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Intro­duc­tion: This pro­gram is For The Record’s con­tri­bu­tion to the many memo­ri­als to Ronald Rea­gan upon the occa­sion of his pass­ing. Unlike the hagiogra­phies in most of the US media, this pro­gram doc­u­ments a fun­da­men­tal real­ity of Reagan’s presidency—its pro­found con­nec­tion to the Under­ground Reich and the piv­otal role of Nazi ele­ments in the most notable “achieve­ment” of the Rea­gan presidency—the roll­back of com­mu­nism and the breakup of the Soviet Union. (This should not be inter­preted as an endorse­ment by him of the Soviet sys­tem.) After con­trast­ing the squeaky-clean, All-American cel­lu­loid Frank Gipp with the cyn­i­cal, cor­rupt Frank Gipp of real­ity, the pro­gram notes the equally strik­ing con­trast between the false, ide­al­ized pres­i­dency of Ronald Rea­gan and the dark real­ity of his tenure. (Gipp was the Notre Dame foot­ball player whom Rea­gan played in a movie and whose nick­name he adopted for his own. Far from being the ide­al­ized role model Rea­gan por­trayed, Gipp was thor­oughly corrupt.)

The broad­cast traces the evo­lu­tion of a Nazi émigré milieu with which Rea­gan was asso­ci­ated through­out much of his life. These Nazis were brought into the US under a pro­gram called the Cru­sade for Free­dom, for which Rea­gan served as a spokesman. The per­son­nel brought to the US under the CFF evolved into an impor­tant ele­ment of the Repub­li­can Party’s eth­nic out­reach orga­ni­za­tion and became a key ele­ment of US national secu­rity pol­icy. These ele­ments came to fruition dur­ing Reagan’s presidency—a stage upon which many of the major play­ers from the CFF milieu were to real­ize the goal of Hitler’s Ost­min­is­terium with the even­tual breakup of the Soviet Union. Behind the sunny façade of the Rea­gan pres­i­dency, Nazis con­tin­ued to pur­sue the polit­i­cal agenda of the Third Reich.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Dis­cus­sion of Reagan’s asso­ciates in the Cru­sade for Freedom—Allen Dulles, Richard Nixon and William Casey; the role of the elder George Bush in mak­ing the CFF Nazis a per­ma­nent branch of the Repub­li­can Party; the career of Otto von Bolschwing—Adolph Eichmann’s supe­rior in admin­is­ter­ing Hitler’s per­se­cu­tion of the Jews; von Bolschwing’s emi­gra­tion to the US under Dulles’ CFF pro­gram; the role of von Bolschwing pro­tégé Helene von Damm in select­ing the per­son­nel from which Rea­gan made his cab­i­net appoint­ments; the Free Con­gress Foundation’s use of GOP Nazi big­wig Las­zlo Pasz­tor; the FCF’s piv­otal role as the Reagan/Bush admin­is­tra­tions’ point ele­ment in the for­mer USSR and East­ern Europe; dis­cus­sion of the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion as the cul­mi­na­tion of the CFF machi­na­tions with Rea­gan, William Casey (CIA direc­tor), von Bolschwing pro­tégé von Damm and the elder George Bush (a long-time inti­mate of the CFF Nazis) occu­py­ing cen­ter stage and real­iz­ing the goals of the Nazi-generated Roll­back or Lib­er­a­tion the­ory; the con­nec­tions between the GOP eth­nics, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations and the for­mer World Anti-Communist League; the World Mus­lim Con­gress and its links with the Pak­istani branch of WACL); Nazi oper­a­tive Haj Amin al-Husseini’s found­ing of the WMC; WMC’s role in the anti-Soviet Afghan war; the elder George Bush’s stew­ard­ship of the Afghan mujahideen.

1. The pro­gram begins with dis­cus­sion of Reagan’s nick­name “the Gip­per”, derived from Reagan’s role as Notre Dame foot­ball player Frank Gipp in the movie “Knute Rockne: All-American.” Gipp, dying of pneu­mo­nia, sup­pos­edly gave Rockne a deathbed request. “His [Gipp’s] pur­ported deathbed request to Rockne, ‘Win just one for the Gip­per,’ was used dur­ing a locker room pep talk and helped to inspire Rockne’s 1928 team in its upset vic­tory against Army. And, as the Gip­per incar­nate, Rea­gan used the line to inspire vot­ers to elect him to the Cal­i­for­nia governor’s man­sion and later the White House. To those who saw the movie and lis­tened to Rea­gan utter those now-famous words, Gipp epit­o­mized the virtues of good char­ac­ter, sports­man­ship, and ‘the right way of liv­ing.’”
(Inter­fer­ence: How Orga­nized Crime Influ­ences Pro­fes­sional Foot­ball; Dan Moldea; copy­right 1989 by William Mor­row and Com­pany [HC]; ISBN 0–688-08303-X; pp.19–20.)

2. The pro­gram con­trasts the real­ity of Gipp with the cel­lu­loid myth embod­ied in Reagan’s polit­i­cal per­sona. The real­ity of Reagan’s pres­i­dency con­trasts just as sharply with his mytho­log­i­cal “Gip­per” per­sona as the real­ity of Gipp con­trasts with Reagan’s Hol­ly­wood car­i­ca­ture of him. “His­tory, how­ever, now shows that Gipp, a man of truly ques­tion­able moral val­ues, prob­a­bly never made any such request on or off his deathbed; that Rockne, who was known for grasp­ing at any­thing to incite his play­ers, had fab­ri­cated the inci­dent and that Reagan’s movie fur­ther embell­ished the Gipp/Rockne cha­rade. . . .Regard­less of the facts, the Amer­i­can pub­lic con­tin­ues to believe the leg­end of George Gipp’s deathbed request to Knute Rockne.” (Idem.)

3. “The dif­fi­cul­ties in debunk­ing the myth about one col­lege coach and one of his play­ers is an indi­ca­tion of the prob­lems in dis­pelling the leg­ends about an entire insti­tu­tion. . . . Pow­er­ful forces in Amer­ica have built empires around these myths; and the preser­va­tion of these empires and the per­sonal wealth of those who own them depend upon the main­te­nance of the leg­ends.” (Idem.)

4. “In the Rea­gan movie myth of the lives of Rockne and Gipp, there is one scene in which Rockne chases away a gam­bler who is look­ing for an edge. Rockne, played by actor Pat O’Brien, tells him, ‘We haven’t got any use for gam­blers around here. You’ve done your best to ruin base­ball and horse rac­ing. This is one game that’s clean and it’s going to stay clean.’ Con­sid­er­ing that Gipp, with the knowl­edge of Rockne, was a noto­ri­ous sports gam­bler, the O’Brien quote per­haps best illus­trates my point.” (Idem.)

5. Moldea later points out that, when being chas­tised by Rockne for being unmo­ti­vated, Gipp explained that he had $500.00 bet on the game and was, as a result, very moti­vated. (Ibid.; p. 437.)

6. The rest of this pro­gram high­lights the rela­tion­ship between Ronald Rea­gan and the Under­ground Reich, cul­mi­nat­ing in his administration’s adop­tion of “Roll­back” or “Lib­er­a­tion Theory”—a Third Reich geopo­lit­i­cal strat­egy for elim­i­nat­ing the Soviet Union. Reagan’s involve­ment with Under­ground Reich ele­ments began when Rea­gan was still in Hol­ly­wood. Ronald Rea­gan served as the front man for an ille­gal domes­tic intel­li­gence oper­a­tion known as the Cru­sade for Free­dom. Devised by Allen Dulles (who invested Bush fam­ily money in the Third Reich and later became direc­tor of the CIA), this oper­a­tion was over­seen by Richard Nixon. William Casey (Nixon’s direc­tor of the SEC and man­ager of the Reagan-Bush cam­paign in 1980) over­saw the State Depart­ment machi­na­tions that brought these Nazi and fas­cist ele­ments into the United States. Casey later became direc­tor of the CIA. The Repub­li­can eth­nic branch (which grew out of this Nazi émigré com­mu­nity) later became a repos­i­tory for Islam­o­fas­cist ele­ments asso­ci­ated with Al Taqwa and Al Qaeda. “As a young movie actor in the early 1950s, Rea­gan was employed as the pub­lic spokesper­son for an OPC front named the ‘Cru­sade for Free­dom.’ Rea­gan may not have known it, but 99 per­cent for the Crusade’s funds came from clan­des­tine accounts, which were then laun­dered through the Cru­sade to var­i­ous orga­ni­za­tions such as Radio Lib­erty, which employed Dulles’s Fas­cists. Bill Casey, who later became CIA direc­tor under Ronald Rea­gan, also worked in Ger­many after World War II on Dulles’ Nazi ‘free­dom fight­ers’ pro­gram. When he returned to New York, Casey headed up another OPC front, the Inter­na­tional Res­cue Com­mit­tee, which spon­sored the immi­gra­tion of these Fas­cists to the United States. Casey’s com­mit­tee replaced the Inter­na­tional Red Cross as the spon­sor for Dulles’s recruits. Con­fi­den­tial inter­views, for­mer mem­bers, OPC; for­mer mem­bers, British for­eign and Com­mon­wealth Office.”
(The Secret War Against the Jews; by John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; Copy­right 1994 by Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; [HC] ISBN 0–312-11057-X; p. 605.)

7. More about the gen­e­sis of the CFF: “The truth was quite sor­did: With the help of the Dulles-Angleton clique, the Vat­i­can had sent many of the East­ern Euro­pean Nazis to West­ern coun­tries, includ­ing the United States, Aus­tralia and Canada, where the right wing recruited them to get out the rest of the East­ern Euro­pean eth­nic vote. The man who ran the polit­i­cal recruit­ment was Richard Nixon.” (Ibid.; p. 122.)

8. Frus­tra­tion over Truman’s 1948 elec­tion vic­tory over Dewey (which they blamed on the “Jew­ish vote”) impelled Dulles and his pro­tégé Richard Nixon to work toward the real­iza­tion of the fas­cist free­dom fighter pres­ence in the Repub­li­can Party’s eth­nic out­reach orga­ni­za­tion. “As a young con­gress­man, Nixon had been Allen Dulles’s con­fi­dant. They both blamed Gov­er­nor Dewey’s razor-thin loss to Tru­man in the 1948 pres­i­den­tial elec­tion on the Jew­ish vote. When he became Eisenhower’s vice pres­i­dent in 1952, Nixon was deter­mined to build his own eth­nic base.” (Idem.)

9. “Vice Pres­i­dent Nixon’s secret polit­i­cal war of Nazis against Jews in Amer­i­can pol­i­tics was never inves­ti­gated at the time. The for­eign language-speaking Croa­t­ians and other Fas­cist émigré groups had a ready-made net­work for con­tact­ing and mobi­liz­ing the East­ern Euro­pean eth­nic bloc. There is a very high cor­re­la­tion between CIA domes­tic sub­si­dies to Fas­cist ‘free­dom fight­ers’ dur­ing the 1950’s and the lead­er­ship of the Repub­li­can Party’s eth­nic cam­paign groups. The motive for the under-the-table financ­ing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to off­set the Jew­ish vote for the Democ­rats.” (Idem.)

10. “In 1952, Nixon had formed an Eth­nic Divi­sion within the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee. Dis­placed fas­cists, hop­ing to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon ‘lib­er­a­tion’ pol­icy signed on with the com­mit­tee. In 1953, when Repub­li­cans were in office, the immi­gra­tion laws were changed to admit Nazis, even mem­bers of the SS. They flooded into the coun­try. Nixon him­self over­saw the new immi­gra­tion pro­gram. As vice pres­i­dent, he even received East­ern Euro­pean Fas­cists in the White House.” (Ibid.; pp. 122–123.)

11. The venal­ity of the ele­ments imported by Nixon & com­pany is exem­pli­fied by the VorKom­mando Moskau—an entire SS intel­li­gence unit incor­po­rated com­plete and intact into the US under the CFF. “VorKom­mando Moskau was an elite for­ward unit of SS intel­li­gence on the Soviet front. Its pri­mary mis­sion was anti-Communist intel­li­gence col­lec­tion, but it also was respon­si­ble for secu­rity screen­ing of the occu­pied pop­u­la­tions in a broad sec­tor of the East­ern Front, which held nearly 6 mil­lion Jews. Pre­cisely this secu­rity and intel­li­gence expe­ri­ence made the men of the unit so attrac­tive to West­ern intel­li­gence after the war and led them to their jour­ney to the United States and mem­ber­ship in Nixon’s Repub­li­can ‘eth­nic groups.’” (Ibid.; p. 496.)

12. VorKom­mando Moskau did not kill the Jews. It hired the col­lab­o­ra­tors, who recruited the exe­cu­tion­ers, who killed the Jews. From 1940 to 1942, this one small unit acted as an employ­ment agency for the archi­tects of Nazi geno­cide in East­ern Europe. Con­trary to pop­u­lar belief, while the Ger­mans mas­ter­minded and con­trolled the machin­ery of the Holo­caust, the foot­sol­diers who car­ried it out were not pri­mar­ily Ger­mans, but local vol­un­teers from Poland, the Baltic States, Ukraine, and White Rus­sia. Those non-Germans who wished to serve Hitler’s New Order first had to pass a secu­rity check by VorKom­mando Moskau.” (Idem.)

13. One of the most impor­tant of the fas­cists brought into the coun­try and incor­po­rated into the GOP was Las­zlo Pasz­tor. Later in the dis­cus­sion, we will see Pasz­tor in his role as “lib­er­a­tion direc­tor” of the Free Con­gress Foundation—the pri­mary ele­ment real­iz­ing Reagan/Bush admin­is­tra­tion pol­icy in the for­mer USSR and East­ern Europe. “Twenty years after the birth of Israel, the Nazis were com­ing out of the closet in the United States. One of the most promi­nent East­ern Euro­pean Fas­cists was Las­zlo Pasz­tor, the found­ing chair of Nixon’s Repub­li­can her­itage groups coun­cil. Dur­ing World War II, Pasz­tor was a diplo­mat in Berlin rep­re­sent­ing the Arrow Cross gov­ern­ment of Nazi Hun­gary, which super­vised the exter­mi­na­tion of the Jew­ish pop­u­la­tion.” (Ibid.; p. 297.)

14. “As a mem­ber of a wartime ‘move­ment hos­tile to the United States,’ Pasz­tor would have been barred by the Dis­placed Per­sons’ Act of 1953. For­mer mem­bers of Fas­cist gov­ern­ments became eli­gi­ble, as long as they did not advo­cate form­ing a total­i­tar­ian gov­ern­ment in the United States.” (Idem.)

15. When Nixon became pres­i­dent, the fas­cist emi­gres became a per­ma­nent branch of the Repub­li­can Party. As will be seen below, the elder George Bush (as chair­man of the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee) presided over the incor­po­ra­tion of these Nazi ele­ments as a per­ma­nent part of the GOP. “Pasz­tor labored on the fringes of the Repub­li­can Party’s Eth­nic Divi­sion dur­ing the Eisen­hower admin­is­tra­tion, but the loyal Fas­cists were always dropped as soon as the elec­tion cam­paign was over. The Eth­nic Divi­sion was allowed to be active only dur­ing pres­i­den­tial cam­paigns. In 1968, Nixon changed all that. Accord­ing to Pasz­tor, Nixon per­son­ally promised to estab­lish a per­ma­nent eth­nic orga­ni­za­tion in the Repub­li­can Party if he became pres­i­dent.” (Idem.)

16. “Nixon kept his promise. As dis­cussed in Chap­ter 5, the 1972 secret Aus­tralian memo revealed that the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion had dis­cov­ered that Fas­cist groups were use­ful to get out the eth­nic votes in sev­eral key states. Nixon needed the Nazi vote to avoid another Dewey deba­cle. Just a few more votes would have made all the dif­fer­ence in Nixon’s race against Kennedy in 1960. In sev­eral key states, the East­ern Euro­pean vote could pro­vide the mar­gin for vic­tory in 1968.” (Idem.)

17. “The road to temp­ta­tion was clear, and after Nixon won, he approved Pasztor’s appoint­ment as chief orga­nizer of the eth­nic coun­cil. Not sur­pris­ingly, Pasztor’s ‘choices for fill­ing émigré slots as the coun­cil was being formed included var­i­ous Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tionist orga­ni­za­tions.’ The for­mer Fas­cists were com­ing out of the closet in droves.” (Idem.)

18. Note that the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations became a key ele­ment of the GOP fas­cist com­po­nent. The ABN began in 1943 under Hitler, who orig­i­nally named the orga­ni­za­tion the Com­mit­tee of Sub­ju­gated Nations. The renamed and relo­cated ABN became a key ele­ment of the GOP, the World Anti-Communist League and, later, the Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion. “The pol­icy of the Nixon White House was an ‘open door’ for émigré Fas­cists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bul­gar­ian National Front and chair­man of the Amer­i­can Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). The ABN, as we doc­u­mented in our pre­vi­ous book, had been con­demned even dur­ing the Eisen­hower admin­is­tra­tion as an orga­ni­za­tion dom­i­nated by war crim­i­nals and fugi­tive Fas­cists. Yet Nixon wel­comed them with open arms and even had Docheff to break­fast for a prayer meet­ing to cel­e­brate Cap­tive Nations Week. . . .” (Ibid.; pp. 297–298.)

19. “ . . . It should be recalled that the State Depart­ment told its Aus­tralian coun­ter­part that local offi­cials in ‘sev­eral key states’ depended on the Nazi vote. In fact, the émigré eth­nic fac­tions, such as the Croa­t­ian Ustashi, were impor­tant in fed­eral elec­tions as well. The ‘Nixon for Pres­i­dent’ cam­paigns appear to have been the pri­mary ben­e­fi­ciary of their sup­port. The pres­i­dent him­self needed the East­ern Euro­pean vote so des­per­ately that he was not about to con­demn the Fas­cist eth­nic edi­tors who could reach the vot­ers, even if their hatred of the Jews was well doc­u­mented.” (Ibid.; p. 298.)

20. “Dur­ing Nixon’s ‘Four More Years’ cam­paign in 1971–1972, Las­zlo Pasz­tor again played a key role in mar­shal­ing the eth­nic vote. No longer a mar­ginal player on the fringes, now he held a key posi­tion as the Repub­li­can National Committee’s Nation­al­i­ties Direc­tor. At a two-day orga­niz­ing con­ven­tion in Novem­ber 1971, Pasz­tor cas­ti­gated the ‘ultra-liberal’ and left­ist Demo­c­ra­tic Party, which he felt had aban­doned eth­nic Amer­i­cans, and boasted of the work he had done to fun­nel their votes to the Repub­li­cans. Sev­eral grate­ful Nixon cab­i­net mem­bers responded with promises of increased fed­eral fund­ing for their favored eth­nic groups. . . .” (Ibid.; pp. 298–299.)

21. “ . . . After 1953, the Repub­li­can admin­is­tra­tion changed the rules, and even mem­bers of the Waf­fen SS could immi­grate to the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the Com­mu­nists on the East­ern Front.” (Ibid.; p. 299.)

22. “By the 1970s, Pasz­tor wasn’t afraid to asso­ciate pub­licly with For­mer sup­port­ers of Ger­man fas­cism. Nor did Nixon seem to care, as long as the Ger­mans voted for him. In Octo­ber 1971, the sec­ond All German-American Her­itage Group Con­fer­ence ‘received a let­ter of ‘warm greet­ings’ from Pres­i­dent Nixon and a note of wel­come from Mrs. Nixon, who accepted the title of hon­orary chair­man and noted her own Ger­man ances­try.’ It does not take a genius to real­ize that some of the con­fer­ence mem­bers were not typ­i­cal German-Americans. Among the Fas­cist pro­pa­ganda offered at the con­fer­ence were adver­tise­ments for books that denied that the Final Solu­tion had taken place; one of the fea­tured speak­ers had argued that the reports of 6 mil­lion Jews killed by the Nazis were ‘part of a Communist-Zionist pro­pa­ganda effort. . . .” (Idem.)

23. “ . . . The evi­dence is unequiv­o­cal that suc­ces­sive Repub­li­can lead­er­ships knew exactly what they were doing and with whom they were work­ing. Nixon could not have failed to notice the adverse press the Fas­cists’ rela­tion­ship with the Repub­li­can Party was get­ting, but appar­ently the votes they could deliver out­weighed any doubts he may have had about their cre­den­tials.” (Ibid.; p. 300.)

24. “Pasz­tor ws absolutely self-confident. He knew that even after the press scan­dals, the Fas­cists would remain as part of the Nixon team because of the impor­tance of the eth­nic Fas­cist vote as a counter to the Jews. ‘It was my job to bring [them] into the Repub­li­can Her­itage Groups Coun­cil . . . In 1972 we used the Coun­cil as the skele­ton to build the Her­itage Groups for the re-election of the Pres­i­dent.’” (Idem.)

25. “Accord­ing to sev­eral of our sources in the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity who were in a posi­tion to know, the secret ros­ters of the Repub­li­can Party’s Nation­al­i­ties Coun­cil read like a Who’s Who of Fas­cist fugi­tives. The Republican’s Nazi con­nec­tion is the dark­est secret of the Repub­li­can lead­er­ship. The ros­ters will never be dis­closed to the pub­lic. As will be seen in Chap­ter 16 deal­ing with George Bush, the Fas­cist con­nec­tion is too wide­spread for dam­age con­trol.” (Idem.)

26. “Accord­ing to a 1988 study by Russ Bel­lant of Polit­i­cal Research Asso­ciates, vir­tu­ally all of the fas­cist orga­ni­za­tions of World War II opened up a Repub­li­can Party front group dur­ing the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion. The cal­iber of the Repub­li­can eth­nic lead­ers can be gauged by one New Jer­sey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a noto­ri­ous mass mur­derer from what today is called the inde­pen­dent nation of Belarus, for­merly part of the Soviet Union. But not all Amer­i­can eth­nic com­mu­ni­ties are rep­re­sented in the GOP’s eth­nic sec­tion; there are no black or Jew­ish her­itage groups.” (Idem.)

27. “Accord­ing to a num­ber of for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cers, Nixon was fund­ing the Nazis in the United States with the tax­pay­ers’ money. Each of the eth­nic groups was the ben­e­fi­ciary of covert CIA sup­port for ‘anti-Communist pro­pa­ganda’ that enabled them to pub­lish right-wing news­pa­pers, hold con­ven­tions, and gen­er­ally estab­lish dom­i­nance over the demo­c­ra­t­i­cally inclined, anti-Nazi, eth­nic immi­grants. For years the money was taken from the CIA’s covert accounts and laun­dered through legit­i­mate orga­ni­za­tions, such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Lib­erty. . . .” (Idem.)

28. “ . . . The truth is that the Nazi immi­grants were ‘tar babies’ that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a hand­ful of the top émigré politi­cians in the late 1940’s. They in turn spon­sored their friends in the 1950’s. By the 1960’s, ex-Nazis who had orig­i­nally fled to Argentina were mov­ing to the United States. Every­one turned a blind eye. . .” (Ibid.; p. 301.)

29. While serv­ing as chair­man of the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee, the elder George Bush shep­herded the Nazi émigré com­mu­nity into posi­tion as a per­ma­nent branch of the Repub­li­can Party. “It was Bush who ful­filled Nixon’s promise to make the ‘eth­nic emi­gres’ a per­ma­nent part of Repub­li­can pol­i­tics. In 1972, Nixon’s State Depart­ment spokesman con­firmed to his Aus­tralian coun­ter­part that the eth­nic groups were very use­ful to get out the vote in sev­eral key states. Bush’s tenure as head of the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee exactly coin­cided with Las­zlo Pasztor’s 1972 drive to trans­form the Her­itage Groups Coun­cil into the party’s offi­cial eth­nic arm. The groups Pasz­tor chose as Bush’s cam­paign allies were the émigré Fas­cists whom Dulles had brought to the United States.”(Ibid.; pp. 369–370.)

30. The same Nazi ele­ments were present in Bush’s cam­paign in 1988. “Nearly twenty years later, and after exposes in sev­eral respectable news­pa­pers, Bush con­tin­ued to recruit most of the same eth­nic Fas­cists, includ­ing Pasz­tor, for his own 1988 eth­nic out­reach pro­gram when he first ran for pres­i­dent.” (Ibid.; pp. 370–371.)

31. One of the most impor­tant Nazis brought into the coun­try through the Dulles-sponsored CFF was Otto von Bolschwing. Later, his pro­tégé Helene Von Damm became the per­son who selected the list from which all of Ronald Reagan’s cab­i­net appoint­ments were made. “Eich­mann was replaced on the Mid­dle East­ern scene by a far more skilled intel­li­gence offi­cer, Otto von Bolschwing. Before World War II, von Bolschwing set up an import-export busi­ness in Pales­tine as a cover for his espi­onage activ­i­ties. He was an edu­cated man from a good fam­ily and an enthu­si­as­tic sup­porter of Hitler. After the war, von Bolschwing became one of Allen Dulles’s senior agents in the CIA.” (Ibid.; p. 46.)

32. “Dulles helped von Bolschwing emi­grate to Cal­i­for­nia, where he estab­lished a busi­ness asso­ci­a­tion with Helene von Damm, later Ronald Reagan’s ambas­sador to Aus­tria. In later years, his busi­ness went bank­rupt and he was forced to sur­ren­der his Amer­i­can cit­i­zen­ship on the grounds that he was a Nazi war crim­i­nal.” (Idem.)

33. Next, the pro­gram reviews Von Bolschwing’s career in the United States, after being brought here by Allen Dulles. In par­tic­u­lar, this part of the pro­gram notes the rela­tion­ship between Von Bolschwing and his pro­tégé, Helene Von Damm. As noted above, Von Damm became the per­son who selected the lists from which the Rea­gan per­son­nel appoint­ments were made.
(“Ex-Nazi’s Bril­liant U.S. Career Stran­gled in a Web of Lies” by Pete Carey; San Jose Mer­cury News; 11/20/1981; pp. 1A-24A.)

34. The broad­cast presents more infor­ma­tion high­light­ing Helene Von Damm’s role in select­ing the lists of per­son­nel that Ronald Rea­gan used to select his cab­i­net appoint­ments. (“Big Pro­mo­tion for Reagan’s Ex-Secretary;” San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle; 8/3/82.)

35. Much of the sec­ond side of the pro­gram con­sists of excerpts from AFA 37. This excerpt doc­u­ments the Free Con­gress Foundation—the orga­ni­za­tion that became the point ele­ment for the Reagan/Bush admin­is­tra­tions’ pol­icy in the for­mer USSR and East­ern Europe. As men­tioned above, the direc­tor of the FCF’s “lib­er­a­tion pol­icy” was none other than Las­zlo Pasz­tor, the king­pin of the GOP’s Nazi émigré com­mu­nity. The Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion became the embod­i­ment of the Third Reich-generated “Roll­back” or “Lib­er­a­tion” the­ory. That geopo­lit­i­cal tac­tic involved the uti­liza­tion of the var­i­ous eth­nic groups inside the for­mer Soviet Union in order to break the USSR into its com­po­nent eth­nic republics. This (obvi­ously) was real­ized. In addi­tion, the var­i­ous Third Reich-affiliated East­ern Euro­pean groups that achieved promi­nence in the GOP’s fas­cist émigré com­mu­nity ulti­mately recon­sti­tuted them­selves in their coun­tries of ori­gin and became agents of influ­ence in the post-communist soci­eties that emerged after the fall of the Berlin Wall. It is impor­tant to note the evo­lu­tion of the Nazi emi­gres from the CFF (Cru­sade for Free­dom) into the FCF (Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion) and to note how the Reagan/Bush admin­is­tra­tions rep­re­sented the cul­mi­na­tion of the events that began in the imme­di­ate after­math of WWII. The Nazi and fas­cist ele­ments brought in by Dulles and Nixon blos­somed in the Reagan/Bush admin­is­tra­tions. With the ascen­sion of Rea­gan (the chief spokesper­son for the CFF), William Casey (the chief State Depart­ment oper­a­tive for the CFF) became CIA direc­tor. (Casey had been the man­ager of the Reagan/Bush cam­paign in 1980.) The Vice-President was George H.W. Bush, who had over­seen the per­ma­nent incor­po­ra­tion of the Nazi emi­gres into the GOP dur­ing Nixon’s pres­i­dency. The per­son­nel who peo­pled the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion were selected from lists drawn up by Helene Van Damm, a pro­tégé of Otto von Bolschwing—brought into the US by Dulles’ CFF. The pol­icy embod­ied by Reagan—Rollback or Lib­er­a­tion Theory—had its gen­e­sis with the Third Reich’s Ost­min­is­terium. It was real­ized (in part) through the Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion. The “Lib­er­a­tion Direc­tor” of the FCF was Las­zlo Pasz­tor. The FCF was very close to the ABN and the for­mer World Anti-Communist League, ele­ments of which were also deeply involved with the ille­gal Contra-support effort, which cul­mi­nated in the Iran-Contra scan­dal.
(“The Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion Goes East” by Russ Bel­lant and Lou Wolff; Covert Action Infor­ma­tion Bul­letin; Issue #35; Win­ter 1990–1991.)

36. Con­tem­plat­ing the use of Under­ground Reich-related ele­ments in the clos­ing phase of the Cold War, the pro­gram reviews the World Mus­lim Con­gress, founded by the Grand Mufti. The WMC over­lapped the lead­er­ship of the Pak­istani branch of the for­mer World Anti-Communist League, with which many of the CFF “Free­dom Fight­ers” were asso­ci­ated as well. The WMC became a pri­mary ele­ment of the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan in the 1980s. “Another favorite IHR speaker and col­lab­o­ra­tor was Issah Nakleh of the World Mus­lim Con­gress (WMC). Based in Pak­istan, the WMC was ini­tially headed by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who, like his friend H. Keith Thomp­son, stood by the Third Reich until his death in 1974. A few years later, the WMC, then headed by Pak­istani Dr. Ina­mul­lah Kahn, mailed Holocaust-denial lit­er­a­ture to every mem­ber of the U.S. Con­gress and the British Par­lia­ment. The WMC’s offi­cial mouth­piece, Mus­lim World, car­ried the ads for The Pro­to­cols of the Elders of Zion and Henry Ford’s The Inter­na­tional Jew. Dr. Khan’s con­gress also pub­lished Freema­sonry, a book warn­ing that Jews were using lodge mem­bers to extend secret con­trol over reli­gion and society—a para­noid the­ory that has long been pop­u­lar among Lib­erty Lobby sup­port­ers and neo-Nazi groups around the world. Acknowl­edg­ing their polit­i­cal kin­ship, WMC secretary-general Khan sent a let­ter to the Spot­light prais­ing its ‘superb in-depth analy­sis’ and stat­ing that the paper deserved ‘the thanks of all right-minded peo­ple.’ Dr. Khan also served as an advi­sor to the Saudi Ara­bian royal fam­ily, which lav­ished funds on the WMC. In addi­tion, the Saudi Ara­bian gov­ern­ment retained the ser­vices of Amer­i­can neo-nazi William Grim­stead as a Wash­ing­ton lob­by­ist. . . . Soon, the World Mus­lim Con­gress began work­ing closely with U.S. intel­li­gence and Pak­istani mil­i­tary offi­cials, who were covertly sup­port­ing the Afghan mujahideen in their fight against the Soviet-installed regime in Kabul. This effort was strongly endorsed by Dr. Khan, who served for many years as the Pak­istani rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Nazi-infested World Anti-Communist League, which played an impor­tant role in the Rea­gan administration’s ‘secret war’ in the Golden Cres­cent.”
(The Beast Reawak­ens; Mar­tin A. Lee; Copy­right 1997 [HC]; Lit­tle, Brown & Co.; ISBN 0–316-51959–6; pp. 225–226.)

37. It is inter­est­ing and sig­nif­i­cant that the point man coor­di­nat­ing US sup­port for the Afghan Mujahideen sup­port effort was the elder George Bush, who also played a cen­tral role in bring­ing the CFF Nazis into the Repub­li­can Party. The col­lab­o­ra­tion between the Reagan/Bush admin­is­tra­tions and the Islamists paved the way for the incor­po­ra­tion of Islam­o­fas­cist ele­ments into the GOP’s Eth­nic pro­gram. “More to the point, now, in the Afghanistan War, Vice Pres­i­dent Bush’s inter­ests and Osama bin Laden’s con­verged. In using bin Laden’s Arab Afghans as proxy war­riors against the Sovi­ets, Bush advo­cated a pol­icy that was fully in line with Amer­i­can inter­ests at that time. But he did not con­sider the long-term impli­ca­tions of sup­port­ing a net­work of Islamic fun­da­men­tal­ist rebels.”
(House of Bush/House of Saud; by Craig Unger; Scrib­ner [HC]; Copy­right 2004 by Craig Unger; ISBN 0–7432-5337-X; pp. 102–103.)

38. “Specif­i­cally, as vice pres­i­dent in the mid-eighties, Bush sup­ported aid­ing the mujahideen in Afghanistan through the Mak­tab al-Khidamat (MAK) or Ser­vices Offices, which sent money and fight­ers to the Afghan resis­tance in Peshawar. ‘Bush was in charge of the covert oper­a­tions that sup­ported the MAK,’ says John Lof­tus, a Jus­tice Depart­ment offi­cial in the eight­ies. ‘They were essen­tially hir­ing a ter­ror­ist to fight ter­ror­ism.’” (Ibid.; p. 102.)

39. As has been well doc­u­mented, the Afghan Muhahideen effort spawned Al Qaeda. “Cofounded by Osama bin Laden and Abdul­lah Azzam, the MAK was the pre­cur­sor to bin Laden’s global ter­ror­ist net­work, Al Qaeda. It sent money and fight­ers to the Afghan resis­tance in Peshawar, Pak­istan, and even the United States to bring thou­sands of war­riors to Afghanistan to fight the Soviet Union. The MAK was later linked to the 1993 bomb­ing of the World Trade Cen­ter in New York through an office in Brook­lyn known as the Al-Kifah Refugee Cen­ter. It is not clear how much con­tact he had with bin Laden, but Sheikh Omar Abdel Rah­man, the ‘Blind Sheikh,’ who mas­ter­minded the 1993 bomb­ing of the World Trade Cen­ter, also appeared in Peshawar on occa­sion.” (Idem.)