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For The Record  

FTR #475 Pryor Offenses

Recorded September 12, 2004

Political inertia—political momentum—is a major determinant in human affairs. In examining the political landscape of which the Bushes are a part, it is interesting to contemplate the extent to which the current generation of Bushes have inherited their stances from their ancestors—who were deeply involved with the forces of international fascism.

This broadcast examines actions of people involved with attempting to dispose of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the interests of furthering the cause of fascism. In particular, the program focuses on Samuel Pryor Sr. and Samuel Pryor Jr.—both of whom were key players in the Bush-Harriman business milieu. (The broadcast derives its title from these two men.) Samuel Pryor Sr. was the head of the Remington firm when it shipped weapons to German rightists (including the Nazis) in the early 1930’s. Pryor Sr. was also a key director of both Union Banking Corporation and the parent company of the Hamburg-Amerika Line—both Bush/Harriman businesses conducted in cooperation with the Nazis.

Remington was also the company selected by the 1934 coup plotters to provide arms to the unsuccessful attempt to overthrow FDR.

Was Pryor, Sr.—or his pals the Bush family—involved with the 1934 coup plotters?! Samuel Pryor, Jr. was the point man for the GOP’s plotting with Nazi agent William Rhodes Davis in an attempt to defeat Roosevelt in 1940. The program concludes by examining Attorney General Tom Clark’s suppression of a Justice Department report on the pro-Nazi activities of powerful American political and industrial figures. Tom Clark is the father of Ramsey Clark—the Attorney General who covered up the assassinations of both Kennedy brothers and Martin Luther King, Jr. To what extent were the activities of the Bush and Clark families determined by the political inertia generated in the years before, during and immediately after, World War II?

Program Highlights Include: Discussion of the possible use of the Hamburg-Amerika Line to ship Remington arms to the Nazis in the 1930’s; the possibility that Samuel Pryor, Sr.’s death in 1934 may have been connected to the 1934 coup attempt; review of the 1934 coup attempt; the Third Reich’s channeling of millions of dollars to aid the GOP’s 1940 election campaign; Pryor Jr.’s collaboration with William Rhodes Davis and the Third Reich in obtaining an endorsement for GOP presidential candidate Wendell Wilkie by labor leader John L. Lewis; Tom Clark’s firing of Justice Department whistle blower O. John Rogge, who was attempting to expose the pro-Nazi activities of powerful Americans—including those involved with plotting with the Nazis to defeat Roosevelt in 1940; review of the Bush family’s postwar activities on behalf of the Bormann organization.

1. Beginning with discussion of the family for which the program is named, the broadcast sets forth the Nye-Vandenberg committee’s investigation of Samuel Pryor (Sr.), the Remington (munitions) firm, and the shipping of Remington arms to right-wing political factions in Germany (including the Nazis). Author Kevin Phillips speculates about the possibility that the Hamburg-Amerika line (in which the Bush family was invested) may have been involved in getting the Remington weapons to Germany. “But Bush [Prescott, Sr.] and Walker did know some of the reviled merchants—the World War I-era munitions makers, ‘armor trust’ members and arms manufacturers being investigated during the early New Deal years. Both men knew Samuel Frazier Pryor, the former president of Remington Arms, whose firm was queried by the Nye committee about the clandestine flow of American-made weaponry to Germany through Holland in the early 1930’s. Walker was not investigated by the committee, but the American Ship and Commerce Corporation’s partial ownership and influence over the German Hamburg-Amerika line may have helped Remington firearms reach right-wing political factions in the early 1930’s. The guns were probably illicitly transferred—without inconvenient police inspection—to German-bound river barges in Holland’s Schelde estuaries. . . .”
(American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit in the House of Bush; Kevin Phillips; Penguin Group [HC]; Copyright 2004 by Kevin Phillips; ISBN 0-670-03264-6; p. 179.)

2. Exploring Samuel Pryor’s business connections, the discussion highlights the fact that he was a key director of two of the Bush family’s Nazi-linked businesses—the Union Banking Corporation and the Hamburg-Amerika line. Again, this connection spurs Kevin Phillips to ruminate about the possibility of the Pryor/Hamburg-Amerika connection underlying the shipment of Remington arms to the German right, including the Nazis. “ . . . Remington’s Samuel Pryor was part of this cabal, and took a role in the first big Harriman-Walker international gambit: the arrangement of a major participation in Germany’s once great Hamburg-Amerika steamship line. Harriman and Walker held their Hamburg-Amerika shares through another mutual framework, the American Ship and Commerce Corporation. Pryor was named one of AS & C’s directors.” (Ibid.; p. 180.)

3. Another of the key figures in this story—Samuel Pryor, Jr.—became a key director of Harriman Securities Corporation, placing him in the same milieu as his father. We will examine Samuel Pryor Jr.’s role in Nazi-linked intrigue directed against the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt later in the program. “In 1924, when Harriman and Walker set up the Union Banking Corporation in New York on behalf of the politically active German steel baron Fritz Thyssen, control of UBC was held by a Dutch entity, the Rotterdam-based Bank voor Handel en Scheepvart. This Dutch bank, in turn, was owned by Berlin’s August Thyssen Bank. The Rotterdam bank, it has been proven, handled some of Thyssen’s 1920’s contributions to the fledgling Nazi Party—for some reason, Samuel Pryor of Remington was named an original director of UBC. He seems to have been a tight third side of the Harriman-German triangle. Indeed, after he died in 1934, his son became a director of Harriman Securities Corporation, joining the two Harriman brothers, Averell and Roland. This does make one wonder about Remington-made arms going to Thyssen—or Thyssen’s friends.” (Idem.)

4. Next, the program reviews information about the 1934 coup attempt in the United States. (For more about this, see RFA#10—available from Spitfire—as well as FTR#448.) The discussion sets forth the role of the Remington firm as the prospective supplier of arms to the coup plotters. Mr. Emory ruminates about the possible role of Pryor [Sr.] in the coup plot. The elder Pryor died in 1934–is it possible that his death had anything to do with the discovery of the coup plot? Note that Remington (and Pryor) had provided arms to right-wing factions in Germany (including the Nazis). That they would undertake something similar in the U.S. should not come as a surprise. (The material in this excerpt is taken from the soft-cover edition of

e=”font-style: italic;”>Trading with the Enemy by Charles Higham.)

5. Next, the program sets forth another fascist intrigue against FDR—this one involving participation by agents of Nazi Germany. In 1940, agents of the Third Reich channeled millions of dollars to the GOP to help elect Wendell Wilkie and defeat Roosevelt. The principal Nazi agent involved in this plot was a powerful Texas oilman named William Rhodes Davis—who was a registered Abwehr operative. [The Abwehr was German military intelligence in WWII.] In order to defeat FDR, Rhodes, the Nazis and the Republicans undertook to persuade John L. Lewis (a popular labor leader and fierce critic of Roosevelt) to formally endorse Wilkie. This, it was hoped, would persuade labor to vote for Wilkie. The principal GOP committeeman involved with arranging this gambit was Samuel Pryor, Jr.! Correction: Note that Pryor is incorrectly identified as the Chairman of the Republican National Committee. He was not Chairman—he was the pivot man for the RNC in the realization of the Lewis endorsement of Wilkie. “The Germans decided to surreptitiously help Wilkie through secret contributions to the various pro-Wilkie political clubs. To avoid the political ruin of their American friends should the Americans seize the German embassy, Thomsen had all receipts and statements that described who received payments from the Germans destroyed. How much the Germans spent on the 1940 presidential campaign and who received the money will never be known for sure.”
(Mystery Man: William Rhodes Davis, American Nazi Agent of Influence; Dale Harrington; Brassey’s [SC]; Copyright 1999 Brassey’s; ISBN 1-57488-338-0; p. 150.)

6. The sums the Third Reich delivered to the GOP’s 1940 campaign were enormous. “Whether Davis and Hertslet spent all $5 million of their funds on Wilkie’s campaign is unclear. Supposedly, $3 million of the money that Podesta delivered to the Germans was found in the German embassy when the FBI seized it in December 1941. Whether the other $2 million was spent on the Republicans is not known. Some of this money may have been spent on Democratic Party candidates that the Germans favored. The Germans also had other sources of money. Where this other money went and how much there was is also unknown. The entire flow of German money to the presidential election campaigns is murky. What is known is that total Republican presidential expenditures in 1940 were almost $15 million. Regardless of whether the Germans spent only $2 million or the entire $5 million or possibly even more, a large percentage of the Republican Party’s funds in 1940 came from Adolf Hitler. [Emphasis added.]” (Ibid.; pp. 150-151.)

7. “Not surprisingly, following the Germans’ lead, Davis aided Wilkie’s campaign by contributing large amounts of money. He directly gave at least $48,000. To sidestep the federal limit of $5,000 in campaign donations, Davis used several methods. He gave each of his family members $3,000 or $4,000 to donate to the Wilkie campaign. He made contributions to individual Republican Party state committees. He also persuaded several of his longtime business associates, including Ben Smith, to become financial supporters of Wilkie.” (Ibid.; p. 151.)

8. “Davis decided that it would be best for Lewis to support the Republican candidate. In return for Lewis’s endorsement, Davis wanted Lewis appointed U.S. labor secretary if Wilkie were elected. In early July, Lewis predicted that Wilkie would defeat Roosevelt in the fall. Despite efforts to reconcile Lewis with the Roosevelt administration, Lewis remained staunchly opposed to the president’s reelection. Knowing of Lewis’s implacable hostility to Roosevelt’s candidacy, Davis opened negotiations with the Wilkie camp.” (Idem.)

9. “In early September, Davis telephoned Sam Pryor, a Republican national committeeman from Connecticut and an early Wilkie booster. Pryor had been previously introduced to Davis through Arthur Hobson, a Davis and Company employee who knew Pryor from Hobson’s connections with Bank of Boston. Davis asked Pryor to secretly meet with him at Davis’s first wife’s home in Bronxville, New York, to discuss the possibility of a Lewis endorsement of Wilkie. Readily agreeing, Pryor met with Davis a few days later. At this meeting, Davis told Pryor that he was out to defeat Roosevelt and was ready to contribute up to $1 million to that cause. Davis informed Pryor that he would pay for a nationwide radio broadcast in which Lewis would declare for Wilkie. Although no definite assurances had yet come from Lewis, Davis was confident that Lewis would do his bidding. [Emphasis added.]” (Idem.)

10. “Pryor telephoned Wilkie from Davis’s home and told him of the oilman’s willingness to pay for the Lewis broadcast. Wilkie wanted to immediately meet this mysterious man who would make an offer of such dimensions. Pryor used his private plane to fly Davis to meet with Wilkie, who was then at his home in Rushville, Indiana. After Davis repeated his offer to Wilkie in person, the Republican nominee pointed to the contribution limits of the federal election law and suggested that the money be given to various Wilkie clubs to maintain the legalities. Davis concluded the meeting by reiterating to Wilkie his offer to carry the cost of a nationwide radio speech by his friend John L. Lewis, who would publicly endorse Wilkie. [Emphasis added.]” (Ibid.; p. 152.)

11. “Wilkie later said that he had never heard of Davis before being informed that Davis would sponsor the Lewis broadcast, and that he would have rejected the offer if he had known who Davis was. Wilkie’s profession of ignorance seems implausible, because by this time Davis’s Nazi connections had been widely publicized in the newspapers. Soon after the Lewis broadcast, Wilkie wrote Davis a letter asking Davis not to publicly endorse him because of the allegations that Davis had German connections.” (Idem.)

12. “Wilkie’s willingness to take Davis’s money puts a tarnish on Wilkie’s incorruptible image both because of Davis’s known Nazi connections and Wilkie’s early public insistence that the federal campaign finance laws be adhered to in the spirit as well as the letter of the law. When Wilkie was later asked if he was aware of Davis’s contributions to the Republican Party, Wilkie lied and said he never knew about these funds. These questionable actions show that Wilkie, like many politicians, was more interested in winning than in the morality of what he had to do to win.” (Idem.)

13. “At the conclusion of the Davis-Wilkie meeting, an arrangement was made for Wilkie to meet Lewis in New York on the night of September 28. To prepare for this meeting, Davis and Wehrle met with Pryor and several other Wilkie supporters, including Gene Tunney, the famous boxer, to discuss his support for Wilkie at New York’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel. Pryor wanted assurance that Lewis would endorse Wilkie. Davis said, ‘I’ll call Lewis and I think he is ready to make a pro-Wilkie statement.’ Davis telephoned Lewis and Lewis agreed to endorse Wilkie. Davis returned to the meeting and told Pryor of Lewis’s answer, and the Wilkie supporters left the meeting excited about the boost that Lewis endorsement would give Wilkie’s campaign. [Emphasis added.]” (Idem.)

14. “Soon after, Lewis cal

led Wilkie from Davis’s home in Scarsdale to confirm their upcoming meeting. Wilkie met with Lewis at the Manhattan apartment of Sam Pryor. Joe Martin, the national chairman of the Republican Party, was also present. Late into the night, Lewis and Wilkie engaged in a brisk conversation about their politics. [Emphasis added.]” (Ibid.; pp. 152-153.)

15. “Wilkie’s highly personalized campaign needed a shot in the arm. He was trailing in the polls and a personal endorsement by Lewis just might provide the margin of victory that Wilkie needed. Wilkie wooed Lewis by declaring that when he was elected, he would honor the gains labor had won through the New Deal. He did not promise Lewis a post in his cabinet, but Wilkie did say that his secretary of labor would come from the ranks of labor. In return, Lewis offered his support if Wilkie agreed to repeat these promises publicly in Wilkie’s upcoming labor speech, which was scheduled for Pittsburgh on October 3. Wilkie agreed and their meeting concluded.” (Ibid.; p. 153.)

16. “Wilkie kept his part of the bargain. In a Pittsburgh speech before an audience of 30,000, he promised to uphold the gains made by labor and to appoint someone from the ranks of labor as his secretary of labor. Now it was Lewis’s turn to keep his part of the bargain. . . .” (Idem.)

17. “ . . . Lewis sent a telegram to Wilkie asking him to send his press aide, Paul C. Smith, to Washington to discuss with Lewis the terms on which the labor leader would deliver a speech in support of Wilkie. After working out the details with Smith, Lewis agreed to make his endorsement on October 25 in a nationwide radio broadcast.” (Ibid.; p. 154.)

18. “Lewis was keeping his actions secret. Until two weeks before the radio broadcast, Lewis was still assuring some of those closest to him that he would not endorse the Republican candidate. He told one of his aides after his private interview with Wilkie that he considered the Republican a man of narrow intellectual outlook, with ‘the mind of a fixer.’ During the week before his speech, Lewis retreated into almost total isolation and wrote a Wilkie endorsement speech without consulting even his close associates. A few days before the speech, Lewis met with several high CIO officials and announced that he was coming out for Wilkie and was prepared to take full responsibility for his decision and to stand or fall by it.” (Ibid.; pp. 154-155.)

19. “On October 21 Davis called the three radio networks to schedule the broadcast and identified himself as a personal representative of Lewis. He arranged for the payment of $55,000 for a thirty-minute radio broadcast in which John L. Lewis would deliver a speech on the national election to more than 362 stations on all three major radio networks. Davis also paid for the printing of millions of copies of Lewis’s speech to be distributed across the country after the broadcast.” (Ibid.; p. 155.)

20. “Davis financed the Lewis broadcast by passing the money to the Democrats for Wilkie political committee, which included in its leadership such prominent anti-New Deal Democrats as former presidential candidates Al Smith and John W. Davis. This political committee then paid the radio networks for the broadcast. This indirect arrangement was used to get around the federal campaign finance laws and to hide the source of the contribution. There was a furious exchange of checks to ensure that no one individual would be listed as contributing more than the $5,000 limit of the federal campaign law, and Republican lawyers scanned all the transactions and scrutinized the checks to make sure there were no violations.” (Idem.)

21. “The White House was aware of who paid for Lewis’s broadcast almost immediately, but chose not to publicize the information until after the election. . . .” (Idem.)

22. “ . . . With an estimated 25-30 million listeners, Lewis delivered in his deep baritone voice a bitter attack on Roosevelt and asked trade unionists to oppose his reelection. He accused the president of not ending unemployment and of neglecting labor, but his most emphatic accusation was that he was leading the nation into war. What was the president’s objective, asked Lewis? ‘It is war. His every act leads to this inescapable conclusion. The President has said that he hates war and will work for peace but his acts do not match his words. The President has been scheming for years to involve us in war.’ Vehemently denouncing Roosevelt and asserting that his election could very well mean both war and dictatorship, Lewis declared for Wilkie.” (Ibid.; pp. 155-156.)

23. “He praised Wilkie’s integrity and described Wilkie as someone who was not an aristocrat but a common man. ‘He has the common touch. He was born in the briar and not to the purple. He has worked with his hands, and has known pangs of hunger.’ This description of Wilkie was pure fantasy and was intended for Lewis’ labor constituents. Lewis then reviewed the candidate’s promises and aims, including the promise that Wilkie would give labor full representation in his administration.” (Ibid.; p. 156.)

24. “Lewis concluded his speech with a dramatic pledge. He placed his personal prestige squarely on the line in support of the Republican nominee by vowing that if Roosevelt received a third presidential term he would consider it a vote of no confidence in his own leadership of the CIO. Therefore, he would resign from his position as president of the CIO if Roosevelt were reelected. He implored his followers: ‘Sustain me now or repudiate me.’” (Idem.)

25. The Davis/Nazi/GOP/Pryor stratagem was unsuccessful. “After the speech, Davis and Lewis waited expectantly for labor to move into the Wilkie camp. If the CIO vote were captured, it would ensure a Wilkie victory. However, virtually all of Lewis’s followers, whether they said so or not, were dismayed by his endorsement of Wilkie. The pro-Roosevelt faction in the CIO had hoped Lewis would limit himself to vigorous criticism of the president. What had been expected was a vitriolic attack on Roosevelt and a new ‘plague on both your houses.’ After his endorsement of Wilkie, Lewis pressured union officials to support his stand for Wilkie or resign. Several union officials resigned, including the head of labor’s Non-Partisan League, Gardner Jackson.” (Idem.)

26. “Jackson may have been referring to the Davis dealings in his letter of resignation: ‘These are critical days when, more than ever, men seem to become captives of their personal ambition for wealth, social position and influence, and when their adventures in power politics and in finance politics, both at home and in the international field, also make them captives.’ It is possible that Jackson’s resignation was closely tied to the Lewis-Davis link. Because the radio networks sent the bill for the broadcast to the Non-Partisan League, which then passed it on to the Democrats for Wilkie, it is likely that Jackson was aware of the source of funding for the broadcast and that he could not condone taking money from a Nazi sympathizer. . . .” (Idem.)

27. Another malefactor on the US political scene in the 1940’s was Attorney General Tom Clark—the father of Ramsey Clark, himself an Attorney General. (For more about Ramsey Clark, see—among other broadcasts—FTR#’s 350, 398, 401, 408, 433.) O. John Rogge—a Justice Department official who was investigated Nazi subversion in the U.S.—was working to expose the Third Reich’s links to U.S. industrialists, financiers and politicians. Among those he was working to expose were the figures who had conspired to defeat Roosevelt in 1940. (See above.) “The Rogge mission painstakingly scrutinized thousands of confidential documents from the files of the German War Ministry, Foreign Office, Propaganda Ministry, and Abwehr. Rogge later said, ‘Our

investigation showed us that we had completely underestimated the scope and scale of Nazi activities in the United States. When I went to Germany I felt that the biggest threat to American democracy emanated from the machinations of persons like the defendants in the sedition trial [i.e. Fascist crackpots]. I found that a far more dangerous threat lay in the inter-connections between German and American industrialists, and that some of the best known names in America were involved in Nazi intrigue.’” (Ibid.; p. 206.)

28. Tom Clark blocked the public release of the report. “When Rogge returned to Washington toward the end of June, he was confident that he had uncovered sufficient evidence to warrant federal prosecution of a number of Americans. Working at fever pitch, Rogge began preparing a comprehensive report to Attorney General Clark on the voluminous data he had collected in Germany. In early July, Rogge submitted to Clark a draft of the first section of his report.” (Idem.)

29. “To Rogge’s surprise, the report’s references to links between the Germans and American business and political leaders clearly disturbed Clark. . . After reading the report, Clark declared that it could not possibly be published and would have to remain a secret document. Rogge was not happy with Clark’s proposal and asked that Clark hold off on a final decision until the report was completed. Rogge continued to work on the report through August. As he neared the end, one of Clark’s aides proposed that Rogge omit all names of American politicians and businessmen. Rogge refused.” (Idem.)

30. “By the time Rogge finished writing the report, he knew that the Department of Justice would never agree to publish his findings. Accordingly, he decided that he might as well put everything in the report regardless of whether it was politically expedient. The incendiary final recommendation of the report was for the Justice Department to begin an investigation of the collaboration between German and American industrialists before the war. On September 17, 1946, Rogge delivered his 396-page report to Attorney General Clark. As Rogge expected, Clark told him ‘the report would not be made public.’” (Idem.)

31. Rogge took a leave of absence to make a college speaking tour, on which he was able to successfully publicize some of the contents of the suppressed report. “ . . . Shortly afterward, Rogge obtained permission to take a two-week leave of absence to make a lecture tour on the fascist menace in the United States. Rogge told Attorney General Clark that he was going to make a speech on Nazi penetration of the United States. Rogge said Clark ‘asked me whether I would say that the department had not attempted to restrain me in any way. He again stated that my report was not going to be made public. I told him that I would not mention the report.’” (Ibid.; p. 207.)

32. Rogge disclosed the 1940 plot to defeat Roosevelt: “But in a Swarthmore College speech, Rogge revealed to his college audience some of his report’s discoveries. He stated that Goering and Ribbentrop had told him that John L. Lewis, William Rhodes Davis, Senator Burton Wheeler, former vice president John Garner, former postmaster general James Farley, and former president Herbert Hoover had all conspired with the Germans in an attempt to defeat Roosevelt in 1940 and keep the United States out of the war. He also mentioned that Hertslet played a key role in the German scheme to prevent Roosevelt’s reelection in 1940.” (Idem.)

33. Tom Clark fired Rogge!! Covering up fascist intrigue apparently runs in the family—Ramsey Clark (his son and also an Attorney General of the U.S.) helped to cover-up the assassinations of John and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. He has represented Nazi war criminals, the fascist Lyndon Larouche, and Sheik Rahman among others. (Sheik Rahman is linked to al-Qaeda and the first plot against the World Trade Center.) Clark also lobbied against the establishment of the Office of Special Investigations—the Justice Department unit encharged with ferreting out Nazi war criminals living in the U.S. (This unit was headed by John Loftus.) “On the morning of October 25, Rogge left New York by plane for a speaking engagement in Seattle, Washington. Due to bad weather, the plane made an unscheduled stop in Spokane. At the airport Rogge was informed that there was no room for him on the next leg of the flight. Stuck in Spokane, he was told that a Mr. Savage was on his way to the airport to see him. Soon afterward, a man approached Rogge at the airport and said, ‘My name’s Savage, I’m from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.’ He handed Rogge an envelope. The envelope contained a letter to Rogge from Attorney General Clark. The letter curtly notified Rogge that he was dismissed from the Justice Department immediately. Clearly, the FBI had been following Rogge and had arranged to keep him in Spokane so that he could be handed his termination letter. Attorney General Clark wanted Rogge’s authority as a federal official stripped away before he could speak at another college.” (Ibid.; pp. 207-208.)

34. Reviewing material presented in a number of previous broadcasts, the program underscores information about Prescott Bush, Sr.’s role in assisting with the post-World War II Nazi flight-capital program directed by Martin Bormann. At the meeting of 8/10/1944 during which the plans for the flight-capital program were developed, SS General Dr. Scheid (who presided over the meeting as a surrogate for Martin Bormann) mentioned the Bush-Harriman controlled Hamburg-Amerika Line as one of the companies that would prove useful in the postwar resurrection of the Third Reich. “ . . . Dr. Scheid also affirmed, ‘The ground must now be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war.’ As an example of the kind of support that had been most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that ‘patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc. New York, and the Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National Tube, etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.’ He also cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika line as typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German interests abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men. [Emphasis added.]”
(Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0-8184-0309-8; p. 25.)

35. Reviewing information presented in FTR#370, the broadcast notes the suspicious death of the former Dutch manager of the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvart—part of the financial triumvirate set up by Fritz Thyssen to mask ownership of his steel enterprise. “ . . . In 1945, the former Dutch manager of the Rotterdam bank resumed control only to discover that he was sitting on a huge pile of hidden Nazi assets. In 1947, the manager threatened to inform Dutch authorities, and was immediately fired by the Thyssens. The somewhat naïve bank manager then fled to New York City where he intended to talk to Union Bank director Prescott Bush. As Gowen’s Dutch source recalled, the manager intended ‘to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Heinrich and the Rotterdam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the Thyssen interests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and confiscated as German enemy property. ‘The manager’s body was found in New York two weeks later.”
(“How the Bush Family made its Fortune from the Nazis” by John Loftus; p. 4.)

36. Reviewing another item

from FTR#370, the broadcast reviews the equally suspicious death of a Dutch journalist who was investigating the Bush/Nazi money connection in 1996. For more information about the Bush family’s involvement with Nazi industry (including their postwar efforts on behalf of the flight capital program), visit http://www.debatecomics.org/BushFamilyFortune.“Similarly, in 1996, a Dutch journalist Eddy Roever went to London to interview the Baron [Heinrich Thyssen-Bornemisza], who was neighbors with Margaret Thatcher. Roever’s body was discovered two days later. Perhaps, Gowen remarked dryly, it was only a coincidence that both healthy men had died of heart attacks immediately after trying to uncover the truth about the Thyssens.” (Idem.)


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