tal­ity of Sad­dam Hus­sein and his secret ser­vices. In 1998, after declin­ing all offers that had to them through offi­cial diplo­matic chan­nels, those ser­vices are reported to have estab­lished a secret oper­a­tional ‘con­nec­tion’ with bin Laden in Manila and in Kash­mir. It was indeed dif­fi­cult for Iraq to ignore an Arab like Osama bin Laden who ‘so effec­tively humil­i­ated the Amer­i­cans.’ Colonel Khairal­lah al Takir­iti, brother of the head of Mukkhabarat, the intel­li­gence ser­vices, is reported to have been named case offi­cer for the con­nec­tion. The arrest of two Mor­roc­can asso­ciates of bin Laden in Rabat on Novem­ber 11, 1998, made it pos­si­ble to estab­lish to estab­lish the link with cer­tainty. Accord­ing to West­ern sources, the Iraqi ser­vices have sought to secure the assis­tance of bin Laden’s net­works, in case Iraq were again to be attacked by the United States, in order to carry out attacks against Amer­i­can tar­gets in Arab coun­tries.” (In the Name of Osama Bin Laden; by Roland Jacquard; Copy­right 2002 [SC]; Duke Uni­ver­sity Press; ISBN 0–8223-2991–3; pp. 112–113.)

27. “Accord­ing to Arab sources, in antic­i­pa­tion of a fore­see­able rever­sal of alliances in Kabul, bin Laden had been in dis­creet con­tact since Sep­tem­ber 2000 with asso­ciates of Oudai Hus­sein, another of Saddam’s sons; the ground for agree­ment was the anti-Israeli and anti-American bat­tle. Bin Laden and the Iraqis are said to have exchanged infor­ma­tion about chem­i­cal and bio­log­i­cal weapons, despite the oppo­si­tion of some of the Bagh­dad lead­er­ship, includ­ing Tarik Aziz.” (Ibid.; p. 113.)