Recorded August 21, 2005
REALAUDIO

Bring­ing up to date the heroic work of Daniel Hop­sicker, this pro­gram sets forth more attempts to dis­credit Hopsicker’s heroic inves­ti­ga­tion in Florida, as well as infor­ma­tion that cor­rob­o­rates Hopsicker’s research into 9/11 hijacker Mohamed Atta’s activ­i­ties there. In addi­tion, the broad­cast updates Daniel’s on-the –ground work in the Sun­shine State. It appears that Mohamed Atta’s father was in charge of the hijack­ers in Florida. Much of the pro­gram is devoted to Mr. Emory’s pon­tif­i­ca­tion about the Carl Dusi­berg Gesellschaft (CDS)—the orga­ni­za­tion that was traf­fick­ing Atta around in Ger­many and (pos­si­bly) Florida. Specif­i­cally, the pro­gram focuses on the CDS’s links to the Alfa Group, a Russ­ian con­glom­er­ate with strong links to crim­i­nal activ­ity on a global scale.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: The FBI’s splic­ing of a video sur­veil­lance tape to elim­i­nate the footage of Atta’s father in Florida; the Ger­man indus­trial fig­ures on the board of direc­tors of the CDS; the Alfa Group’s links to Cheney’s Hal­libur­ton Oil com­pany; the Alfa Group’s links to Iraq­gate arms traf­fick­ing; the Alfa Group’s links to the oil-for-food scan­dal in Iraq; Alfa’s links to the Cali cocaine car­tel of Colom­bia; Alfa’s links to heroin trafficking.

1. Fol­low­ing on the heels of nui­sance law­suits and the float­ing of bogus sto­ries about a “sec­ond Mohamed” in Florida [not 9/11 hijacker Mohamed Atta], Daniel Hop­sicker has been the focal point of a “hit piece” in The Sara­sota Her­ald Tri­bune. The arti­cle mis­rep­re­sented Hopsicker’s work and was clearly aimed at dis­cred­it­ing the impor­tant research in his book Wel­come to Ter­ror­land. (For more about Daniel’s book, see—among other programs—FTR#’s 477, 482, 483, 484. For more about attempts at dis­cred­it­ing Daniel’s work, see FTR#516.) “The news­pa­per in Florida cov­er­ing the town where Mohamed Atta’s cadre of ter­ror­ist hijack­ers cavorted unmo­lested before the 9/11 attack made an effort recently to hitch a ride aboard the clue­train and inves­ti­gate some­thing about the story which played out before them almost unno­ticed. But if you weren’t aware of the Sara­sota Her­ald Tribune’s sin­gu­larly lack­lus­ter cov­er­age of the biggest story of the nascent 21st cen­tury, much of which tran­spired in their own back­yard, the tar­get of their inves­tiga­tive scrutiny might seem a lit­tle odd . . . in a snarky, mistake-filled (they even got the cor­rec­tion wrong) hit piece long on noth­ing but atti­tude, they decided to (sigh) inves­ti­gate me. Imag­ine my sur­prise. . . .”
(“Ter­ror­ists’ Home­town Paper Dis­cov­ers 9/11” by Daniel Hop­sicker; Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews; 8/28/2005.)

2. “ . . . But what we did find sur­pris­ing in an arti­cle in a news­pa­per owned by the pres­ti­gious New York Times were the appar­ently freely made-up quotes. We thought they’d decided, after Jayson Blair, that that was a jour­nal­is­tic no-no. We may have been mis­in­formed. The July 11, 2005 story by Her­ald Tri­bune reporter Lau­ren Glenn, head­lined ‘Venice Author Ques­tions 9/11 Find­ings in Con­tro­ver­sial Book,’ began this way: ‘Don’t ques­tion him too hard. In fact, try to elim­i­nate any tones of doubt from your voice. He doesn’t have to explain him­self if he doesn’t want to. Daniel Hop­sicker is sit­ting in a cof­fee shop in Venice, talk­ing to a reporter and drink­ing a latte because that is exactly what he wants to be doing.’” (Idem.)

3. “ ‘I’m not here to give you my resume, honey,’ said Hop­sicker, his voice loud enough that other peo­ple in the Bella Luna Cof­fee Shop in Miami Avenue turn and stare for a moment.’ Ques­tion: What kind of churl­ish boor calls a female reporter ‘honey?’ Answer: Any­one the Sara­sota Her­ald Tri­bune doesn’t like. ‘Report­ing’ doesn’t get any more cheesy—or dishonest—than this. The dis­like itself is under­stand­able (tra­di­tional media jeal­ousy guard­ing their monop­oly on what becomes ‘news.’) But if we’d called a female reporter ‘honey’ you can bet that we would also be describ­ing her arti­cle as ‘bitchy.’ But we’re not like that. So we used ‘snarky’ instead. . . .” (Idem.)

4. “ . . . The real ques­tion is: what was the point of doing a snarky hit piece on an obscure writer who couldn’t get on ‘Hard­ball’ with pic­tures of our cur­rent Pres­i­dent alone in a room doing some­thing inap­pro­pri­ate with a bat and a ele­phant? I mean, if you’re too lazy to deliver any hit: For an answer, we turned to some­one not per­son­ally involved. . . ‘Espe­cially funny was her por­trait of flight school oper­a­tor Rudi Dekkers as a vic­tim, and Hop­sicker as an evil man out to crush the ‘Naples busi­ness­man,’ chor­tled local polit­i­cal writer John Pat­ten. Call­ing the arti­cle ‘an inter­est­ing rib job,’ he wrote, ‘Locals will long remem­ber Dekkers’ face get­ting plas­tered all over out tele­vi­sion sets when it was revealed that he had taught Mohamed Atta how to fly right here in Venice. Vene­tians were hor­ri­fied, but Dekkers, thrilled with all of the atten­tion, turned his Warho­lian 15 min­utes (that stretched out to an ungodly four or five days) into an ad for his flight school.’ That image alone, that of Dekkers as vic­tim, made me throw down the arti­cle in dis­gust.’” (Idem.)

5. In addi­tion to dis­parag­ing Hop­sicker, the hit piece cod­dled Rudi Dekkers whose flight school/intelligence front was the vehi­cle through which Atta and other 9/11 hijack­ers infil­trated. “ . . . . ‘Rudi Dekkers . . . said Hopsicker’s accu­sa­tions have taken a toll on his busi­ness and caused for­mer cus­tomers to stop asso­ci­at­ing with him. ‘This S.O.B., he doesn’t real­ize he destroys fam­i­lies and peo­ple,’ Dekkers said in a tele­phone inter­view Thurs­day. ‘I have seen noth­ing that’s the truth. He fan­ta­sizes. He fan­ta­sizes sto­ries, and names,’ reported the Her­ald Tri­bune. ‘If I had the money, would I sue him? Into hell,’ added Dekkers, a Dutch immi­grant who now char­ters air­planes from Naples. ‘I would sue him into hell.’ Well now. I’d con­tribute $20: Should we take up a col­lec­tion so poor Mr. Dekkers can have his day in court? What are the odds he’d make it to a depo­si­tion with­out expe­ri­enc­ing the ‘old David Fer­rie ‘night before tes­ti­fy­ing heart attack?’ . . . .” (Idem.)

6. Next, the pro­gram turns to the sub­ject of the Able Dan­ger intel­li­gence oper­a­tion, which allegedly detected the pres­ence of Atta and com­pany in the United States before Bush became pres­i­dent. Repub­li­can Curt Wel­don has attempted to paint the Clin­ton Admin­is­tra­tion as respon­si­ble for the 9/11 attacks—a man­i­fest absur­dity in, and of, itself. As we have seen in the pro­grams cited above, sup­port for the Hilliard/Dekkers flight schools through which Atta and com­pany infil­trated the United States came from Jeb Bush and Kather­ine Har­ris. Mil­i­tary intel­li­gence was inves­ti­gat­ing Hamburg-based heroin traf­fick­ing linked to Al Qaeda as far back as 1991, when the elder Bush was Pres­i­dent. “Mohamed Atta was pro­tected from offi­cial scrutiny as part of an officially-protected cocaine and heroin traf­fick­ing net­work with ties to top polit­i­cal fig­ures, includ­ing Repub­li­can offi­cials Jeb Bush and Kather­ine Har­ris, and it was this fact-and not the ‘ter­ri­ble lapses’ of ‘weak on ter­ror’ Clin­ton Admin­is­tra­tion offi­cials cited by Repub­li­can Con­gress­man Curt Weldon—which shielded him from being appre­hended before the 9/11 attack. Wel­don alleges that Pen­ta­gon lawyers rejected the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence unit’s rec­om­men­da­tion to appre­hend Atta because he was in the coun­try legally, and there­fore infor­ma­tion on him could not be shared with law enforce­ment.”
(“Able Dan­ger Intel Exposes Pro­tected Heroin Traf­fick­ing” by Daniel Hop­sicker; Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews; 8/17/2005.)

7. “But the ‘ter­ri­ble lapses’ cited by Wel­don do not stem from the non­sen­si­cal asser­tion that Atta had a green card (he did not) which ren­dered him immune from mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tion but were the result of an officially-protected heroin traf­fick­ing oper­a­tion being con­ducted on planes like those of Wally Hilliard, whose Lear jet flew ‘milk runs’ down and back to Venezuela every week for 39 weeks in a row before finally run­ning afoul of local DEA agents not clued-in on the ‘joke.’ More­over the secret mil­i­tary intel­li­gence oper­a­tion which iden­ti­fied Mohamed Atta and three other hijack­ers as a threat a year before the 9/11 attack, called Able Dan­ger, was by no means the first mil­i­tary intel­li­gence inves­ti­ga­tion into the activ­i­ties of the Ham­burg cadre.” (Idem.)

8. Hop­sicker notes that Ham­burg (Ger­many) based heroin traf­fick­ing had been the focal point of mil­i­tary intel­li­gence inves­ti­ga­tors as far back as 1991. At the core of this traf­fic was Al Qaeda. “As far back as 1991, mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tors had been detailed to Ham­burg Ger­many, track­ing what one mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tor who was there told us were ‘Al Qaeda heroin flows’ from Afghanistan to the West. A two-year inves­ti­ga­tion in Venice, Fl. Into the flight school attended by Atta and his body­guard Mar­wan Al-Shehhi and which pro­vided them with their ‘cover’ while in the U.S. unearthed the amaz­ing fact that dur­ing the same month the two men began fly­ing lessons at Huff­man Avi­a­tion, July of 2000, the flight school’s owner’s Lear jet was seized on the run­way of Orlando Exec­u­tive Air­port by Fed­eral Agents who found 43 pounds of heroin onboard. 43 pounds of heroin is known in the drug trade as ‘heavy weight.’ . . .”

9. A block­buster item con­cludes dis­cus­sion on the first side of the pro­gram. A sur­veil­lance video from a Venice (Florida) phar­macy indi­cates that Mohamed Atta’s father was in Florida and appeared to be lead­ing the ter­ror­ist cadre. The video­tape appears to have been edited by the FBI to elim­i­nate the footage of Atta, Sr. In FTR#521, we saw that Atta’s father endorsed the Lon­don tran­sit bomb­ings of July of 2001. “In the sec­ond major blow in as many weeks to the cred­i­bil­ity of the 9/11 Com­mis­sion report, the Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews has learned exclu­sively that dur­ing final prepa­ra­tions for the Sept. 11 attack, Mohamed Atta’s father was ‘vis­it­ing’ his ter­ror­ist ring­leader son in Venice, Florida. More­over, the FBI knew about the U.S. visit of Cairo attor­ney Mohammed El-Amir almost imme­di­ately after the attack, when, after see­ing him on tele­vi­sion deny­ing that his son had any­thing to do with the ter­ror­ist hijack­ings, a num­ber of cred­i­ble wit­nesses called the Sara­sota office of the FBI to report they had seen Atta’s father in Venice with his son ten days to two weeks before the attack. In addi­tion closed cir­cuit video­tape pro­vided to the FBI as evi­dence of Atta Senior’s pres­ence appears to have been inten­tion­ally erased. . . .”
(“Mohamed Atta Senior in U.S. Two Weeks Before 9/11 Attack” by Daniel Hop­sicker; Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews; 8/23/2005.)

10. “ . . . When a phar­macy in Venice pro­vided the Bureau with video­tapes from the store’s closed cir­cuit cam­eras as proof of the visit of Atta, his father, and Mar­wan Al-Shehhi to the store, it was returned 10 days later, minus ‘exci­sions’ in the tape from the after­noon of August 28, 2001, the date of the three men’s visit to the store. We first learned of Atta Senior’s pres­ence in Venice in a casual con­ver­sa­tion with a Venice phar­ma­cist who has been known to us for over 25 years, since my par­ents bought a retire­ment home here after my father suf­fered a series of heart attacks. Accom­pa­nied by Mohamed Atta and his body­guard Mar­wan Al-Shehhi, the phar­ma­cist stated that Mohamed Atta Senior had been in his phar­macy sev­eral weeks before the attack, to send a fax. ‘We have just about the only pub­lic fax in town,’ the phar­ma­cist stated. ‘The fax went to a num­ber in New Jer­sey.’ . . . .” (Idem.)

11. For much of the rest of the pro­gram, Mr. Emory pon­tif­i­cated about evi­den­tiary trib­u­taries run­ning between a num­ber of ele­ments, which—taken together—appear to form parts of a net­work that involves ele­ments of Ger­man heavy indus­try and finance, mas­sive drug traf­fick­ing, arms traf­fick­ing and Russ­ian crim­i­nal ele­ments. The net­work will be explored in greater detail in broad­casts to come. The point of depar­ture for this part of the dis­cus­sion is the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft, the orga­ni­za­tion that traf­ficked Atta around in Ger­many and pos­si­bly the United States. As noted in FTR#477, Atta was asso­ci­ated with Ger­mans, Swiss and Aus­tri­ans in Florida. As noted in—among other programs—FTR#492, the Ger­man BKA (the fed­eral police of that coun­try) iden­ti­fied many of Atta’s asso­ciates as sons and daugh­ters of promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists. In the past, Mr. Emory has spec­u­lated about whether the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft might be an ele­ment of the Under­ground Reich. “ . . . ‘In the 1920’s, Carl Duis­berg, Gen­eral Direc­tor of Bayer AG in Ger­many, envi­sioned send­ing Ger­man stu­dents to the United States on work-study pro­grams. Duis­berg was con­vinced that inter­na­tional prac­ti­cal train­ing was crit­i­cal to the growth of Ger­man indus­try. Many of the return­ing trainees later rose to promi­nent posi­tions at AEG, Bayer, Bosch, Daim­ler Benz, and Siemens, bring­ing with them new meth­ods for mass pro­duc­tion, new ideas, and new busi­ness prac­tices. Fol­low­ing World War II, alumni from the first exchanges founded the Carl Duis­berg Gesellschaft (CDG) in 1949 to help engi­neers, busi­ness­men and farm­ers gain inter­na­tional work expe­ri­ence nec­es­sary for the rebuild­ing of Ger­many . . . .”
(“His­tory of the Carl Duis­berg Society”)

12. Note the promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists on the board of direc­tors of the Duis­berg Soci­ety: “Board of Direc­tors Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety: . . . Gerd D. Mueller (retired) [mem­ber of Bun­destag on CSU ticket) Chair­man of the Board; Exec­u­tive Vice Pres­i­dent and CFO Bayer Cor­po­ra­tion . . . . Dr. Hans W. Decker; Trea­surer of the Board; Professor—Columbia Uni­ver­sity . . . Robert Fen­ster­ma­cher; Exec­u­tive Direc­tor of CDS Inter­na­tional, Inc. (ex offi­cio) . . . Carl Geer­cken; Part­ner Alston & Bird LLP . . . Dr. Olaf J. Groth; Exec­u­tive Direc­tor, Strate­gic Analy­sis & Integration—Boeing Inter­na­tional Cor­po­ra­tion . . . Dr. H. Friedrich Holzapfel; Man­ag­ing Director—The Burling­ton Group . . . Dr. Gudrun Kochendoerfer-Lucius; Man­ag­ing Director—InWEnt (Capac­ity Build­ing Inter­na­tional, Ger­many) . . . Fritz E. Kropatscheck; Mang­ing Director—Deutsche Bank, A.G. (retired) . . . Wolf­gang Linz (retired) Exec­u­tive Direc­tor CDS Inter­na­tional, Inc. . . . Dr. Karl M. Mayer-Wittmann (retired); President—WEFA, Inc. . . . Frances McCaf­frey; Man­ager, Cen­ter Development—BMW of North Amer­ica . . . Dr. Horst K. Saal­bach Vice Chair­man of the Board–Festo Cor­po­ra­tion . . . Dr. Nor­bert Schnei­der; Chief Exec­u­tive Officer—Carl Duis­berg Cen­tren GmbH . . . .”
(“Board of Direc­tors: Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety”)

13. Another of the fel­low­ship pro­grams that oper­ates under the aus­pices of the CDS is the Alfa Fel­low­ship, that func­tions on behalf of the Alfa com­pany, a Russ­ian oil com­pany with more links than a switch­board. Among the con­nec­tions of the Alfa group are pro­found links to cocaine and heroin traf­fick­ing, Hal­libur­ton Oil (Dick Cheney’s for­mer firm), and the oil-for-food scam in Iraq. The Iraqi oil scam, in turn, appears to be linked to Car­los Car­doen, one of the prin­ci­pal arms traf­fick­ers involved in the Iraq­gate scan­dal presided over by the elder George Bush. (For more about the elder George Bush’s involve­ment in the Iraq­gate scan­dal, see—among other programs—FTR#384.) Is this Russ­ian part of the net­work con­nected to the net­work that was traf­fick­ing Atta around in Florida? “ALFA FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM: Nearly fif­teen years after the fall of the Soviet Union, Cold War-era poli­cies and con­cepts con­tinue to affect U.S. rela­tions with Rus­sia. . . . The Alfa Fel­low­ship Pro­gram is designed to address this prob­lem . . . .”
(“ALFA FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM”; Page on the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety web site.)

14. Dick Cheney’s for­mer firm—Halliburton—is con­nected to the Alfa com­pany. “Under the guid­ance of Richard Cheney, a get-the-government-out-of-my-face con­ser­v­a­tive, Hal­libur­ton Com­pany over the past five years has emerged as a cor­po­rate wel­fare hog, ben­e­fit­ing from at least $3.8 bil­lion in fed­eral con­tracts and taxpayer-insured loans. One of these loans was approved in April by the U.S. Export-Import Bank. It guar­an­teed $489 mil­lion in cred­its to a Russ­ian oil com­pany whose roots are imbed­ded in a legacy of KGB and Com­mu­nist Party cor­rup­tion, as well as drug traf­fick­ing and orga­nized crime funds, accord­ing to Russ­ian and U.S. sources and doc­u­ments.”
(“Cheney Led Hal­libur­ton to Feast at Fed­eral Trough: State Depart­ment Ques­tioned Deal with Firm Linked to Russ­ian Mob” by Knut Royce and Nathaniel Heller [Cen­ter for Pub­lic Integrity]; 8/2/2000.)

15. “Those claims are hotly dis­puted by the Russ­ian oil firm’s hold­ing com­pany. Hal­libur­ton, which lob­bied for the Ex-Im loan after the State Depart­ment ini­tially asserted that the deal would run counter to the ‘national inter­est,’ will receive $292 mil­lion of those funds to refur­bish a mas­sive Siber­ian oil field owned by the Russ­ian com­pany, the Tyu­men Oil Co., which is con­trolled by a con­glom­er­ate called the Alfa Group. . . .” (Idem.)

16. Note that a Russ­ian intel­li­gence offi­cer iden­ti­fies Chechens as behind the Alfa Group-connected heroin traf­fic. Al Qaeda and the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood are strongly con­nected to the groups active in Chech­nya. Again, is this oper­a­tion con­nected to Atta’s activ­i­ties in Florida? “ . . . That doc­u­ment and the FSB report claim that Alfa Bank, one of Russia’s largest and most prof­itable, as well as Alfa Eko, a trad­ing com­pany, had been deeply involved in the early 1990’s in laun­der­ing of Russ­ian and Colom­bian drug money and in traf­fick­ing drugs from the Far East to Europe. The for­mer KGB major, who with the fall of com­mu­nism in the late 1980’s had him­self been involved in the plan by the KGB and Com­mu­nist Party to loot state enter­prises, said that Alfa Bank was founded with party and KGB funds, and quickly attracted rogue agents who had served in anti-organized-crime units. ‘They (the rogue agents on the bank’s pay­roll) quickly deter­mined that deal­ing in drugs would bring the high­est prof­its with lit­er­ally no risk in Rus­sia,’ accord­ing to the for­mer KGB offi­cer. He claimed that a ‘large chan­nel of heroin tran­sit was estab­lished from Burma through Laos, Viet­nam, to the Far East [Siberia].’ From there the drugs were cam­ou­flaged as flour and sugar ship­ments and for­warded on to Ger­many. The drug oper­a­tion was con­trolled by a Chechen mob fam­ily, he said. [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s] . . .”

17. The Cali cartel—connected to the Iran-Contra drug traf­fick­ing net­works that were linked to Atta’s oper­a­tions in Florida—is linked to the Alfa Group’s crim­i­nal activ­i­ties. “ . . . The FSB doc­u­ment claims that at the end of 1993, a top Alfa offi­cial met with Gilberto Rodriguez Ore­juela, the now-imprisoned finan­cial mas­ter­mind of Columbia’s noto­ri­ous Cali car­tel, ‘to include an agree­ment about the trans­fer of money into Alfa Bank from off­shore zones such as the Bahamas, Gibral­tar and oth­ers, The plan was to insert it back into the Russ­ian econ­omy through the pur­chase of stock in Russ­ian com­pa­nies.’ The account from the for­mer KGB offi­cer is unclear about Alfa’s alleged role with Rodriguez, but appar­ently con­firms that ‘in 1993–94 there were attempts of the so-called Chess Player [Rodriguez’s nick­name] to laun­der and legal­ize large amounts of crim­i­nal money in Rus­sia. He reported that there was evi­dence ‘regard­ing [Alfa Bank’s] involve­ment with the money laun­der­ing of . . . Latin Amer­i­can drug car­tels.’ . . .” (Idem.)

18. The pro­gram high­lights links between Alfa and peo­ple linked to the lead­er­ship of the Repub­li­can Party: “ . . . Tyu­men could have sig­nif­i­cant access to the White House should the Bush-Cheney ticket win in the Novem­ber pres­i­den­tial elec­tions. Tyumen’s lead attor­ney at Akin Gump is James C. Lang­don Jr., a man­ag­ing part­ner at the firm. He is also one of George W. Bush’s ‘Pio­neers,’ one of the elite fund rais­ers who have brought in at least $100,0000 for the Repub­li­can pres­i­den­tial hope­ful. . . .” (Idem.)

19. The dis­cus­sion con­cludes with the links of Alfa Group to the Iraqi oil-for-food scam and the Iraq­gate weapons traf­fick­ing of the 1980’s. “ . . . One out­fit that par­tic­i­pated in the Iraqi oil trade is the Alfa Group, a Moscow firm with hold­ings in bank­ing, tele­com, oil and com­modi­ties trad­ing, run by bil­lion­aire Mikhail Frid­man. Alfa quite legally pumped the price of its cheap Iraqi crude by trad­ing it to a suc­ces­sion of affil­i­ates and friends with ques­tion­able pasts. [includ­ing Alfa sub­sidiary Crown Trade & Finance] The daisy chain, known inter­nally as a ‘rondo,’ boosted Alfa’s pro­ceeds and also made the money harder to trace. Alfa deposited funds in a Gibral­tar tax haven. . . .”
(“The Sad­dam Shuf­fle” by Michael Maiello; Forbes; 11/15/2004.)

20. “ . . . A favorite rondo customer—and a point of entry to the U.S. market—was a Hous­ton com­pany, Bay­oil. It par­tic­i­pated in 32 Iraqi oil trades with Alfa com­pa­nies between August 1999 and Decem­ber 2000. Bay­oil also bought directly from Sad­dam. Sad­dam had been deal­ing with Bay­oil owner David Bay Chalmers Jr. before. Dur­ing the 1980’s Iran-Iraq war Bay­oil appar­ently got a fee of $2 a bar­rel for bro­ker­ing 20 mil­lion bar­rels of Iraqi oil to the Chilean arms dealer Car­los Car­doen. . . .” (Idem.)