This program documents key areas of overlap between the activities of Aryan Nations activist Larry Harris and Dr. Larry Ford, who had worked on deadly biological warfare agents with, and for the CIA and the now infamous Project Coast in South Africa. Harris was arrested by the FBI for possessing weapons grade anthrax; Both Harris and Ford were active in the Henderson, Nevada; area; Both were strongly influenced by The Turner Diaries and white supremacist views. Harris and his partner Leavitt were in control of a biological lab in Germany, yet the German authorities couldn’t seem to locate it. That is very strange in light of the fact that the Germans register every citizen and business in Germany. That they were allegedly unable to find the Harris/Leavitt laboratory is simply not credible. Rather, this suggests that the German authorities were (to a certain extent) complicit with the activities of Leavitt/Harris. Most of the second half of the broadcast is a reprise of the second half of FTR#324, broadcast on 9/9/2001. This part of the broadcast reviews the links of Ford to elements of the CIA, the South African apartheid government, and an underground Broederbond (the fascist core group of the apartheid regime.)
Program Highlights Include: Larry Ford’s high regard for The Turner Diaries—the apparent inspiration for Timothy McVeigh & Co; Larry Ford’s contacts with American white supremacist elements; contingency plans on the part of Die Organisasie for a massive bio-terror attack on the United States; the fear of many Project Coast veterans of retribution by their former comrades if they betray the underground organization; Larry Harris’ sinister warnings of retribution if the Federal Government retaliated for an attempt at secession by a white supremacist clique in the Pacific Northwest.
1. The first half of the broadcast consists of a replay of most of FTR#89, recorded in March of 1998. Discussing the possession of weapons-grade anthrax by Aryan Nations associate Larry Harris, the first element of analysis notes that Harris had discussed the possibility that Iraqi agents or, perhaps, the U.S. government might spread deadly biological weapons in a mass terror attack. Harris himself discussed methods of effecting such an attck using automobile and aircraft exhaust systems, while appearing on a Michigan militia-linked radio program. Although Harris claimed to have worked for the CIA (a possibility that cannot be dismissed in light of the fact that white supremacists and neo-Nazis have been employed as mercenaries in covert operations), he may have been operating on behalf of the white supremacist community and attempting to deflect responsibility for any attacks on “the government.” It is important to note that Larry Harris and his associate William Job Leavitt were caught in Henderson, Nevada, outside of Las Vegas. Larry Ford, was also active in the Henderson, Nevada, area.
(“Anthrax Suspect Wrote of Germ Warfare” by Michael Sangiacomo [Cleveland Plain Dealer]; San Francisco Examiner; 2/20/1998.)
2. Harris and Leavitt were seeking a glass globe (possibly for distributing plague in the New York City subway systems.) The contingency plans they were working on were intended to fundamentally disrupt American society, and to deflect responsibility on elements of the federal government. Both men were discussing bio-terror attacks on New York City, intended (in part) to bankrupt the United States. (For more about the economic component of terror against the U.S., see—among other programs—FTR#‘s 407, 412.) For supposedly peaceful individuals who claimed to be working with vaccine grade anthrax, their interest in police radar scanners and glass globes appears unusual.
(“Anthrax Suspects Appear in Court” by Robert Macy [AP]; Las Vegas Sun; 2/19/1998.)
3. More sinister, still, is the threat issued by Harris in which he threatened the destruction of U.S. cities by biological warfare. This threat was made in the event of an attempt by the Federal Government to prevent Aryan Nations and white supremacist activists from establishing a breakaway Aryan nation in the Pacific Northwest.
(“Anthrax Scare: 2 Held” by Kevin Fagan, Bill Wallace and Susan Sward; San Francisco Chronicle; 2/20/1998.)
4. Next, the broadcast focuses on the support of neo-Nazi elements (particularly in Germany) for Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War. This is of particular significance since Larry Harris had been claiming that Iraqi agents would be attacking the country with various BW agents. In that context, one should consider the possibilities that Harris may have been seeking to deflect blame for the attacks on Iraqis and/or that he may have been working with the Iraqis or Islamist or Islamofascist activists. Of particular note is Michael Kuhnen, one of the more prominent German neo-Nazis of the 1980’s and 1990’s. Note, in this context, the anti-American and anti-Semitic motivation for the stance taken by Kuhnen and company.
“As the United States rattled its saber and threatened Baghdad, Michael Kuhnen contacted the Iraqi embassy in Bonn. His overtures culminated in a memorandum of agreement with Iraqi officials, which stipulated that Baghdad would finance and equip an anti-Zionist legion composed of neo-Nazi mercenaries from Germany and other countries. This so-called International Freedom Corps was supposed to assist Iraq if it came under attack by the United States. Kuhnen, the designated commander of the volunteer brigade, praised Saddam Hussein as a freedom fighter: ‘We have common ideals—the creation of living spaces for different people and races in accordance with their own culture and tradition.’ Referring to Kuwait as ‘the Silesia of Iraq,’ Kuhnen claimed that Arabs were not Marxists but nationalists ‘just like we are.’ Moreover, they had the same enemy—‘the United States and its backers, the Zionist forces.’ But the martial prowess of the neo-Nazis, who pretentiously strutted around Baghdad in SS uniforms, left much to be desired. As soon as the bombs started to fall on the Iraqi capital, Kuhnen’s motley delegation scurried back to Europe.”
5. Returning to the Nevada Anthrax case, the defendants (Larry Harris and William Leavitt) claim they were making harmless medical anthrax vaccines. (The FBI continues to maintain that they were in possession of weapons-grade anthrax.) Why then did Harris and Leavitt need the police scanners and other sophisticated materials of that type? That equipment is the type that would be sought by someone involved in counterintelligence and/or terrorism.
(“False Alarm in Anthrax Arrests” by Tom Gorman [Los Angeles Times]; San Francisco Examiner; 2/22/1998.)
6. As noted previously, laboratory that can be used for making vaccines can also be used to make biological terror agents. (Harris and Leavitt claimed that they were making vaccines.)
(“The Terrors of Toxins” by Jeffrey Cowley and Adam Rogers; Newsweek; 11/24/1997.)
7. One of the most suspicious aspects of the Harris/Leavitt anthrax conspiracy concerns the fact that Leavitt had a biological laboratory in Frankfurt, Germany. That they may have been working with German neo-Nazis or white supremacists is not a possibility to be too readily dismissed. Curiously, the German authorities claimed to be unable to locate the laboratory—a strange assertion since all people in Germany must register their residences and businesses with the local police. Was there some conspiratorial sympathy on the part of the German authorities for Harris and Leavitt’s endeavors?
(“German Police Working with FBI in Anthrax Case”; Reuters, 2/21/1998.)
8. It appears the Dr. Larry Ford had been in touch with right-wing extremists in Henderson (Nevada) where Larry Harris and Leavitt had been apprehended with their anthrax stash. The thought of an active meeting between Harris and Ford is troubling to contemplate.
“Perhaps the deepest fear in the entire affair was that Dr. Ford had been working with anthrax. That trail, too, has run cold.”
(“California Doctor’s Suicide Leaves Many Troubling Mysteries Unsolved” by Jo Thomas; New York Times; 11/3/2002.)
“After Dr. Ford’s suicide, the police got tips that he had buried anthrax in a gold mine. They searched fruitlessly in California. Four months later, documents in a Nevada trash dump showed that Dr. Ford had been in touch with people involved in anti-tax and antigovernment groups. Some of them had tried to use bacteria to extract gold from dirt.”
“In December 2000, investigators searched a derelict gold milling site outside Henderson, Nev. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s] They found a separator funnel, a white liquid and Dr. Ford’s business card. A federal agent said they also found directions for making chemical and biological weapons, including anthrax. But that was all. The site’s proprietor had recently died of unrelated causes.”
11. Dr. Ford was (according to an Air Force Academy report) part of an underground, extragovernmental network that aimed at continuing the work of Project Coast and the goals of the apartheid regime.
“The Air Force report quotes testimony from a Swiss intelligence agent who laundered money for Basson and who describes a worldwide conspiracy involving unnamed Americans. ‘The death of Dr. Ford and revelations of his South African involvement,’ the report states, ‘[raises] the possibility of a right-wing international network, [still] united by a vision of South Africa once again ruled by whites.’”
(“The Medicine Man;” Los Angeles Magazine; 7/2001; pp. 8–9.)
12. The possibility that this underground organization might unleash its biological terror on the United States was foreshadowed by some of the statements made by Ford and his associates.
“They say he [South African trade attaché Gideon Bouwer] raved about the ability to keep whites in power through biological warfare, and he hinted at being part of a separate agenda—some sort of extragovernmental conspiracy, like the one described in the Air Force report, that had plans to unleash biological agents worldwide on South Africa’s enemies if the need should ever arise. ‘Just be ready,’ Fitzpatrick remembers Bouwer warning him cryptically, then asking, ‘How fast could get your daughter out of the country if you had to?’ ‘I have to be honest,’ Fitzpatrick says. ‘Gideon could be a great guy. But there was something dangerous about him. And when he started talking about that master plan, about what a great service Ford had done for his country, and about getting out of the country, it gave me chills.’”
(Ibid.; p .9.)
13. Ford’s alleged participation in the extra-governmental and apparently fascist underground milieu assumes added significance when evaluated against the post-apartheid “Third Force.” The “Third Force” was a powerful, deadly and (by those familiar with it) respectfully-feared underground extension of the apartheid/Broederbond power axis. (As will be seen later on in this program description, Mandela’s fear that Project Coast and the “Third Force” might be connected was not without foundation.)
“In the end it was British representatives who decided to approach President Mandela, with a minimum of fanfare, to advise him that he was inheriting an ugly biological assassination program from the previous administrations. Mandela’s first reaction was: ‘Oh my God!’ He was initially terrified that the South African ‘Third Force’ elements, including such organizations as Eugene Terre’ Blanche’s ultra right-wing and fanatical AWB, might lay their hands on it.”
(Plague Wars: The Terrifying Reality of Biological Warfare by Tom Mangold and Jeff Goldberg; Copyright 1999 [HC] by Tom Mangold and Jeff Goldberg; St. Martin’s Press; ISBN 0–312-20353–5; pp. 272–273.)
14. The “Third Force” was not a peripheral organization.
“The most determined of these whites came to be known as ‘The Third Force’. They comprised not the mad neo-Nazi right, but revanchist politicians and hard men in the military, and the military intelligence and civilian intelligence agencies, and the myriad covert action groups involved in fighting clean or dirty, internally or externally, to maintain white supremacy.”
(Ibid.; p. 266.)
15. The aforementioned Nico Palm described this post-apartheid underground organization in more detail, referring to it as “Die Organisasie” and “the Spider Network.” With the links between the Third Reich and the Broederbond and with the vigorous postwar presence of Third Reich émigré elements in the apartheid government, it seems probable that “Die Organisasie” retains connections to the Underground Reich.
“Palm spoke enigmatically of ‘Die Organisasie,’ a pulp fiction nom de guerre (which he calls, even more melodramatically, the ‘Spider Network’). It is a group of white South Africans who wait patiently for the demise of the ANC government and a return to the old days. They are not the mad pseudo-Nazis of the far right, but something far more organized, well financed, and patient. Other people know them as ‘The Third Force.’ We are to hear of them time and again from ex-soldiers like Nico Palm all the way up to South Africa’s deputy defense minister, Ronnie Kasrils. Significantly, files have also been opened by MI5 on the potentially significant union of like-minded South African right-wingers. All of them are ex-pats now living in the United Kingdom, who may support the destabilization of any black South African government.”
(Ibid.; p. 250.)
16. Those familiar with “Die Organisasie” regard it with a mixture of fear and respect.
“It is with in this context that Gert now raises the question of Die Organisasie. He is clearly apprehensive of its power, and it is the only moment he appears truly concerned. ‘These are people who take no prisoners,’ mutters Nico [Palm]. Gert grimly nods his head.”
(Ibid.; p. 254.)
17. Dr. Larry Ford’s associate and supervisor in Project Coast—Wouter Basson—was no stranger to “Die Organisasie.”
“We recall there was, in the documents found at his [Basson’s] home, a fax from Britain. It stated that should Basson ever find himself in trouble—real trouble—there was a safe house ready for him not half-an-hour from London. All he had to do was to make his own way to Heathrow. The signature on the fax had been whited out. In fact, the message had been sent by a former Rhodesian/South African citizen who now lives and works in West London, who was once very close to Basson, and worked with him on the biological warfare program. He is ex-Special Forces, and linked to Die Organisasie. Now he is a businessman, married with family, whose permanent residence is in London.”
(Ibid.; p. 281.)
18. The final element of discussion concerns Basson’s apparent connections to “Die Organisasie.” Juergen Jacomet—a former Swiss intelligence operative who had worked with Basson—reflected on the motives for Basson’s involvement in an “Ecstasy” deal.
“So what was Basson up to that night? He says simply that he was framed. Another version has that he did it purely for personal gain; there is a third explanation, that it was a mixture of personal gain and helping to raise funds for the Third Force, of which Basson is considered to be a member.”
(Ibid.; p. 277.)
“Basson’s possible connections with the Third Force were elliptically referred to by Juergen Jacomet, the former Swiss military intelligence agent who worked with Basson on money-laundering aspects of Project Coast in Europe . . .”
20. The program details Jacomet’s relationship with Basson and the apartheid regime.
“In fact, back in the mid-1980s, the Swiss agent had first worked with General Lothar Neethling, South Africa’s Police Forensic chief, delivering arms to South Africa, in an extensive sanctions-busting arrangement. Neethling introduced Jacomet to Basson, and the two men became friends. Basson often visited Jacomet at his Berne home. Eventually, Jacomet traveled to South Africa on several occasions to help Basson and Neethling in the dirty wars of the 1980s.”
21. Jacomet hypothesizes that Basson would not have engaged in the Ecstasy deal for profit.
“Now, sitting in a quiet West London garden on an early spring day in 1998, Jacomet relaxes with coffee and cigarettes and discusses the arrest of Basson and the Ecstasy allegations. He scoffs at the prospect of his friend being a profiteering drug dealer. ‘It makes absolutely no sense if you know him. It makes no sense that he would mix with street dealers. If it happened at all, there must be a higher interest.’ Such as? ‘It might be to procure money to support a certain group which represents the interests of South Africa and wants the return of a white-dominated government.’”
(Ibid.; pp. 277–278.)
22. In discussing the Third Force, Jacomet expresses the same fear of the organization that we have already witnessed.
“Jacomet, now nervous, is pressed to expand a little. ‘There is a group of people here in London, he says. ‘One could call them the friends of South Africa. They have it in mind to see a strong white South Africa again. There are American connections too. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] They need funds, and it is possible that the drug business has helped them. You know, it would really be very foolish of me to talk more about this. They are serious people.’ Jacomet searches for the popular expression, and, remarkably, finds the same aphorism used by Gert about the same people. ‘They don’t take prisoners,’ he says finally.”
(Ibid.; p. 278.)
23. In discussing the Third Force, Jacomet makes a reference to “an American” who worked with Basson. This may very well be a reference to Ford.
“And who are ‘they’? Jacomet mentions some well-known South African names—men previously associated with Third Force activities. He also refers to an American name known to Britain’s MI5 for his alleged involvement with Basson in money laundering, sanctions busting, and biological agents procurement. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] Once again, Die Organisasie is mentioned in respectful tones, and, once again, the details remain scant and elusive. Jacomet remains silent.”
24. Mr. Emory concludes the discussion with rumination about the possibility that the Underground Reich, utilizing some of the apparent connections evident in the relationships of Dr. Larry Ford, might very well launch a bio-terror strike against the United States. Once again, one should note in that context that this broadcast was recorded on 9/09/2001.