Recorded Decem­ber 26, 2004
REALAUDIO

As 2004 drew to a close and 2005 loomed large on the hori­zon, Mr. Emory recorded this pro­gram in order to present and col­late key infor­ma­tion about the Under­ground Reich. The first half of the broad­cast and part of the sec­ond are devoted to dis­cus­sion of William Arm­sted Robin­son, the reclu­sive mag­nate who is Arnold Schwarzenegger’s num­ber one finan­cial backer. Robin­son appears to be a cat’s paw for the intru­sion of big Ger­man cap­i­tal into the U.S. Air Cargo mar­ket. (This intru­sion is appar­ently tak­ing place through Deutsche Post—the Ger­man postal monopoly—and its con­trol of DHL, the com­pany Robin­son founded.) Mr. Emory notes in this regard that under the Bush admin­is­tra­tion, firms con­trolled by for­eign gov­ern­ments have made sig­nif­i­cant inroads into U.S. mar­kets. The avail­able evi­dence sug­gests very strongly that Schwarzeneg­ger rep­re­sents the Under­ground Reich. The sec­ond half of the pro­gram deals largely with Mohammed Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates in Florida, as well as omi­nous indi­ca­tions that Atta’s Ger­man con­tacts and (per­haps) U.S. neo-Nazis may com­bine with Islamists in the next major ter­ror­ist inci­dent. If Mr. Emory’s hunch is cor­rect, this will dwarf 9/11.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: The role of the law firm of Wilmer Cut­ler Pick­er­ing in the DHL deal; Wilmer Cut­ler & Pickering’s links to the CDU fund­ing scan­dal; that law firm’s role in the takeover of an Amer­i­can telecom­mu­ni­ca­tions com­pany by Deutsche Telekom (also con­trolled by the Ger­man gov­ern­ment); Schwarzeneg­ger pres­i­den­tial booster Lissa Morgenthaler-Jones’ links to the Bush fam­ily; Mohammed Atta’s links with the chil­dren of major Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists; the dis­clo­sure that Rudi Dekkers’ 9/11-linked Ger­man net­work con­tin­ues to infil­trate the United States ille­gally through the Bahamas; attempts by Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates to silence dis­cus­sion of them; the FBI’s neu­tral­iza­tion of one of its agents who wanted to infil­trate white-supremacist groups that were link­ing up with Islamist groups; the Bin Laden family’s SICO company’s train­ing of pilots at Rudi Dekkers’ Huff­man Avi­a­tion; SICO’s use of unreg­is­tered Clearstream accounts in the spring of 2001—possibly to fund the 9/11 attacks; the role of Bau­doin Dunand in SICO; Dunand’s close rela­tion­ship with Fran­cois Genoud—one of the Nazi underground’s top oper­a­tives in the post­war period.

1. The pro­gram begins with dis­cus­sion of William Arm­sted Robin­son, the reclu­sive mag­nate who is Arnold Schwarzenegger’s num­ber one finan­cial backer. There is evi­dence that Robin­son may be serv­ing as a cat’s paw for Ger­man cap­i­tal to move in to the Amer­i­can cargo car­rier mar­ket. Specif­i­cally, Fed­eral Express and UPS are charg­ing that the real owner of DHL (founded by Robin­son) is Deutsche Post, the Ger­man postal monop­oly. (It is Mr. Emory’s con­sid­ered opin­ion that Schwarzeneg­ger is a tool of the Under­ground Reich. For more about Schwarzeneg­ger, see FTR#’s 421, 422, 429, 434, 436, 440.) “He’s spent his mil­lions on exotic show horses, a home for retired chimpanzees—and California’s actor-governor. William Arm­sted Robin­son, founder of the DHL courier ser­vice, has qui­etly become a top donor of Gov. Arnold Schwarzeneg­ger, form­ing a tri­umvi­rate with real estate devel­oper Alex Spanos and Spanish-language TV exec­u­tive Jerry Peren­chio. While his coun­ter­parts are well-known and well-established in California—Spanos owns the San Diego Charg­ers, Peren­chio heads Univision—the 65-year-old Robin­son is not. He’s an elu­sive recluse who has spent the last decade sequestered in Idaho, where he has two homes. Robinson’s first major con­tri­bu­tion to a big-time politi­cian is the $650,000 he has given Schwarzeneg­ger. . . .”
(“Reclu­sive Mil­lion­aire Tops Schwarzeneg­ger Donors” [AP]; www.cnn.com; 12/3/2004; p.1.)

2. “ . . . He founded Doc­u­ment Han­dling Lim­ited, one of the nation’s first courier ser­vices, in 1970 and spent years chas­ing around the globe to help expand what became DHL Air­ways and DHL Inter­na­tional. United Par­cel Ser­vice and Fed­eral Express had trou­ble find­ing Robin­son a year ago when they wanted him to tes­tify in a fed­eral trans­porta­tion pro­ceed­ing as they unsuc­cess­fully tried to block his sale of DHL to Astar Air Cargo Inc. ‘He’s been some­what mys­te­ri­ous,’ said UPS spokesman David Bol­ger. ‘He’s really a col­or­ful char­ac­ter.’” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

3. Amer­i­can inves­ti­ga­tors have charged that DHL has evaded taxes. “ . . . A 2001 book by Wash­ing­ton, D.C.-based Cen­ter for Pub­lic Integrity titled ‘The Cheat­ing of Amer­ica’ alleged DHL was among com­pa­nies that shel­tered its income in inter­na­tional tax havens. A judge ordered DHL to pay $550 mil­lion in back taxes and penal­ties in 1998, but the com­pany appealed and won a par­tial vic­tory over the value and trans­fer of the courier company’s DHL trade­mark.” (Ibid.; pp. 2–3.)

4. More about the dis­pute over the role of Deutsche Post and Ger­man cap­i­tal in the DHL case: “DAS CITIZEN PART DEUX . . . . as FedEx and UPS Inc. are ask­ing the Dept. of Trans­porta­tion to reject a fed­eral admin­is­tra­tive law judge’s rul­ing that Astar Air Cargo Inc. is owned & con­trolled by a U.S. cit­i­zen, not a Ger­man com­pany. FedEx & Atlanta-based UPS made the com­ments in a Jan. 26 fil­ing that served as a response to the law judge’s Dec. 19 rul­ing. Final author­ity rests with the DOT, which has not said when it will decide. At issue in the fight is the Astar Air Cargo’s abil­ity to do busi­ness in the U.S. FedEx & UPS say Miami-based Astar, called ‘DHL Air­ways’ under for­mer own­er­ship, should be dis­qual­i­fied because of its ties to the Ger­man gov­ern­ment. The con­tention is that Astar Air Cargo is con­trolled by Ger­man postal monop­oly Deutsche Post. It is ille­gal for for­eign com­pa­nies to own more than25% of a U.S. domes­tic air car­rier. In April, FedEx & UPS chal­lenged whether DHL Air­ways met the U.S. cit­i­zen­ship require­ments. At the time, 55% of DHL Air­ways stock was owned by a U.S. cit­i­zen, William A. Robin­son. On July 14, a group led by for­mer North­west Air­lines CEO John Das­burg bought all shares of DHL Air­ways & renamed it Astar.”
(“Das Cit­i­zen Part Deux”; The Cargo Let­ter.)

5. “AMERICAN, NOT GERMAN? . . . . as DHL Air­ways has denied, in a fil­ing with the U.S. Dept. of Trans­porta­tion, that it is a Ger­man com­pany, as alleged by com­peti­tors FedEx & UPS. Under the U.S. law, in a true Amer­i­can cor­po­rate cit­i­zen at least 75% of the vot­ing rights must be in Amer­i­can hands, and at least 66% of the board & man­ag­ing offi­cers must be gen­uine U.S. cit­i­zens. The DOT has pre­vi­ously stated that DHL Air­ways is a legal Amer­i­can com­pany, but accord­ing to UPS & FedEx things have changed. The Ger­mans are the boss at DHL, they say. Accord­ing to DHL it still com­plies with the rules, it stated in its fil­ing. Com­peti­tors point out that Deutsche Post already owns 50.6% of DHL Int’l, and is to buy another 25% from Lufthansa. DHL air­line is another entity, accord­ing to Deutsche Post. In a Sept. 6 PR Newswire release, DHL stated that its largest share­holder is William A. Robin­son, a pri­vate investor. Robin­son, a U.S. cit­i­zen, con­trols 75% of the vot­ing stock and appoints 75% of the airline’s board of direc­tors, each of whom must be cit­i­zens of the U.S.
Stay tuned. . . .”
(“Amer­i­can, Not Ger­man?”; The Cargo Letter.)

6. “William Arm­sted Robin­son, a top con­trib­u­tor to Gov. Arnold Schwarzeneg­ger, founded Doc­u­ment Han­dling Lim­ited, one of the nation’s first courier ser­vices, and sold it for $57 mil­lion last year. Com­peti­tors United Par­cel Ser­vice and Fed­eral Express, which fought the sale, wanted Robin­son to tes­tify that he was merely a finan­cial front for the minor­ity owner, Germany’s Deutsche Post. The U.S. Depart­ment of Trans­porta­tion even­tu­ally ruled against their claim and allowed the sale.”
(“DHL Founder Pleads Igno­rance in Sworn Tes­ti­mony” [AP]; KCBS.com.)

7. Care­fully note Robinson’s blithe expla­na­tion for his finan­cial trans­ac­tions. Are these the can­did responses of a skilled busi­ness­man or the equiv­o­ca­tion of some­one look­ing to evade scrutiny? “In a tran­script of his sworn con­fi­den­tial depo­si­tion, obtained by The Asso­ci­ated Press, Robin­son said he had no idea how he came up with his $60 mil­lion ask­ing price for the com­pany. But when he was offered $37 mil­lion, he said he responded, ‘Just for­get it, we’re going fish­ing.’ He tes­ti­fied he dis­re­garded a finan­cial analy­sis that val­ued the com­pany at up to $118 million—more than dou­ble its ulti­mate sale price. And Robin­son couldn’t explain why he was paid $51 mil­lion for his 55 per­cent share of the com­pany, while Deutsche Post was paid $6 mil­lion for the remain­ing 45 per­cent.” (Idem.)

8. “When Robinson’s rep­re­sen­ta­tive told him $51 mil­lion was the best he could get, ‘I said, ‘Well, I might as well take it.’ For all his pro­fessed igno­rance, Robin­son offered two pieces of astute busi­ness advice that his for­mer com­pany has since adopted. Asked how DHL could bet­ter com­pete with indus­try lead­ers UPS and FedEx, he advised Deutsche Post to launch a ‘mas­sive adver­tis­ing cam­paign.’ And when the new own­ers pro­posed to change the name, he called the idea ‘crazy. . . a dumb thing to do’ because DHL was known the world over by that acronym.” (Idem.)

9. Note that the par­ent com­pany of DHL—Astar Air Cargo Inc.—counts the hus­band of U.S. Sen­a­tor (from Cal­i­for­nia) Dianne Fein­stein among its major investors. This places another promi­nent Cal­i­for­nia politi­cian within the con­text of the DHL sit­u­a­tion. It also rep­re­sents some­thing of an eco­nomic link between the Schwarzeneg­ger and Fein­stein camps. “Though the com­pany is now owned by Astar Air Cargo Inc., it recently embarked on a major tele­vi­sion adver­tis­ing campaign—under the DHL name. Among investors in the new com­pany is Richard Blum of Blum Cap­i­tal Part­ners, hus­band of Demo­c­ra­tic U.S. Sen. Dianne Fein­stein of Cal­i­for­nia.” (Idem.)

10. “ . . . He [Robin­son] made his mil­lions as a founder of Doc­u­ment Han­dling Lim­ited, one of the nation’s first courier ser­vices in 1970, and spent years rac­ing around the globe to help expand what became DHL Air­ways and DHL Inter­na­tional.”
(“Elu­sive Donor Favors Schwarzeneg­ger” by Don Thomp­son; [AP]; Con­tra Costa Times; p. 2; contracostatimes.com.)

11. One should note in the con­text of the strug­gle between UPS/FedEx and DHL that the Bor­mann group dom­i­nates the Ger­man eco­nomic land­scape. One should also bear in mind that the Bor­mann group makes it a point to include Jews in its ranks. (See the descrip­tion for FTR#305, access­ing infor­ma­tion from the Man­ning Text). “United Par­cel Ser­vice and Fed­eral Express had trou­ble find­ing Robin­son a year ago when they wanted him to tes­tify in a U.S. Depart­ment of Trans­porta­tion pro­ceed­ing as they unsuc­cess­fully tried to block Robinson’s sale of the com­pany to Astar Air Cargo Inc., whose investors include Richard Blum, hus­band of Demo­c­ra­tic U.S. Sen. Dianne Fein­stein of Cal­i­for­nia. ‘He’s been some­what mys­te­ri­ous,’ said UPS spokesman David Bol­ger. ‘He’s really a col­or­ful char­ac­ter.’” (Idem.)

12. “ . . . In it, Robin­son pro­fesses a near total igno­rance of his own finan­cial deal­ings, say­ing he del­e­gated every­thing to broth­ers Roy and Todd Moul­ton, whom he met through the con­trac­tor who built his house when he moved to Felt, Idaho, in 1991. Roy Moul­ton was not only Robinson’s attor­ney, but he became chair­man of DHL Air­ways Inc., while Todd served as Robinson’s finan­cial adviser and the sec­ond of three mem­bers Robin­son appointed to the four-member DHL board.” (Ibid.; pp. 2–3.)

13. “ . . . The invest­ment group is led by chair­man, pres­i­dent and chief exec­u­tive John Das­burg, and will change the carrier’s name to Astar Air Cargo after the trans­ac­tion is com­pleted. By doing so, they hope to defuse a chal­lenge to the airline’s cit­i­zen­ship brought by FedEx Corp. and United Par­cel Ser­vice. U.S. law requires that U.S. cit­i­zens must own 55 per­cent of the equity and 75 per­cent of the vot­ing stock in U.S. air­lines. DHL Air­ways con­tends that it meets those cit­i­zen­ship require­ments because the prin­ci­pal owner is William Robin­son, a pri­vate investor based in Idaho.” (“DHL Air­ways Sale on Hold” by William Arm­bruster; www.aircargoworld.com; 7/01/2003; p. 1; accessed at: http://www.aircargoworld.com/break_news/07012003a.htm.)

14. “FedEx and UPS con­tend, how­ever, that the air­line is actu­ally con­trolled by Deutsche Post World Net, a Germany-based com­pany, and its sub­sidiary, Brussels-based DHL Express. The two big U.S. com­pa­nies argue that regard­less of who owns the air­line, it will still be con­trolled by Deutsche Post and DHL Express because it will con­tinue to get almost all of its traf­fic from DHL Express’s U.S.-based sub­sidiary, DHL World­wide Express. The cit­i­zen­ship com­plaint is the sub­ject of a hear­ing before an admin­is­tra­tive law judge at the U.S. Depart­ment of Trans­porta­tion. Judge Ron­nie L. Yoder is expected to rule in the case by Oct. 31.” (Idem.)

15. It is inter­est­ing and per­haps sig­nif­i­cant that one of the investors in Astar Air Cargo is a part­ner in Wilmer Cut­ler & Pick­er­ing. This law firm was instru­men­tal in facil­i­tat­ing the takeover by Deutsche Telekom of an Amer­i­can telecom­mu­ni­ca­tions firm—an his­toric devel­op­ment that had been pre­cluded by Amer­i­can reg­u­la­tory statutes prior to the acces­sion of the Bush admin­is­tra­tion. One of the part­ners in Wilmer Cut­ler and Pick­er­ing is Matthias Wiss­man, who was the trea­surer for the Ger­man CDU party dur­ing the CDU fund­ing scan­dal. (For more about the CDU fund­ing scan­dal, Matthias Wiss­man, and Deutsche Telekom’s suc­cess­ful inva­sion of the U.S. telecom­mu­ni­ca­tions mar­ket see—among other pro­grams—FTR#’s 193, 245, 275, 278.) “FedEx and UPS have sought to com­pel tes­ti­mony from a wide range of Deutsche Post and DHL offi­cials, includ­ing Deutsche Post Chief Exec­u­tive, Klaus Zumwinkel, and Chief Exec­u­tive Uwe Dorken. An attor­ney for Deutsche Post and DHL said FedEx and UPS pur­ported to serve the sub­poe­nas requir­ing depo­si­tions from Zumwinkel and Doerken by e-mail last week. The com­pa­nies will file a motion today to quash those attempts, say­ing they are not con­sis­tent with U.S. law.” (Idem.)

16. “Das­burg who became chair­man and chief exec­u­tive of the car­rier on April 1, already owns 5 per­cent of the air­line. Assum­ing the sale goes through, he will own 40 per­cent, while Richard C. Blum, chair­man of San Francisco-based Blum Cap­i­tal Part­ners, L.P., a pri­vate equity firm, will hold another 40 per­cent. Michael R. Klein, co-founder and chair­man of the board of CoStar Group Inc. and a part­ner in the Washington-based law firm Wilmer Cut­ler and Pick­er­ing, will own the other 20 per­cent. The law firm is rep­re­sent­ing Deutsche Post and DHL in the
case before Judge Yoder. [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s]” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

17. Next, the pro­gram high­lights the woman behind the “Amend for Arnold” cam­paign (pro­mot­ing a con­sti­tu­tional amend­ment to allow Schwarzeneg­ger to be pres­i­dent). Lissa Morgenthaler-Jones comes from a fam­ily that has long-standing ties to the Bush fam­ily. “If any­one under­stands the game, Lissa Morgenthaler-Jones does. The 47-year-old Bay Area woman is a retired money man­ager and finan­cial jour­nal­ist and the daugh­ter of David Mor­gen­thaler, a patri­arch of the ven­ture cap­i­tal indus­try who helped fuel the growth of the Sil­i­con Val­ley. She’s also an unabashed fan of Gov. Arnold Schwarzeneg­ger and the woman behind the ‘Amend for Arnold’ cam­paign. . . .”
(“Lit­tle Amend­ment Ad Hits It Big” by Mar­garet Talev—Bee Capi­tol Bureau; Sacra­mento Bee; 11/22/2004; p. 1.)

18. “ . . . But Morgenthaler-Jones is not just some wealthy eccen­tric appear­ing out of nowhere. She grew up in a polit­i­cally con­nected house­hold. Her par­ents, she said, ‘used to party on the Bush par­ents’ back porch.’” (Idem.)

19. In the dis­cus­sion of Schwarzeneg­ger backer Robin­son, we noted that he has set­tled in the Pacific North­west. In a spec­u­la­tive point of analy­sis, Mr. Emory notes that neo-Nazi ele­ments have long seen the Pacific North­west as a pro­jected “Aryan Home­land.” Is Robin­son some­how involved with such plans? The pro­gram returns to a topic of dis­cus­sion cov­ered in FTR#’s 477, 482, 483, 484—the fact that 9/11 hijacker chief Mohammed Atta was asso­ci­ated with a Ger­man milieu while in the United States! One of Rudi Dekkers’ asso­ciates in the shady air­lines in which he engaged was Rick Boehlke. Boehlke, in turn, worked for a mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man indus­tri­al­ist named Folker, who was reported to be “buy­ing up all the land in that area.” Is it pos­si­ble that “Folker” is buy­ing up land in that area in antic­i­pa­tion of the estab­lish­ment of an “Aryan Home­land?” “Who had Rudi Dekkers and co. been work­ing for? We didn’t know any­one you could just walk up to and ask. We maybe got a clue from Mike Pick­ett, the avi­a­tion exec­u­tive who had watched Rick Boehlke with the same amaze­ment with which avi­a­tion pro­fes­sion­als in Florida watched Dekkers. ‘When Boehlke came in he was just a restau­ra­teur at the Gig Har­bor air­port,’ he said. ‘Then he became the Gen­eral Man­ager for a Ger­man named Folker, a Ger­man indus­tri­al­ist buy­ing up all the land in that area.’ [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s.] More Ger­mans. Jes­sica Daley, an attrac­tive air­line pro­fes­sional in her late twen­ties, worked for Rick Boehlke at Har­bor Air and later trans­ferred and worked for Rudi Dekkers at Florida Air. While Har­bor Air was going under, Boehlke told Jes­sica to fly down to Florida and see Rudi. ‘When I walked into his (Rudi’s) office he was yelling and scream­ing at peo­ple,’ she recalled. ‘He said, ‘Peo­ple call me a bas­tard Nazi because I’m loud and I’m Ger­man. And I’m very demand­ing.’ Dekkers told her he was Ger­man, not Dutch, Jes­sica said.”
(Wel­come to Ter­ror­land: Mohamed Atta & the 9–11 Cover-Up in Florida; by Daniel Hop­sicker; Mad­cow Press [HC]; Copy­right 2004 by Daniel Hop­sicker; ISBN 0–9706591-6–4; pp. pp. 233–234.)

20. Next, Daniel notes that, accord­ing to agents of the BKA (the Ger­man Fed­eral Police), sev­eral of the peo­ple with whom Atta was asso­ci­at­ing were the chil­dren of promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists. (This state­ment is made in the excerpt from FTR#484.) As noted in the descrip­tion for FTR#305, the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion con­trols cor­po­rate Ger­many. The infor­ma­tion pro­vided to Daniel by the BKA agents sug­gests that Atta was being shep­herded by the Bor­mann group. Note that, as dis­cussed in FTR#’s 408, 456, 477, 482, Atta’s trav­els were (to a con­sid­er­able extent), con­ducted under the aus­pices of the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft, named after one of the prin­ci­pal fig­ures in the I.G. Far­ben chem­i­cal firm.

21. In an excerpt from FTR#482, Daniel notes that one of Atta’s Ger­man asso­ciates was threat­en­ing to sue, in order to block any fur­ther dis­cus­sion of him in con­nec­tion with Atta.

22. The next topic of dis­cus­sion is excerpted from FTR#484. In that pro­gram, Daniel revealed that Rudi Dekkers and an asso­ciate named P.J. Black are con­tin­u­ing to infil­trate the United States ille­gally (and with­out going through cus­toms) in coop­er­a­tion with their Ger­man net­work. This infil­tra­tion is being effected through the Bahamas. Taken in con­junc­tion with the frus­tra­tion of FBI spe­cial agent German’s attempts to infil­trate white-supremacist groups, this fright­en­ing dis­clo­sure sug­gests to Mr. Emory that plan­ning for the next major ter­ror­ist attack is already under way. Mr. Emory believes that the next attack—in all prob­a­bil­ity worse than 9/11—will involve col­lab­o­ra­tion between white suprema­cists and islamists, both work­ing under the direc­tion of the under­ground Reich. in FTR#456, the neo-nazi links to 9/11 are cov­ered at length and in detail.

23. A fas­ci­nat­ing and impor­tant detail con­cern­ing the hijack­ers is the fact that Yeslam bin Laden’s SICO sub­sidiary trained its pilots at Huff­man Avi­a­tion in Venice, Florida!! Huff­man is the school at which Atta and com­pany were “trained.” Although he denies it, there are pro­found indi­ca­tions that Yeslam and SICO are involved with the activ­i­ties of Al Qaeda. (For more on this, see—among other pro­grams—FTR#’s 354, 355, 356, 377.) This sub­ject will be dealt with at greater length below. “ . . . Swiss police ques­tioned Yeslam [bin Laden] because one of his com­pa­nies, Avcon Air Char­ter, had offered flight train­ing to clients at the Venice flight school attended by some of the hijack­ers. As a result of what Le Monde called ‘a still unex­plained coin­ci­dence,’ the pilots of Yeslam bin Laden’s com­pany trained at Huff­man Avi­a­tion in Florida, the paper stated. ‘I didn’t chose that flight school,’ Yeslam protested. ‘I don’t have con­tact with my half-brother since over 20 years ago.’”
(Wel­come to Ter­ror­land; p. 178.)

24. “Swiss mag­a­zine L’Hebdo reported that Swiss fed­eral inspec­tors were seek­ing infor­ma­tion on the activ­i­ties of sev­eral bin Laden fam­ily com­pa­nies, includ­ing Geneva-based Saudi Invest­ment Com­pany, a finan­cial clear­ing­house for the family’s inter­na­tional invest­ments, and Avcon Busi­ness Jets SA, which owned a fleet of pri­vate jets which it leased to clients. . . .” (Idem.)

25. Next, the pro­gram reviews an expose of the FBI’s sup­pres­sion of a vet­eran agent’s rev­e­la­tions about devel­op­ing coop­er­a­tion between Islamist ter­ror­ists and home­grown white supremacist/militia types. This arti­cle was first pre­sented in FTR#474. (For more about Islamist/neo-Nazi coop­er­a­tion in the exe­cu­tion of ter­ror­ist acts, see—among other pro­grams—FTR#’s 330, 443, 456, 457. For more about the FBI’s sup­pres­sion of infor­ma­tion that could lead to the appre­hen­sion of ter­ror­ists and/or the inter­dic­tion of their oper­a­tions, see—among other pro­grams—FTR#’s 349, 424, 454, 462, 464, 467. Note that, in FTR#’s 310, 348, 462, 464, Mr. Emory states his opin­ion that Robert Mueller is a “ringer”—someone put in to deliver the FBI to the Bush admin­is­tra­tion and its gov­ern­ing entity—the Under­ground Reich.) Why is the bureau sup­press­ing this type of inves­ti­ga­tion?! “As a vet­eran agent chas­ing home-grown ter­ror­ist sus­pects for the Fed­eral Bureau of Inves­ti­ga­tion, Mike Ger­man always had a knack for worm­ing his way into places few other agents could go. In the early 1990’s, he infil­trated a group of white suprema­cist skin­heads plot­ting to blow up a black church in Los Ange­les. A few years later, he joined a mili­tia in Wash­ing­ton State that talked of attack­ing gov­ern­ment build­ings. Known to his fel­low mili­tia mem­bers as Rock, he tricked them into hand­cuff­ing them­selves in a sup­posed train­ing exer­cise so the author­i­ties could arrest them.”
(“Another F.B.I. Employee Blows Whis­tle on Agency” by Eric Licht­blau; The New York Times; 8/2/2004; p.1.)

26. “So in early 2002, when Mr. Ger­man got word that a group of Amer­i­cans might be plot­ting sup­port for an over­seas Islamic ter­ror­ist group, he pro­posed to his bosses what he thought was an obvi­ous plan: go under­cover and infil­trate the group. But Mr. Ger­man says F.B.I. offi­cials sat on his request, botched the inves­ti­ga­tion, fal­si­fied doc­u­ments to dis­credit their own sources, then froze him out and made him a ‘pariah.’ He left the bureau in mid-June after 16 years and is now going pub­lic for the first time—the lat­est in a string of F.B.I. whistle-blowers who claim they were retal­i­ated against after voic­ing con­cerns about how man­age­ment prob­lems had impeded ter­ror­ism inves­ti­ga­tions since the Sept. 11 attacks.” (Idem.)

27. “ ‘What’s so frus­trat­ing for me,’ Mr. Ger­man said in an inter­view, a copy of the Sept. 11 com­mis­sion report at his side,’ is that what I hear the F.B.I. say­ing every day on TV when I get home, about how it’s remak­ing itself to fight ter­ror­ism, is not the real­ity of what I saw every day in the field.’ Mr. Ger­man refused to dis­cuss details of the 2002 ter­ror­ism inves­ti­ga­tion, say­ing the infor­ma­tion was clas­si­fied.” (Idem.)

28. Among the groups seen by offi­cials as prob­a­ble col­lab­o­ra­tors of al-Qaeda or other Islamist groups are white suprema­cist groups within the cor­rec­tional sys­tem. “But offi­cials with knowl­edge of the case said the inves­ti­ga­tion took place in the Tampa, Fla. area, where a domes­tic militia-type group and a major but uniden­ti­fied Islamic ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tion, were con­sid­er­ing join­ing forces. A tape record­ing of the meet­ing appeared to lend cre­dence to the report, one offi­cial said. Law enforce­ment offi­cials have become increas­ingly con­cerned that mil­i­tant domes­tic groups could seek to col­lab­o­rate with foreign-based ter­ror­ist groups like Al Qaeda because of a shared hatred of the Amer­i­can gov­ern­ment. This has become a par­tic­u­lar con­cern in pris­ons.” (Idem.)

29. “The Tampa case is not known to have pro­duced any arrests. But Mr. Ger­man, in an April 29 let­ter to sev­eral mem­bers of Con­gress, warned that ‘the inves­ti­ga­tions involved in my com­plaint con­cern very active ter­ror­ist groups that cur­rently pose sig­nif­i­cant threats to national secu­rity.’” (Idem.)

30. “He also wrote ‘Oppor­tu­ni­ties to ini­ti­ate proac­tive inves­ti­ga­tions involved in my com­plaint con­cern very active ter­ror­ist groups that cur­rently pose sig­nif­i­cant threats to national secu­rity.’ He also wrote, ‘Oppor­tu­ni­ties to ini­ti­ate proac­tive inves­ti­ga­tions that might pre­vent ter­ror­ist acts before they occur, which is pur­ported to be the F.B.I.’s num­ber one pri­or­ity, con­tinue to be lost, yet no one is held account­able.’” (Idem.)

31. “ . . . Mr. Ger­man, in his let­ter to law­mak­ers, cited ‘a con­tin­u­ing fail­ure in the F.B.I’s coun­tert­er­ror­ism pro­gram,’ which he said was ‘not the result of a lack of intel­li­gence, but a lack of action.’ Offi­cials said Mr. Ger­man also com­plained inter­nally about a sec­ond case in the Port­land, Ore., area in 2002 in which he said he was blocked from going under­cover to pur­sue a domes­tic ter­ror­ism lead. That case was also thought to cen­ter on a mili­tia group sus­pected of plot­ting vio­lence.” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

32. “In the Tampa case, offi­cials said Mr. Ger­man com­plained that F.B.I. offi­cials had mis­han­dled evi­dence con­cern­ing a sus­pected domes­tic ter­ror­ist group and failed to act for months on his request in early 2002 to con­duct an under­cover oper­a­tion. That fail­ure, he said, allowed the inves­ti­ga­tion to ‘die on the vine.’ While Mr. Ger­man would not con­firm the loca­tion of the inves­ti­ga­tion, he said in an inter­view at the office of his Wash­ing­ton lawyer, Lynne Bern­abei, that his prob­lems inten­si­fied after he com­plained about the man­age­ment of the case in Sep­tem­ber 2002. He said F.B.I. offi­cials whom he would not name back­dated doc­u­ments in the case, fal­si­fied evi­dence and falsely dis­cred­ited wit­nesses in an appar­ent effort to jus­tify their approach to the inves­ti­ga­tion. [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s.] He cited insti­tu­tional iner­tia, even after Sept. 11.” (Ibid.; pp. 2–3.)

33. “ ‘Try­ing to get approval for an oper­a­tion like this is a bureau­cratic night­mare at the F.B.I.,’ he said. Mr. Ger­man said that begin­ning in late 2002, he took his con­cerns to his super­vi­sors at the F.B.I. and to offi­cials at head­quar­ters in Wash­ing­ton, includ­ing Mr. Mueller him­self in an e-mail mes­sage that he said went unan­swered. He also went to the Jus­tice Department’s inspec­tor gen­eral and, frus­trated by what he saw as a lan­guish­ing inves­ti­ga­tion, brought his con­cerns this spring to sev­eral mem­bers of Con­gress and the Sept. 11 com­mis­sion.” (Ibid.; p. 3.)

34. “In the mean­time, Mr. Ger­man said, his career at the F.B.I. stalled, despite what he said was an ‘unblem­ished’ record and an award for his work in the Los Ange­les skin­head case. Soon after rais­ing his com­plaints about the 2002 ter­ror­ism inves­ti­ga­tion, he was removed from the case. And, he said, F.B.I. offi­cials wrongly accused him of con­duct­ing unau­tho­rized travel, stopped using him to train agents in ‘proac­tive tech­niques’ and shut him out of impor­tant domes­tic ter­ror­ism assign­ments.” (Idem.)

35. “ ‘The phone just stopped ring­ing, and I became a per­sona non grata,’ he said. ‘Because I wouldn’t let this go away, I became the prob­lem.’ For now he has no job and is uncer­tain of his future. ‘My entire career has been ruined, all because I thought I was doing the right thing here,’ he said.” (Idem.)

36. Review­ing infor­ma­tion pre­sented in FTR#356, the pro­gram notes that SICO opened 16 unpub­lished accounts with the Clearstream net­work in early 2001. (For more about the Clearstream network—owned by the Deutsche Borse [the Ger­man stock exchange]—see FTR#’s 356, 357, 360, 367, 376, 387, 458, 463, 485.) The pos­si­bil­ity that these accounts were used to finance the activ­i­ties of 9/11, includ­ing (per­haps) the enor­mous amounts of cash avail­able to Rudi Dekkers, Atta and com­pany is one to be SERIOUSLY INVESTIGATED. Note in this con­text that Clearstream is owned by the Deutsche Borse, which in turn is owned by the major Ger­man com­mer­cial banks and they are con­trolled by the Bor­mann group. Note also that the BCCI heav­ily uti­lized the Clearstream net­work, as (appar­ently) did the 9/11 con­spir­a­tors. As noted in FTR#’s 462, 464, Robert Mueller cov­ered up the BCCI inves­ti­ga­tion and his FBI is now cov­er­ing up Oper­a­tion Green Quest—the inves­ti­ga­tion into the 9/11 money trail. “In Novem­ber, U.S. author­i­ties named some banks that had bin Laden accounts, and it put them on a black­list. One was Al Taqwa, ‘Fear of God,’ regist

ered in the Bahamas with offices in Lugano, Switzer­land. Al Taqwa had access to the Clearstream sys­tem through its cor­re­spon­dent account with the Banca del Got­tardo in Lugano, which has a pub­lished Clearstream account (No. 74381). But Bin Laden may have other access to the unpub­lished sys­tem. In what he calls a ‘spec­tac­u­lar dis­cov­ery,’ Ernest Backes reports that in the weeks before CEO Andre Lussi was forced to leave Clearstream last May, a series of 16 unpub­lished accounts were opened under the name of the Saudi Invest­ment Com­pany, or SICO, the Geneva hold­ing of the Saudi Bin­laden Group, which is run by Osama’s brother Yeslam Bin­laden (some fam­ily mem­bers spell the name dif­fer­ently.) Yeslam Bin­laden insists hat he has noth­ing to do with his brother, but evi­dence sug­gests SICO is tied into Osama’s finan­cial net­work. SICO is asso­ci­ated with Dar Al-Maal-Al-Islami (DMI), an Islamic finan­cial insti­tu­tion also based in Geneva and presided over by Prince Muhammed Al Faisal Al Saoud, a cousin of Saudi King Fahd, that directs mil­lions a year to fun­da­men­tal­ist move­ments. DMI holds a share of the Al Shamal Islamic Bank of Sudan, which was set up in 1991 and partly financed by $50 mil­lion from Osama bin Laden. Fur­ther­more, one of SICO’s admin­is­tra­tors, Geneva attor­ney Bau­doin Dunand, is a part­ner in a law firm, Magnin Dunand & Part­ners, that set up the Swiss finan­cial ser­vices com­pany SBA, a sub­sidiary of the SBA Bank in Paris, which is con­trolled by the bin Mah­fouz Fam­ily.”
(“Bank­ing with Bin Laden” by Lucy Komisar [side­bar to “Explo­sive Rev­e­la­tion$”]; In These Times; 3/15/2002.)
(For more about SICO, Yeslam Bin Laden, and Bau­doin Dunand, see FTR#’s 354, 355, 456.)

37. The co-chairman of the board of direc­tors of SICO, the hold­ing com­pany that man­ages the Bin Laden busi­ness inter­ests in Europe, is Bau­doin Dunand, a friend and pro­fes­sional asso­ciate of Fran­cois Genoud, one of the most impor­tant post­war oper­a­tives of the Under­ground Reich. (For more about Genoud, see—among other pro­grams—FTR#456.) “This com­pany, estab­lished by the bin Ladens in 1980, is the flag­ship for the group’s activ­i­ties in Europe. It is headed by Yeslam bin Laden, and the board of direc­tors is made up almost exclu­sively of mem­bers of the fam­ily clan, except for a Swiss cit­i­zen, Bau­doin Dunand. This well-known lawyer from French-speaking Switzer­land, who is on the boards of sev­eral dozen com­pa­nies, came to pub­lic notice in 1983 when he agreed to rep­re­sent the Swiss banker Fran­cois Genoud, a con­tro­ver­sial fig­ure who had been a dis­ci­ple of Hitler and sole heir of Goebbels’s copy­rights before becom­ing one of the financiers of the FLN dur­ing the Alger­ian War. The friend­ships of the bin Ladens some­times seem sur­pris­ing, but they are log­i­cal: Fran­cois Genoud has always been pro-Arab.”
(In the Name of Osama Bin Laden; by Roland Jacquard; Copy­right 2002 [SC]; Duke Uni­ver­sity Press; ISBN 0–8223-2991–3; pp. 17–18.)

38. Repris­ing an item of dis­cus­sion from FTR#357, the pro­gram cites the opin­ion of Ernest Backes (one of Europe’s fore­most experts on money laun­der­ing) con­cern­ing the role of Fran­cois Genoud in the devel­op­ment of the events of 9/11. Genoud (who com­mit­ted sui­cide in 1996) was very close to Al Taqwa per­son­ages, espe­cially Achmed Huber. Accord­ing to Backes, Genoud was also a finan­cial adviser to the Bin Laden fam­ily. “Finan­cial expert Ernest Backes of Lux­em­bourg has [stud­ied] white-collar crime in the field of bank­ing for many years. Accord­ing to him, there are indi­ca­tions of unusual trans­ac­tions with which the groups [asso­ci­ated with] bin Laden could have earned money. ‘You can, for exam­ple, exam­ine whether, within a cer­tain time period there’s been an attack against the secu­ri­ties of a given air­line com­pany. Since these secu­ri­ties are safe in a ‘clear­ing sys­tem,’ you can’t get an over­all view, who the owner was at a given time.’ . . .Accord­ing to Backes’ infor­ma­tion, the trail leads to Switzer­land, to the accounts of an orga­ni­za­tion that was founded by the late lawyer Fran­cois Genoud and evi­dently still sur­vives. Says Backes, ‘One of the grounds for accu­sa­tion is that this Swiss attor­ney had the clos­est con­nec­tions with the Bin Laden fam­ily, that he was an advi­sor to the fam­ily, one of its invest­ment bankers. It’s known for cer­tain, that he sup­ported ter­ror­ism and was the estate execu­tor for Hitler and part of the ter­ror milieu.’ [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s].”
(“Insid­ergeschäfte vor den Ter­ro­ran­schlä­gen in den USA? [Insider Trad­ing Prior to the Ter­ror Attacks in the US?]: Spec­u­lat­ing on Terror—Who Prof­ited from the Attacks?” by Rolf Bovier & Pierre Matthias; Bay­erische Rund­funk Online (BR-Online); 9/25/2001.)39. The pro­gram reviews an item of dis­cus­sion from FTR#352. An arti­cle in the San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle con­tains an alle­ga­tion that Fran­cois Genoud is believed to have founded Al Taqwa in order to fund ter­ror­ists such as Car­los the Jackal and Bin Laden. Note that Bank Al Taqwa was the prin­ci­pal repos­i­tory for all trace­able funds still acces­si­ble to Al Qaeda after 9/11. Note also that Bank Al Taqwa is the bridge between the “Old Guard” of the Under­ground Reich and so-called “neo-Nazis”. “Author­i­ties believe Genoud founded Al Taqwa Bank and allo­cated its resources to sup­port inter­na­tional ter­ror­ists such as Vladimir Ilich Ramirez, alias Car­los the Jackal, and Bin Laden.”
(“Swiss Probe Anti-U.S. Neo-Nazi” by Jay Bushin­sky; San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle; 3/12/2002; p. A12.)