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FTR #502 Curve Ball

Record­ed March 13, 2005
MP3 Side 1 [1] | Side 2 [2]
REALAUDIO [3]

Tak­ing its title from the intel­li­gence code-name of an Iraqi defec­tor who pro­vid­ed the US with bogus intel­li­gence about Iraq’s WMD’s, this show exam­ines the Iraq war and the “War on Ter­ror” in the con­text of proxy war waged against the US by the Under­ground Reich. It turned out that the cen­ter­piece of US intel­li­gence on Iraqi WMD’s was a defec­tor from Ahmed Cha­l­abi’s Iraqi Nation­al Con­gress. Pur­port­ing to have first hand knowl­edge of the mobile biowar­fare labs that Sad­dam alleged­ly pos­sessed, the defec­tor (code-named “Curve­ball”) was at all times in the hands of Ger­man intel­li­gence. The BND (Ger­man intel­li­gence and the suc­ces­sor to the Gehlen spy out­fit) rebuffed US attempts at inter­view­ing Curve­ball in per­son. The US went to war over intel­li­gence pro­vid­ed by a source to which they nev­er had direct access! It is unclear whether Ger­man intel­li­gence told the US about the doubts they alleged­ly had about the source. This pro­gram asks whether the US may have been duped into an inva­sion that will pit it against the Mus­lim pop­u­la­tions of the world in a long, cost­ly war that will ulti­mate­ly result in this coun­try’s demise. It is worth not­ing that such a gam­bit would not have required a great deal of skill. Lur­ing the Bush admin­is­tra­tion into such an act would have been no more dif­fi­cult than set­ting out a pot of hon­ey in front of a hun­gry bear. It is also worth not­ing that Ahmed Cha­l­abi (whose orga­ni­za­tion pro­vid­ed Curve­ball to the Ger­mans) is a reput­ed Iran­ian spy. The Ira­ni­ans may have helped the Ger­mans lure the US into depos­ing their ene­my Sad­dam. In addi­tion, the pro­gram exam­ines the pos­si­bil­i­ty that the A.Q. Khan nuclear smug­gling ring may also be an exam­ple of the Under­ground Reich’s use of the Mus­lim pop­u­la­tion of the world as proxy war­riors. Much of the pro­gram focus­es on Osama bin Laden’s address just before the US elec­tions of 2004, in which he com­pared Bush’s poli­cies with his own goals and con­clud­ed that Bush was fur­ther­ing his (bin Laden’s) aims.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Exam­i­na­tion of bin Laden’s goal of bank­rupt­ing the US econ­o­my and Bush’s actions that are accom­plish­ing that goal; more infor­ma­tion about the pres­ence of Ger­mans in the A.Q. Khan smug­gling ring; a stun­ning pro­pos­al by US diplo­mat­ic offi­cials that would pro­vide for an alliance between the US and the Islam­o­fas­cist Mus­lim Broth­er­hood (the par­ent orga­ni­za­tion of Al Qae­da); review of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood’s Bank Al Taqwa and its links to the events of 9/11.

1. The broad­cast begins with dis­cus­sion of the indi­vid­ual from whom the pro­gram derives its title—the Iraqi turn­coat code-named “Curve­ball.”
Curve­ball pro­vid­ed some of the key “infor­ma­tion” which the U.S. used to jus­ti­fy the inva­sion of Iraq—the now thor­ough­ly dis­cred­it­ed sto­ry about Iraq’s mobile germ war­fare labs. As it turns out, the CIA nev­er had access to this indi­vid­ual. “The Bush admin­is­tra­tion’s pre­war claims that Sad­dam Hus­sein had built a fleet of trucks and rail­road cars to pro­duce anthrax and oth­er dead­ly germs were based chiefly on infor­ma­tion from a now-dis­cred­it­ed Iraqi defec­tor code-named ‘Curve­ball,’ accord­ing to cur­rent and for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cials.”

(“Iraqi Defec­tor’s Tales Bol­stered U.S. for War” by Bob Dro­gin and Greg Miller; Los Ange­les Times; 3/28/2004; p. 1.) [4]

2. As it turns out, Curve­ball was at all times in the hands of the BND—the Ger­man fed­er­al intel­li­gence ser­vice and suc­ces­sor to the Gehlen spy out­fit. Through­out the run-up to the inva­sion of Iraq, Mr. Emory voiced his opin­ion that the Under­ground Reich was lead­ing the U.S. into a trap, in which Amer­i­ca would find itself in a long, drain­ing war against the Mus­lim peo­ples of the “Earth Island.” The infor­ma­tion pre­sent­ed here about Curve­ball dove­tails nice­ly with Mr. Emory’s pre­war analy­sis. “U.S. offi­cials nev­er had direct access to the defec­tor and did­n’t even know his real name until after the war. Instead, his sto­ry was pro­vid­ed by Ger­man agents, and his file was so thick with details that Amer­i­can offi­cials thought it con­firmed long-stand­ing sus­pi­cions that the Iraqis had devel­oped mobile germ fac­to­ries to evade arms inspec­tions.” (Ibid.; pp. 1–2.)

3. “Curve­ball” turned out to be an appro­pri­ate moniker for this indi­vid­ual. His sto­ry was not only dis­in­for­ma­tion, but also dis­in­for­ma­tion that may have been delib­er­ate­ly fed to the U.S. by Ahmed Cha­l­abi’s group. In light of alle­ga­tions that Cha­l­abi was con­nect­ed to Iran­ian intel­li­gence, one must won­der if Iran may also have been delib­er­ate­ly feed­ing Curve­bal­l’s b.s. to the U.S. This would not have required a great deal of guile on the part of the Ger­mans and/or Ira­ni­ans: it would have been like set­ting out a pot of hon­ey in the path of a maraud­ing, hun­gry bear. “Curve­bal­l’s sto­ry has since crum­bled under doubts raised by the Ger­mans and the scruti­ny of U.S. weapons hunters, who have come to see his code name as par­tic­u­lar­ly apt, giv­en the prob­lems that beset much of the pre­war intel­li­gence col­lec­tion and analy­sis. U.N. weapons inspec­tors hypoth­e­sized that such trucks might exist, offi­cials said. They then asked for­mer exile leader Ahmed Cha­l­abi, a bit­ter ene­my of Hus­sein, to help search for intel­li­gence sup­port­ing their the­o­ry.” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

4. Curve­ball appeared right on time, pro­vid­ing the U.S. (through his Ger­man han­dlers) with just what they want­ed to hear. “Soon after, a young chem­i­cal engi­neer emerged in a Ger­man refugee camp and claimed that he had been hired out of Bagh­dad Uni­ver­si­ty to design and build bio­log­i­cal war­fare trucks for the Iraqi army. Based large­ly on his account, Pres­i­dent Bush and his aides repeat­ed­ly warned of the shad­owy germ trucks, dubbed ‘Win­neba­gos of Death’ or ‘Hell on Wheels’ in news accounts, and they became a cru­cial part of the White House case for war, includ­ing Sec­re­tary of State Col­in L. Pow­ell’s dra­mat­ic pre­sen­ta­tion to the U.N. Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil just weeks before the war.” (Idem.)

5. As it turned out, Curve­ball was the broth­er of one of Cha­l­abi’s top aides. Again, Cha­l­abi has been alleged to be a cat’s paw for Iran­ian intel­li­gence. “Only lat­er, U.S. offi­cials said, did the CIA learn that the defec­tor was the broth­er of one of Cha­l­abi’s top aides, and begin to sus­pect that he might have been coached to pro­vide false infor­ma­tion. Part­ly because of that, some U.S. intel­li­gence offi­cials and con­gres­sion­al inves­ti­ga­tors fear that the CIA may have inad­ver­tent­ly con­jured up and then chased a phan­tom weapons sys­tem. David Kay, who resigned in Jan­u­ary as head of the CIA-led group cre­at­ed to find illic­it weapons in Iraq, said that of all the intel­li­gence fail­ures in Iraq, the case of Curve­ball was par­tic­u­lar­ly trou­bling. ‘This is the one that’s damn­ing,’ he said. ‘This is the one that has the poten­tial for caus­ing the largest hav­oc in the sense that it real­ly looks like a lack of due dili­gence and care in going for­ward.” (Idem.)

6. “Kay said in an inter­view that the defec­tor ‘was absolute­ly at the heart of a mat­ter of intense inter­est to us.’ But Curve­ball turned out to be an ‘out-and-out fab­ri­ca­tor,’ he added. . . .” (Idem.)

7. “. . . U.S. and British intel­li­gence offi­cials have acknowl­edged since major com­bat end­ed in Iraq that lies or dis­tor­tions by Iraqi oppo­si­tion groups in exile con­tributed to numer­ous mis­judg­ments about Iraq’s sus­pect­ed weapons pro­grams. Cha­l­abi’s Iraqi Nation­al Con­gress is blamed most often, but the rival Iraqi Nation­al Accord and var­i­ous Kur­dish groups also were respon­si­ble for send­ing dubi­ous defec­tors to West­ern intel­li­gence, offi­cials say. . .” (Ibid.; p. 3.)

8. As not­ed here, the BND refused CIA requests to inter­view Curve­ball in per­son. Why?! ” . . . In this case, Ger­many’s Fed­er­al Intel­li­gence Ser­vice, known as the BND, repeat­ed­ly reject­ed CIA requests to meet Curve­ball, say­ing it need­ed to pro­tect its source. But U.S. and Ger­man offi­cials said the BND fur­nished its file on the defec­tor to U.S. author­i­ties and at times had him answer spe­cif­ic ques­tions from U.S. intel­li­gence. . . .” (Idem.)

9. One of the key ques­tions con­cerns whether the BND com­mu­ni­cat­ed their doubts about Curve­ball before the March 20th inva­sion date. ” . . . One focus of the ongo­ing inves­ti­ga­tions is whether the CIA should have known Curve­ball was not cred­i­ble. A for­mer U.S. offi­cial who has reviewed the clas­si­fied file said the BND warned the CIA last spring [2003] that it had ‘var­i­ous prob­lems with the source.’ Die Zeit, a Ger­man newsweek­ly, first report­ed the warn­ing last August. The offi­cial said the BND sent the warn­ing after Pow­ell first described the biowar­fare trucks in detail to the U.N. Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil on Feb. 5, 5003. It’s unclear whether the Ger­man warn­ing arrived before the war began on March 20 last year.” (Idem.)

10. Read the next para­graph care­ful­ly: it appears that the Ger­mans were pass­ing dis­in­for­ma­tion to a U.S. intel­li­gence estab­lish­ment that very much want­ed to hear just what the Ger­mans were telling them. ” ‘You can imag­ine the con­ster­na­tion it kicked off,’ the offi­cial said. ‘It sug­gest­ed that what [the Ger­mans had] been pass­ing to us was false. They were back­ing away.’ Mark Mans­field, a CIA spokesman, declined to com­ment Fri­day on that charge or ques­tions about the case. An offi­cial at BND head­quar­ters in Berlin, who spoke on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty, also declined to answer ques­tions. ‘We believed that Iraq had these mobile bio­log­i­cal facil­i­ties,’ the offi­cial said.. . .” (Idem.)

11. Oth­ers from the Cha­l­abi camp were pro­vid­ing dis­in­for­ma­tion on the mobile biowar­fare labs. ” . . . Kay said the debrief­ing files on the pair [of Iraqi defec­tors sup­port­ing Curve­bal­l’s alle­ga­tions] showed that they nev­er had direct con­tact with the biowar­fare trucks. ‘None of them claimed to have seen them,’ he said. ‘They said they were aware of the mobile pro­gram. They had heard there was a mobile pro­gram.’ CIA files showed that anoth­er Iraqi defec­tor, an engi­neer who had worked with Curve­ball, specif­i­cal­ly denied that they had worked on such facil­i­ties, Kay said. Pow­ell did not cite that defec­tor.” (Ibid.; p. 5.)

12. Oth­ers in Cha­l­abi’s camp but­tressed Curve­bal­l’s claims. “The CIA acknowl­edged last month that a fourth defec­tor whom Pow­ell cit­ed at the U.N., a for­mer major in Iraq’s intel­li­gence ser­vice, had lied when he said that Bagh­dad had built mobile research lab­o­ra­to­ries to test bio­log­i­cal agents. The Pen­tagon’s Defense Intel­li­gence Agency twice debriefed that defec­tor in ear­ly 2002 and report­ed his claims. But it then con­clud­ed that he did not have first­hand infor­ma­tion and prob­a­bly was coached by Cha­l­abi’s exile group. . . .” (Idem.)

13. It appears that Curve­ball was thrown in the CIA’s direc­tion by a Cha­l­abi out­fit that had long been pitch­ing bat­ting prac­tice to the weapons inspec­tors. ” . . . The inspec­tors long had relied on intel­li­gence from sym­pa­thet­ic gov­ern­ments and dis­si­dent groups. Cha­l­abi had lob­bied Wash­ing­ton for years to over­throw Hus­sein and claimed that he had spies inside the Bagh­dad regime. In Decem­ber 1997, Rit­ter said, he and his deputy, a for­mer British army major attached to the U.N. team, flew to Lon­don to ask Cha­l­abi for help. They met for three hours over din­ner at Cha­l­abi’s May­fair res­i­dence with the influ­en­tial Iraqi exile and Ahmed Allawi, who head­ed intel­li­gence oper­a­tions for the Iraqi Nation­al Con­gress.” (Ibid.; p. 7.)

14. ” ‘Cha­l­abi out­lined what he could do for us,’ Rit­ter recalled. ‘His intel­li­gence guy out­lined their sources and said he had peo­ple inside the gov­ern­ment. They told us they had the run of Iraq. Just tell them what we need­ed. So we out­lined the gaps in our under­stand­ing of the Iraqi pro­gram, includ­ing the mobile bioweapons labs. Basi­cal­ly, we gave them a shop­ping list.’ ‘They began feed­ing us infor­ma­tion,’ Rit­ter said. ‘We got hand-drawn maps, hand­writ­ten state­ments and oth­er stuff flow­ing in. At first blush, it looked good. But noth­ing panned out. Most of it just regur­gi­tat­ed what we’d giv­en them. And the data that was new nev­er checked out.’ ” (Ibid.; pp. 7–8.)

15. The pre­cise cir­cum­stances sur­round­ing Curve­bal­l’s appear­ance in Ger­many in 1998 remain mys­te­ri­ous. “Haider Musawi, an INC media liai­son in Bagh­dad, said in a tele­phone inter­view Sat­ur­day that he could not con­firm the meet­ings had occurred. Asked about INC ties to Curve­ball, he replied, ‘I real­ly can’t think of such a defec­tor.’ U.S. offi­cials say Curve­ball appar­ent­ly showed up in Ger­many in 1998, but it is unclear how he got there. [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s.] [The Times] was unable to ascer­tain Curve­bal­l’s real name or his cur­rent loca­tion. What is clear is that by 2000, Curve­ball had pro­vid­ed a vast array of con­vinc­ing detail about the illic­it pro­gram he claimed to man­age. . . . ‘We did­n’t find any­thing.’ ” (Ibid.; p. 8.)

16. ” . . . Dur­ing the sum­mer, Kay’s inves­ti­ga­tors vis­it­ed Curve­bal­l’s par­ents and broth­er in Bagh­dad, as well as his for­mer work sites. They deter­mined that he was last in his class at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Bagh­dad, not first as he had claimed. They learned he had been fired from his job and jailed for embez­zle­ment before he fled Iraq. ‘He was wrong about so much,’ Kay recalled. ‘Phys­i­cal descrip­tions he gave for build­ings and sites sim­ply did­n’t match real­i­ty. Things start­ed to fall apart.’ Cha­l­abi now a mem­ber of the Iraqi Gov­ern­ing Coun­cil, retains strong sup­port in the White House. He was a guest of First Lady Lau­ra Bush at the pres­i­den­t’s State of the Union address last Jan­u­ary, and his orga­ni­za­tion still receives sev­er­al hun­dred thou­sand dol­lars a month from the Pen­ta­gon to help col­lect intel­li­gence in Iraq. . . .” (Ibid.; p. 9.)

17. Next, the broad­cast sets forth the alle­ga­tions about Cha­l­abi’s hav­ing ties to Iran­ian intel­li­gence. With a Shi­ite major­i­ty that was active­ly sup­pressed by Sad­dam Hus­sein, Iraq would have made a tempt­ing tar­get to the Ira­ni­ans. They might well have decid­ed to do what they could to pre­cip­i­tate a U.S. inva­sion of Iraq, it’s old ene­my. “Ahmad Cha­l­abi, the Iraqi leader accused by the CIA of pass­ing US secrets to Tehran, claimed to have close links with Iran­ian intel­li­gence sev­en years ago, accord­ing to a for­mer UN weapons inspec­tor. Scott Rit­ter, who before the war insist­ed that Sad­dam Hus­sein did not have sig­nif­i­cant weapons stocks, made the claim to Andrew Cock­burn, a Wash­ing­ton-based jour­nal­ist and the author of a biog­ra­phy of the oust­ed Iraqi dic­ta­tor.”
(“Iraqi Accused by CIA Made Claim in 1997, Says For­mer Inspec­tor” by Julian Borg­er; The Guardian; 5/26/2004; p. 1.) [5]

18. ” ‘When I met [Mr. Cha­l­abi] in Decem­ber 1997 he said he had tremen­dous con­nec­tions with Iran­ian intel­li­gence,’ Mr. Rit­ter said, accord­ing to an arti­cle by Mr. Cock­burn pub­lished today in the Guardian. ‘He said that some of his best intel­li­gence came from the Ira­ni­ans and offered to set up a meet­ing for me with the head of Iran­ian intel­li­gence.’ Mr. Cha­l­abi has repeat­ed­ly denied pass­ing secrets to the Ira­ni­ans and has denounced the alle­ga­tions made by US intel­li­gence offi­cials as a CIA ‘smear.’ He also denied pro­vid­ing false infor­ma­tion about weapons of mass destruc­tion to the US. . . .” (Idem.)

19. In FTR#412 [6], Mr. Emory pre­sent­ed infor­ma­tion sug­gest­ing that the Bush admin­is­tra­tion was delib­er­ate­ly work­ing to sub­vert the U.S. econ­o­my. Osama bin Laden has been work­ing in a sim­i­lar direc­tion. Recall that it has long been Mr. Emory’s view that the Under­ground Reich is pulling the strings of the Bush admin­is­tra­tion, as well as the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood and Al Qae­da. In that con­text, it is inter­est­ing to exam­ine a speech Osama bin Laden released [via video­tape] just before the U.S. pres­i­den­tial elec­tion. In this speech, bin Laden hints fair­ly direct­ly that Bush is fol­low­ing his agen­da. Again, it is Mr. Emory’s view that both the Bush admin­is­tra­tion and Al Qae­da are serv­ing as pup­pets of the Under­ground Reich. “Osama bin Laden boast­ed that the inva­sion of Iraq has bogged down the Unit­ed States in a hope­less war that advances al Qaeda’s recruit­ment goals and bin Laden’s aim of bank­rupt­ing the U.S. econ­o­my, accord­ing to a trans­la­tion of the full text of the ter­ror­ist lead­er’s remarks on a video­tape that sur­faced last week. ‘The thinkers and per­cep­tive ones from among the Amer­i­cans warned Bush before the war’ about the dan­gers of invad­ing Iraq, bin Laden said on the tape, accord­ing to a U.S. gov­ern­ment tran­script released yes­ter­day. ‘But the dark­ness of the black gold [oil] blurred his vision. . . . The war went ahead, the death toll rose, the Amer­i­can econ­o­my bled, and Bush became embroiled in the swamps of Iraq that threat­ened his future. . . .’ ”
(“Bin Laden Lauds Costs of War to U.S.” by John Mintz; Wash­ing­ton Post; 11/1/2004; p. 1.) [7]

20. ” . . . On the tape, the Sau­di mil­lion­aire brags that he is suc­ceed­ing beyond his dreams in desta­bi­liz­ing the U.S. econ­o­my and bank­rupt­ing the U.S. gov­ern­ment, assert­ing that Pres­i­dent Bush is eas­i­ly manip­u­lat­ed into tak­ing mil­i­tary and secu­ri­ty steps that harm Amer­i­can inter­ests. The results of the U.S. war in Iraq, he said, ‘have been by the grace of Allah, pos­i­tive and enor­mous, and have by all stan­dards exceed­ed all expec­ta­tions. The pol­i­cy of the White House that demands the open­ing of war fronts to keep busy their var­i­ous corporations—whether they be work­ing in the field of arms or oil or reconstruction—has helped al Qae­da to achieve these enor­mous results,’ bin Laden said. ‘And so it has appeared to some ana­lysts and diplo­mats that the White House and we are play­ing as one team toward the eco­nom­ic goals of the Unit­ed States, even if the inten­tions dif­fer.’ [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s].” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

21. It is essen­tial to note that bin Laden’s boasts would be emp­ty, but for the insane tax cuts that the Bush admin­is­tra­tion has imple­ment­ed. Bin Laden’s forces would not have suc­ceed­ed in the ongo­ing bank­rupt­ing of the U.S., were it not for the Bush admin­is­tra­tion’s fis­cal poli­cies. ” . . . Bin Laden also sug­gest­ed that the huge sums of mon­ey Wash­ing­ton spends on home­land secu­ri­ty and the mil­i­tary serve his agen­da of weak­en­ing the U.S. econ­o­my. All that we have men­tioned has made it easy for us to pro­voke and bait this admin­is­tra­tion,’ bin Laden said. ‘All that we have to do is to send two muja­hed­din to the far­thest point East to raise a piece of cloth on which is writ­ten ‘al Qae­da’ in order to make the gen­er­als race there, to cause Amer­i­ca to suf­fer human, eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal loss­es, with­out their achiev­ing for it any­thing of note oth­er than some ben­e­fits for their pri­vate com­pa­nies.’ He added: ‘We are con­tin­u­ing this pol­i­cy in bleed­ing Amer­i­ca to the point of bank­rupt­cy.’ ” (Ibid.; pp. 2–3.)

22. Again, note that it is Bush’s insane eco­nom­ic poli­cies, in com­bi­na­tion with bin Laden’s tac­tics that are bank­rupt­ing the Unit­ed Staes. “He not­ed remarks by coun­tert­er­ror­ism experts that al Qaeda’s expens­es in attack­ing Amer­i­ca are a tiny frac­tion of the cost of Wash­ing­ton’s coun­tert­er­ror­ism efforts. ‘Every dol­lar of al Qae­da defeat­ed a mil­lion [U.S.] dol­lars . . . besides the loss of a huge num­ber of jobs. ‘As for the size of the eco­nom­ic deficit, it has reached record, astro­nom­i­cal num­bers esti­mat­ed to total more than a tril­lion dol­lars. Even more dan­ger­ous and bit­ter for Amer­i­ca is that the muja­hed­din recent­ly forced Bush to resort to emer­gency funds to con­tin­ue the fight in Afghanistan and Iraq, which is evi­dence of the suc­cess of the bleed-until-bank­rupt­cy plan.’ ” (Ibid.; p. 3.)

23. Dur­ing the run-up to the Iraq war, Mr. Emory pro­duced a num­ber of pro­grams advanc­ing his work­ing hypoth­e­sis that the Under­ground Reich was manip­u­lat­ing the Mus­lim pop­u­la­tions of the “Earth Island” (the Arabs in par­tic­u­lar) in order to serve as proxy war­riors against the U.S., Britain and Israel. (For more about this, see FTR#‘s 394, 395, 396, 404, 413, 450 [6].) In this con­text, the pro­gram presents more infor­ma­tion about the Ger­man links to (and ori­gins of) the A.Q. Khan nuclear smug­gling ring that pro­vid­ed Pak­istan, Libya, Iran and North Korea with much of their nuclear capa­bil­i­ty. This should be viewed against the recent saber-rat­tling between the U.S. and Iran. Is this anoth­er exam­ple of the U.S. being lured into a proxy war sit­u­a­tion? “Recent advances in an inter­na­tion­al inves­ti­ga­tion into the nuclear smug­gling net­work cen­tered on Abdul-Qadeer Khan, the Pak­istani sci­en­tist, have boost­ed hopes of uncov­er­ing the truth about Iran’s nuclear pro­gram. Mr. Khan has admit­ted help­ing the nuclear pro­grams of Iran, Libya and North Korea over more than 15 years—but there are big gaps in inves­ti­ga­tors’ under­stand­ing of what was sup­plied and to whom. . . .”

(“Fresh Clues on Smug­gling Net­work Could Help Lift Lid on Tehran’s Secret Nuclear Pro­gramme” by Stephen Fidler; The Finan­cial Times; 3/12/2005; p. 1.) [8]

24. “Inves­ti­ga­tors have known for more than a year that ear­ly con­tacts were made between Iran and the net­work in 1987. But the sig­nif­i­cance of the doc­u­ment was that it showed the net­work offered to pro­vide Iran with the where­with­al to man­u­fac­ture and cast ura­ni­um met­al, an abil­i­ty Iran would need only if build­ing a nuclear weapon. . . .” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

25. For more about the Ger­man link to the nuclear smug­gling ring, see FTR#‘s 336, 395, 450 [6].) “Nuclear ana­lysts said the doc­u­ment might have encour­aged Pak­istan’s first pub­lic admis­sion this week that the net­work sup­plied Iran with cen­trifuges, rul­ing out that it sup­plied oth­er, even more incrim­i­nat­ing, tech­nolo­gies. The doc­u­ment emerged out of a 1987 meet­ing in Dubai, attend­ed by three Iran­ian offi­cials, Mr. Tahir and his uncle, a man named Mohamed Farouq, west­ern diplo­mats said. As many as three Euro­peans may have attend­ed, includ­ing pos­si­bly a Ger­man engi­neer, now dead, called Heinz Mebus. . . .” (Idem.)

26. Just as the U.S. was lured into the Iraqi inva­sion under the aus­pices of bad intel­li­gence and some fun­da­men­tal illu­sions about the nature of the Mid­dle East, so, too it may be in the process of being lured into a friend­ly rela­tion­ship with the Islam­o­fas­cist Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. An ally of the Third Reich, the Broth­er­hood is explic­it­ly fas­cist. Like a num­ber of neo-fas­cist move­ments (includ­ing the Ital­ian Allean­za Nationale and the Ger­man NPD) the Broth­er­hood is attempt­ing to use demo­c­ra­t­ic means to achieve pow­er, where it is deemed fea­si­ble. This should not lure the U.S. into a false sense of secu­ri­ty, how­ev­er. Nazi pro­pa­gan­da min­is­ter Joseph Goebbels was quite explic­it about the Nazis’ will­ing­ness to use demo­c­ra­t­ic means to achieve pow­er, as well as their unwill­ing­ness to allow oth­ers to use demo­c­ra­t­ic means to remove them from pow­er. It would be pru­dent to view the Broth­er­hood’s demo­c­ra­t­ic pre­ten­sions in light of Goebbels’ remarks. Bear­ing in mind Mr. Emory’s views on Under­ground Reich manip­u­la­tion of the Bush admin­is­tra­tion and the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood, it is inter­est­ing to con­sid­er the arti­cle that fol­lows. It may be that the Bush admin­is­tra­tion’s attempts at fos­ter­ing democ­ra­cy in the Mid­dle East may result in the ascen­sion of Islam­o­fas­cist gov­ern­ments in those coun­tries.

27. ” . . . Some fed­er­al agents wor­ry that the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood has dan­ger­ous links to ter­ror­ism. But some U.S. diplo­mats and intel­li­gence offi­cials believe its influ­ence offers an oppor­tu­ni­ty for polit­i­cal engage­ment that could help iso­late vio­lent jihadists. ‘It is the pre­em­i­nent move­ment in the Mus­lim world,’ said Gra­ham E. Fuller, a for­mer CIA offi­cial spe­cial­iz­ing in the Mid­dle East. ‘It’s some­thing we can work with.’ Demo­niz­ing the Broth­er­hood ‘would be fool­hardy in the extreme,’ he warned.”

(“In Search of Friends Among the Foes: U.S. Hopes to Work with Diverse Group” by John Mintz and Dou­glas Farah; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 9/11/2004; p. A01.) [9]

28. “The Broth­er­hood’s his­to­ry and the chal­lenges it pos­es to U.S. offi­cials illus­trate the com­plex­i­ty of the polit­i­cal front in the cam­paign against ter­ror­ism three years after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. FBI agents and finan­cial inves­ti­ga­tors probe the group for ter­ror­ist ties and legal vio­la­tions, while diplo­mats simul­ta­ne­ous­ly dis­cuss strate­gies for co-opt­ing at least its mod­er­ate wings. In both sec­tors of the U.S. gov­ern­ment, the Broth­er­hood often remains a mys­tery. The Brotherhood—of al-Ikhwan al-Mus­limun, as it is know in Arabic—is a sprawl­ing and secre­tive soci­ety with fol­low­ers in more than 70 coun­tries. It is ded­i­cat­ed to cre­at­ing an Islam­ic civ­i­liza­tion that harks back to the caliphates of the 7th and 7th cen­turies, one that would seg­re­gate women from pub­lic life and scorn non­be­liev­ers.” (Idem.)

29. “In some nations—Egypt, Alge­ria, Syr­ia, Sudan—the Broth­er­hood has foment­ed Islam­ic rev­o­lu­tion. In the Pales­tin­ian ter­ri­to­ries, the Broth­er­hood cre­at­ed the Islam­ic Resis­tance Move­ment, or Hamas, which has become known for its sui­cide bomb­ings of Israelis. Yet is also a sophis­ti­cat­ed and diverse orga­ni­za­tion that appeals to many Mus­lims world­wide and some­times advo­cates peace­ful per­sua­sion, not vio­lent revolt. Some of its sup­port­ers went on to help found al Qae­da, while oth­ers launched one of the largest col­lege stu­dent groups in the Unit­ed States. For decades the Broth­er­hood enjoyed the sup­port of the gov­ern­ment of Sau­di Ara­bia and its oil bil­lions, which helped the group expand in the Unit­ed States.” (Ibid.; pp. 1–2.)

30. It is dis­turb­ing to note that the Broth­er­hood is a dom­i­nant force in the Amer­i­can Islam­ic com­mu­ni­ty: “Past and present Mus­lim Broth­er­hood sup­port­ers make up the U.S. Islam­ic com­mu­ni­ty’s most orga­nized force. They run hun­dreds of mosques and dozens of busi­ness­es engag­ing in ven­tures such as real estate devel­op­ment and bank­ing. They also helped set up some of the lead­ing Amer­i­can Islam­ic orga­ni­za­tions that defend the rights of Mus­lims, pro­mote Mus­lim civic activism and seek to spread Islam. For years, fed­er­al agents paid lit­tle heed to the Broth­er­hood, but after Sept. 11, they noticed that many leads went back to the Broth­er­hood. ‘We see some sort of nexus, direct or indi­rect, to the Broth­er­hood, in ongo­ing cas­es,’ said Den­nis Lormel, until recent­ly a top FBI coun­tert­er­ror­ism offi­cial. The archi­tect of the Sept. 11 strikes, Khalid Sheik Mohamed, told U.S. inter­roga­tors that he was drawn to vio­lent jihad after join­ing the Broth­er­hood in Kuwait at age 16 and attend­ing its desert youth camps, accord­ing to the report released in July by the nation­al com­mis­sion that inves­ti­gat­ed the attacks.” (Ibid.; p. 2.)

31. The arti­cle refers to Bank Al Taqwa: “Broth­er­hood rad­i­cals in Ger­many and Spain are sus­pect­ed of orga­niz­ing logis­ti­cal sup­port for the al Qae­da cell that car­ried out the attacks. West­ern gov­ern­ments sub­se­quent­ly shut down a huge bank­ing net­work in Switzer­land, Liecht­en­stein and the Bahamas that was set up by a lead­ing Broth­er­hood fig­ure, cit­ing its numer­ous finan­cial ties to al Qae­da and oth­er ter­ror­ists. The founder, Youssef Nada, denies wrong­do­ing.” (Idem.)

32. The sto­ry also touch­es on the March 20, 2002 Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids. Note that there are sig­nif­i­cant evi­den­tiary trib­u­taries run­ning between the Broth­er­hood, Bank Al Taqwa, the GOP and the tar­gets of the Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids. “In March 2002, fed­er­al agents in North­ern Vir­ginia raid­ed a clus­ter of Mus­lim think tanks, com­pa­nies and foun­da­tions run most­ly by men who sym­pa­thized with the Broth­er­hood in Iraq and else­where in the 1960’s. No charges have result­ed, but U.S. offi­cials stat­ed in court ear­li­er this year that they are pur­su­ing ter­ror­ist financ­ing alle­ga­tions. Mem­bers of the group, known for their rel­a­tive polit­i­cal mod­er­a­tion, say they end­ed Broth­er­hood ties years ago and deny wrong­do­ing. In a 42-count indict­ment in July, the gov­ern­ment alleged that an Islam­ic char­i­ty, the Texas-based Holy Land Foun­da­tion for Relief and Devel­op­ment, fun­neled $12.4 mil­lion to a des­ig­nat­ed ter­ror­ist group, Hamas. The indict­ment said the Holy Land Foun­da­tion was ‘deeply involved with a net­work of Mus­lim Broth­er­hood orga­ni­za­tions ded­i­cat­ed to fur­ther­ing the Islam­ic fun­da­men­tal­ist agen­da espoused by Hamas.’ The Holy Land Foun­da­tion denies wrong­do­ing. . . .” (Idem.)