Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #681 Specialized Knowledge and Abilities, Part II

MP3 (One 30-minute seg­ment)
NB: This stream con­tains FTRs 681 and 682 in sequence. Each is a 30-minute segment.

Intro­duc­tion: Not­ing recent devel­op­ments with regard to Ger­man Nazi lawyer Jur­gen Rieger (who coined (pic­tured at right) the term “spe­cial­ized knowl­edge and abil­i­ties”), the pro­gram begins with his recent appoint­ment to become Vice-President of the NPD, the top Ger­man neo-Nazi party. Rieger advo­cated that Nazis and fas­cists world­wide adopt the tac­tic of infil­trat­ing mil­i­tary and law-enforcement estab­lish­ments in order to acquire “spe­cial­ized knowl­edge and abil­i­ties” which they can apply to over­throw­ing their respec­tive gov­ern­ments. (This broad­cast is a follow-up to FTR #27.)

The bulk of the pro­gram is devoted to an arti­cle from Salon.com. Due to the over-extension of the mil­i­tary result­ing from U.S. involve­ment in two wars, the armed ser­vices have been forced to lower recruit­ing stan­dards, per­mit­ting white suprema­cists and neo-Nazis to suc­cess­fully enlist and remain in the ranks.

Among the out­growths of this is a grow­ing pres­ence of mem­bers of the National Alliance, the orga­ni­za­tion whose pub­lish­ing arm issued Serpent’s Walk. In that book (con­sid­ered by Mr. Emory to be a man­i­festo for the future, rather than the “novel” it pur­ports to be), the descen­dants of the SS infil­trate the U.S. mil­i­tary and, after much of the coun­try is destroyed by weapons of mass destruc­tion result­ing in the dec­la­ra­tion of mar­tial law, the Nazis take over.

A num­ber of the white suprema­cist and Nazi infil­tra­tors in the mil­i­tary are quite explicit about their enlist­ment being for the explicit pur­pose of apply­ing their skills later, to kill their self-perceived ene­mies and over­throw the gov­ern­ment that they see as con­trolled by those self-same “enemies.”

Of sig­nif­i­cance, also, are the attempts described below to pro­cure arms for their move­ment. Nazi and fas­cist ele­ments who have exited the mil­i­tary net­work­ing with com­rades still in the ranks could gen­er­ate a truly pow­er­ful Under­ground Reich Fifth Col­umn in this country.

In that con­text, it is impor­tant to remem­ber that the National Alliance asso­ciate Bob Whitaker held a key posi­tion within the Rea­gan White House, in which he assisted with staffing and secu­rity clear­ances. Imag­ine the impli­ca­tions of peo­ple like Whitaker net­work­ing with like-minded peo­ple in the mil­i­tary and lawenforcement!

Pro­gram High­lights Include: The open advo­cacy by Nazi and white-supremacist lead­ers of the tac­tic of mil­i­tary infil­tra­tion by their mem­bers; review of Jur­gen Rieger’s par­tic­i­pa­tion in the Holo­caust Denial con­fer­ence in Iran in Decem­ber 2006.

NB: This analy­sis should in no size, shape, form or man­ner be con­strued as a blan­ket con­dem­na­tion or char­ac­ter­i­za­tion of the mil­i­tary as a whole. Mr. Emory views our men and women in uni­form as the finest ele­ment in America.

1. Not­ing recent devel­op­ments with regard to Ger­man Nazi lawyer Jur­gen Rieger (who coined the term “spe­cial­ized knowl­edge and abil­i­ties”), the pro­gram high­lights his recent appoint­ment to become Vice-President of the NPD, the top Ger­man neo-Nazi party. Rieger advo­cated that Nazis and fas­cists world­wide adopt the tac­tic of infil­trat­ing mil­i­tary and law-enforcement estab­lish­ments in order to acquire “spe­cial­ized knowl­edge and abil­i­ties” which they can apply to over­throw­ing their respec­tive gov­ern­ments. (This broad­cast is a follow-up to FTR #27.)

Germany’s main far-right group, the National Demo­c­ra­tic Party (NPD), embraced a lead­ing extrem­ist Sun­day, May 25 but avoided explicit expres­sions of neo-Nazi opin­ion which are pro­hib­ited under Ger­man law.

Juer­gen Rieger, a lawyer who has advised and defended neo-Nazis, was appointed one of the group’s three vice-presidents. Rieger has con­vic­tions for Holo­caust denial and assault.

Reporters sug­gested that the overtly neo-Nazi fac­tion within the NPD was gain­ing a greater voice in the anti-foreigner party, which has seats in two of Germany’s 16 state assem­blies but has never won par­lia­men­tary rep­re­sen­ta­tion at fed­eral level.

A party spokesman later wel­comed Rieger’s appoint­ment, say­ing he would ener­gize the NPD.

Under party leader Udo Voigt, the NPD has sought the sup­port of mil­i­tants who praise Adolf Hitler’s National-Socialist or Nazi doc­trines, though Voigt insists that the NPD’s nation­al­ist views com­ply with Germany’s demo­c­ra­tic constitution.

In a speech to del­e­gates, leader Voigt won applause as he said the party’s pol­icy was both nation­al­ist and social­ist, but used Ger­man gram­mar to care­fully sep­a­rate them into two words. He said this had no con­nec­tion what­ever to the Nazi era.

More than 2,000 peo­ple demon­strated Sat­ur­day against the annual con­ven­tion of the NPD in the Bavar­ian city of Bamberg.

Kurt Beck, leader of Germany’s co-ruling Social Demo­c­ra­tic Party SPD, called in Leipzig for the NPD to be com­pul­so­rily dissolved.

“It ought not to be allowed,” he said. “A robust democ­racy ought not to give state sup­port to peo­ple who want to abol­ish democracy.”

“Far-Right NPD Appoints Holo­cause Denier as Vice-President” [Deutsche Welle]; rickross.com; 5/25/2009.

2. The bulk of the pro­gram is devoted to an arti­cle from Salon.com. Due to the over-extension of the mil­i­tary result­ing from U.S. involve­ment in two wars, the armed ser­vices have been forced to lower recruit­ing stan­dards, per­mit­ting white suprema­cists and neo-Nazis to suc­cess­fully enlist and remain in the ranks.

Among the out­growths of this is a grow­ing pres­ence of mem­bers of the National Alliance, the orga­ni­za­tion whose pub­lish­ing arm issued Serpent’s Walk. In that book (con­sid­ered by Mr. Emory to be a man­i­festo for the future, rather than the “novel” it pur­ports to be), the descen­dants of the SS infil­trate the U.S. mil­i­tary and, after much of the coun­try is destroyed by weapons of mass destruc­tion result­ing in the dec­la­ra­tion of mar­tial law, the Nazis take over.

A num­ber of the white suprema­cist and Nazi infil­tra­tors in the mil­i­tary are quite explicit about their enlist­ment being for the explicit pur­pose of apply­ing their skills later, to kill their self-perceived ene­mies and over­throw the gov­ern­ment that they see as con­trolled by those self-same “enemies.”

Of sig­nif­i­cance, also, are the attempts described below to pro­cure arms for their move­ment. Nazi and fas­cist ele­ments who have exited the mil­i­tary net­work­ing with com­rades still in the ranks could gen­er­ate a truly pow­er­ful Under­ground Reich Fifth Col­umn in this country.

On a muggy Florida evening in 2008, I meet Iraq War vet­eran For­rest Fog­a­rty in the Wing­house, a lit­tle bar-restaurant on the out­skirts of Tampa, his favorite hang­out. He told me on the phone I would rec­og­nize him by his skin­head. Sure enough, when I spot a white guy at a table by the door with a shaved head, white tank top and bulging mus­cles, I know it can only be him.

Over a plate of chicken wings, he tells me about his path into the white-power move­ment. “I was 14 when I decided I wanted to be a Nazi,” he says. At his first high school, near Los Ange­les, he was bul­lied by black and Latino kids. That’s when he first heard Skrew­driver, a band he calls “the god­fa­ther of the white power move­ment.” “I became obsessed,” he says. He had an image from one of Skrewdriver’s album cov­ers — a Viking car­ry­ing a staff, an icon among white nation­al­ists — tat­tooed on his left fore­arm. Soon after he had a Celtic cross, an Irish sym­bol appro­pri­ated by neo-Nazis, embla­zoned on his stomach.

At 15, Fog­a­rty moved with his dad to Tampa, where he started pick­ing fights with groups of black kids at his new high school. “On the first day, this bunch of nig­gers, they thought I was a racist, so they asked, ‘Are you in the KKK?’” he tells me. “I said, ‘Yeah,’ and it was on.” Soon enough, he was expelled.

For the next six years, Fog­a­rty flit­ted from land­scap­ing job to con­struc­tion job, nei­ther of which he’d ever wanted to do. “I was just drink­ing and fight­ing,” he says. He started his own Nazi rock group, Attack, and made friends in the National Alliance, at the time the biggest neo-Nazi group in the coun­try. It has called for a “a long-term eugen­ics pro­gram involv­ing at least the entire pop­u­la­tions of Europe and America.”

But the mil­i­tary ran in Fogarty’s fam­ily. His grand­fa­ther had served dur­ing World War II, Korea and Viet­nam, and his dad had been a Marine in Viet­nam. At 22, Fog­a­rty resolved to fol­low in their foot­steps. “I wanted to serve my coun­try,” he says.

Army reg­u­la­tions pro­hibit sol­diers from par­tic­i­pat­ing in racist groups, and recruiters are instructed to keep an eye out for sus­pi­cious tat­toos. Before sign­ing on the dot­ted line, enlis­tees are required to explain any tat­toos. At a Tampa recruit­ment office, though, Fog­a­rty sailed right through the signup process. “They just told me to write an expla­na­tion of each tat­too, and I made up some stuff, and that was that,” he says. Soon he was posted to Fort Stew­art in Geor­gia, where he became part of the 3rd Infantry Division.

Fogarty’s ex-girlfriend, intent on destroy­ing his new mil­i­tary career, sent a dossier of pho­tographs to Fort Stew­art. The pho­tos showed Fog­a­rty attend­ing white suprema­cist ral­lies and per­form­ing with his band, Attack. “They hauled me before some sort of com­mit­tee and showed me the pic­tures,” Fog­a­rty says. “I just denied them and said my girl­friend was a spite­ful bitch.” He adds: “They knew what I was about. But they let it go because I’m a great soldier.”

In 2003, Fog­a­rty was sent to Iraq. For two years he served in the mil­i­tary police, escort­ing offi­cers, includ­ing gen­er­als, around the hos­tile coun­try. He says he was granted top-secret clear­ance and access to bat­tle plans. Fog­a­rty speaks with regret that he “never had any kill counts.” But he says his time in Iraq increased his racist resolve.

“I hate Arabs more than any­body, for the sim­ple fact I’ve served over there and seen how they live,” he tells me. “They’re just a back­ward peo­ple. Them and the Jews are just dis­gust­ing peo­ple as far as I’m con­cerned. Their cus­toms, every­thing to do with the Mid­dle East, is just repug­nant to me.”

Because of his tat­toos and his racist com­ments, most of his bud­dies and his com­mand­ing offi­cers were aware of his Nazism. “They all knew in my unit,” he says. “They would always kid around and say, ‘Hey, you’re that skin­head!’” But no one sounded an alarm to higher-ups. “I would vol­un­teer for all the hard­est mis­sions, and they were like, ‘Let Fog­a­rty go.’ They didn’t want to get rid of me.”

Fog­a­rty left the Army in 2005 with an hon­or­able dis­charge. He says he was asked to reen­list. He declined. He was sick of the system.

Since the launch of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S. mil­i­tary has strug­gled to recruit and reen­list troops. As the con­flicts have dragged on, the mil­i­tary has loos­ened reg­u­la­tions, issu­ing “moral waivers” in many cases, allow­ing even those with crim­i­nal records to join up. Vet­er­ans suf­fer­ing post-traumatic stress dis­or­der have been ordered back to the Mid­dle East for sec­ond and third tours of duty.

The lax reg­u­la­tions have also opened the military’s doors to neo-Nazis, white suprema­cists and gang mem­bers — with dras­tic con­se­quences. Some neo-Nazis have been charged with crimes inside the mil­i­tary, and oth­ers have been linked to recruit­ment efforts for the white right. A recent Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­rity report, “Rightwing Extrem­ism: Cur­rent Eco­nomic and Polit­i­cal Cli­mate Fuel­ing Resur­gence in Rad­i­cal­iza­tion and Recruit­ment,” stated: “The will­ing­ness of a small per­cent­age of mil­i­tary per­son­nel to join extrem­ist groups dur­ing the 1990s because they were dis­grun­tled, dis­il­lu­sioned, or suf­fer­ing from the psy­cho­log­i­cal effects of war is being repli­cated today.” Many white suprema­cists join the Army to secure train­ing for, as they see it, a future domes­tic race war. Oth­ers claim to be shoot­ing Iraqis not to pur­sue the military’s strate­gic goals but because killing “hajjis” is their duty as white militants.

Sol­diers’ asso­ci­a­tions with extrem­ist groups, and their racist actions, con­tra­vene a host of mil­i­tary statutes insti­tuted in the past three decades. But dur­ing the “war on ter­ror,” U.S. armed forces have turned a blind eye on their own reg­u­la­tions. A 2005 Depart­ment of Defense report states, “Effec­tively, the mil­i­tary has a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ pol­icy per­tain­ing to extrem­ism. If indi­vid­u­als can per­form sat­is­fac­to­rily, with­out mak­ing their extrem­ist opin­ions overt … they are likely to be able to com­plete their contracts.”

Carter F. Smith is a for­mer mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tor who worked with the U.S. Army Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion Com­mand from 2004 to 2006, when he helped to root out gang vio­lence in troops. “When you need more sol­diers, you lower the stan­dards, whether you say so or not,” he says. “The increase in gangs and extrem­ists is an indi­ca­tor of this.” Mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tors may be con­cerned about white suprema­cists, he says. “But they have a war to fight, and they don’t have incen­tive to slow down.”

Tom Met­zger is the for­mer grand wiz­ard of the Ku Klux Klan and cur­rent leader of the White Aryan Resis­tance. He tells me the mil­i­tary has never been more tol­er­ant of racial extrem­ists. “Now they are let­ting every­body in,” he says.

The pres­ence of white suprema­cists in the mil­i­tary first trig­gered con­cern in 1976. At Camp Pendle­ton in Cal­i­for­nia, a group of black Marines attacked white Marines they mis­tak­enly believed to be in the KKK. The result­ing inves­ti­ga­tion uncov­ered a KKK chap­ter at the base and led to the jail­ing or trans­fer of 16 Klans­men. Reports of Klan activ­ity among sol­diers and Marines sur­faced again in the 1980s, spurring Pres­i­dent Reagan’s Defense Sec­re­tary, Cas­par Wein­berger, to con­demn mil­i­tary par­tic­i­pa­tion in white suprema­cist organizations.

Then, in 1995, a black cou­ple was mur­dered by two neo-Nazi para­troop­ers around Fort Bragg in North Car­olina. The mur­der inves­ti­ga­tion turned up evi­dence that 22 sol­diers at Fort Bragg were known to be extrem­ists. That year, lan­guage was added to a Depart­ment of Defense direc­tive, explic­itly pro­hibit­ing par­tic­i­pa­tion in “orga­ni­za­tions that espouse suprema­cist causes” or “advo­cate the use of force or violence.”

Today a com­plete ban on mem­ber­ship in racist orga­ni­za­tions appears to have been lifted — though the pro­lif­er­a­tion of white suprema­cists in the mil­i­tary is dif­fi­cult to gauge. The mil­i­tary does not track them as a dis­crete cat­e­gory, cou­pling them with gang mem­bers. But one indi­ca­tion of the scope comes from the FBI.

Fol­low­ing an inves­ti­ga­tion of white suprema­cist groups, a 2008 FBI report declared: “Mil­i­tary expe­ri­ence — rang­ing from fail­ure at basic train­ing to suc­cess in spe­cial oper­a­tions forces — is found through­out the white suprema­cist extrem­ist move­ment.” In white suprema­cist inci­dents from 2001 to 2008, the FBI iden­ti­fied 203 vet­er­ans. Most of them were asso­ci­ated with the National Alliance and the National Social­ist Move­ment, which pro­mote anti-Semitism and the over­throw of the U.S. gov­ern­ment, and assorted skin­head groups.

Because the FBI focused only on reported cases, its num­bers don’t include the many extrem­ist sol­diers who have man­aged to stay off the radar. But its report does pin­point why the white suprema­cist move­ments seek to recruit vet­er­ans — they “may exploit their accesses to restricted areas and intel­li­gence or apply spe­cial­ized train­ing in weapons, tac­tics, and orga­ni­za­tional skills to ben­e­fit the extrem­ist movement.”

In fact, since the movement’s incep­tion, its lead­ers have encour­aged mem­bers to enlist in the U.S. mil­i­tary as a way to receive state-of-the-art com­bat train­ing, cour­tesy of the U.S. tax­payer, in prepa­ra­tion for a domes­tic race war. The con­cept of a race war is cen­tral to extrem­ist groups, whose adher­ents imag­ine an erup­tion of vio­lence that pits races against each other and the government.

That goal comes up often in the chat­ter on white suprema­cist Web sites. On the neo-Nazi Web site Blood and Hon­our, a user called 88Soldier88, wrote in 2008 that he is an active duty sol­dier work­ing in a detainee hold­ing area in Iraq. He com­plained about “how ‘nice’ we have to treat these fuck­ing peo­ple … bet­ter than our own troops.” Then he added, “Hope­fully the train­ing will pre­pare me for what I hope is to come.” Another poster, AMERICANARYAN.88Soldier88, wrote, “I have the train­ing I need and will pass it on to oth­ers when I get out.”

On NewSaxon.org, a social net­work­ing group for neo-Nazis, a group called White Mil­i­tary Men hosts numer­ous con­trib­u­tors. It was begun by “Fight­ing­for­Whites,” who iden­ti­fied him­self at one point as Lance Cpl. Bur­ton of the 2nd Bat­tal­ion Fox Com­pany, but then removed the infor­ma­tion. The group calls for “All men with mil­i­tary expe­ri­ence, retired or active/reserve” to “join this group to see how many men have expe­ri­ence to build an army. We want to win a war, we need sol­diers.” Fight­ing­for­Whites — whose tagline is “White Supremacy will pre­vail! US Mil­i­tary lead­ing the way!” — goes on to write, “I am with an infantry bat­tal­ion in the Marine Corps, I have had the plea­sure of killing four ene­mies that tried to kill me. I have the best train­ing to kill peo­ple.” On his wall, a friend wrote: “THANKS BROTHER!!!! kill a cou­ple towel heads for me ok!”

Such atti­tudes come straight from the movement’s lead­ers. “We do encour­age them to sign up for the mil­i­tary,” says Charles Wil­son, spokesman for the National Social­ist Move­ment. “We can use the train­ing to secure the resis­tance to our gov­ern­ment.” Billy Roper, of White Rev­o­lu­tion, says skin­heads join the mil­i­tary for the usual rea­sons, such as access to higher edu­ca­tion, but also “to secure the future for white chil­dren.” “Amer­ica began in bloody rev­o­lu­tion,” he reminds me, “and it might end that way.”

When it comes to screen­ing out racists at recruit­ment cen­ters, mil­i­tary reg­u­la­tions appear to have col­lapsed. “We don’t exclude peo­ple from the army based on their thoughts,” says S. Dou­glas Smith, an Army pub­lic affairs offi­cer. “We exclude based on behav­ior.” He says an “offen­sive” or “extrem­ist” tat­too “might be a rea­son for them not to be in the mil­i­tary.” Or it might not. “We try to edu­cate recruiters on extrem­ist tat­toos,” he says, but “the tat­too is a rel­a­tively sub­jec­tive deci­sion” and shouldn’t in itself bar enlistment.

What about some­thing as obvi­ous as a swastika? “A swastika would trig­ger ques­tions,” Smith says. “But again, if the gen­tle­men said, ‘I like the way the swastika looked,’ and had clean crim­i­nal record, it’s pos­si­ble we would allow that per­son in.” “There are First Amend­ment rights,” he adds.

In the spring, I tele­phoned at ran­dom five Army recruit­ment cen­ters across the coun­try. I said I was inter­ested in join­ing up and men­tioned that I had a pair of “SS bolts” tat­tooed on my arm. A 2000 mil­i­tary brochure stated that SS bolts were a tat­too image that should raise sus­pi­cions. But none of the recruiters reacted neg­a­tively, and when pressed directly about the tat­too, not one said it would be an out­right prob­lem. A recruiter in Hous­ton was typ­i­cal; he said he’d never heard of SS bolts and just encour­aged me to come on in.

It’s in the inter­est of recruiters to inter­pret recruit­ing stan­dards loosely. If they fail to meet tar­gets, based on the num­ber of sol­diers they enlist, they may have to attend a puni­tive coun­sel­ing ses­sion, and it could hurt any chance for pro­mo­tion. When, in 2005, the Army relaxed reg­u­la­tions on non-extremist tat­toos, such as body art cov­er­ing the hands, neck and face, this cut recruiters even more slack.

Even the edu­ca­tion of recruiters about how to iden­tify extrem­ists seems to have fallen by the way­side. The 2005 Depart­ment of Defense report con­cluded that recruit­ing per­son­nel “were not aware of hav­ing received sys­tem­atic train­ing on rec­og­niz­ing and respond­ing to pos­si­ble ter­ror­ists” — a des­ig­na­tion that includes white suprema­cists — “who try to enlist.” Par­tic­i­pa­tion on white suprema­cist Web sites would be an easy way to screen out extrem­ist recruits, but the report found that the mil­i­tary had not clar­i­fied which Web forums were gath­er­ing places for extremists.

Once white suprema­cists are in the mil­i­tary, it is easy to stay there. An Army Com­mand Pol­icy man­ual devotes more than 100 pages to root­ing them out. But no offi­cer appears to be read­ing it.

Hunter Glass was a para­trooper in the 1980s and became a gang cop in 1999 in Fayet­teville, North Car­olina, near Fort Bragg. “In the early 1990s, the mil­i­tary was hard on them. They could pick and choose,” he recalls. “They were look­ing for swastikas. They were look­ing for any­thing.” But the reg­u­la­tions on racist extrem­ists got jet­ti­soned with the war on terror.

Glass says white suprema­cists now enjoy an open cul­ture of impunity in the armed forces. “We’re see­ing guys with tat­toos all the time,” he says. “As far as hunt­ing them down, I don’t see it. I’m see­ing the oppo­site, where if a white suprema­cist has com­mit­ted a crime, the mil­i­tary stance will be, ‘He didn’t com­mit a race-related crime.’”

In fact, a 2006 report by the Army’s Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion Com­mand shows that mil­i­tary brass con­sis­tently ignored evi­dence of extrem­ism. One case, at Fort Hood, reveals that a sol­dier was mak­ing Inter­net post­ings on the white suprema­cist site Stormfront.org. But the inves­ti­ga­tor was unable to locate the sol­dier in ques­tion. In a brief sum­mary of the case, an inves­ti­ga­tor writes that due to “poor doc­u­men­ta­tion,” “attempts to locate with min­i­mal infor­ma­tion met with neg­a­tive results.” “I’m not doing my job here,” the inves­ti­ga­tor notes. “Needs to get fixed.”

In another case, inves­ti­ga­tors found that a Fort Hood sol­dier belonged to the neo-Nazi group Ham­mer­skins and was “closely asso­ci­ated with” the Celtic Knights of Austin, Texas, another extrem­ist orga­ni­za­tion, a sit­u­a­tion bad enough to merit a joint inves­ti­ga­tion by the FBI and the Army’s Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion Com­mand. The Army sum­mary states that there was “prob­a­ble cause” to believe the sol­dier had par­tic­i­pated in at least one white extrem­ist meet­ing and had “pro­vided a mil­i­tary tech­ni­cal man­ual … to the leader of a white extrem­ist group in order to assist in the plan­ning and exe­cu­tion of future attacks on var­i­ous targets.”

Our of four pre­lim­i­nary probes into white suprema­cists, the Crim­i­nal Inves­ti­ga­tion Com­mand car­ried through on only this one. The probe revealed that “a larger sin­gle attack was planned for the San Anto­nio, TX after a con­sid­er­able amount of media atten­tion was given to ille­gal immi­grants. The attack was not com­pleted due to the inabil­ity of the orga­ni­za­tion to obtain explo­sives.” Despite these threats, the sub­ject was inter­viewed only once, in 2006, and the inves­ti­ga­tion was ter­mi­nated the fol­low­ing year.

White suprema­cists may be doing more than avoid­ing expul­sion. They may be using their mil­i­tary sta­tus to help build the white right. The FBI found that two Army pri­vates in the 82nd Air­borne Divi­sion at Fort Bragg had attempted in 2007 to sell stolen prop­erty from the mil­i­tary — includ­ing bal­lis­tic vests, a com­bat hel­met and pain med­ica­tions such as mor­phine — to an under­cover FBI agent they believed was involved with the white suprema­cist move­ment. (They were con­victed and sen­tenced to six years.) It found mul­ti­ple exam­ples of white suprema­cist recruit­ment among active mil­i­tary, includ­ing a period in 2003 when six active duty sol­diers at Fort Riley, mem­bers of the Aryan Nation, were recruit­ing their Army col­leagues and even serv­ing as the Aryan Nation’s point of con­tact for the state of Kansas.

One white suprema­cist sol­dier, James Dou­glas Ross, a mil­i­tary intel­li­gence offi­cer sta­tioned at Fort Bragg, was given a bad con­duct dis­charge from the Army when he was caught try­ing to mail a sub­ma­chine gun from Iraq to his father’s home in Spokane, Wash. Mil­i­tary police found a cache of white suprema­cist para­pher­na­lia and sev­eral weapons hid­den behind ceil­ing tiles in Ross’ mil­i­tary quar­ters. After his dis­charge, a Spokane County deputy sher­iff saw Ross pass­ing out fliers for the neo-Nazi National Alliance.

Root­ing out extrem­ists is dif­fi­cult because racism per­vades the mil­i­tary, accord­ing to sol­diers. They say troops through­out the Mid­dle East use deroga­tory terms like “hajji” or “sand nig­ger” to define Arab insur­gents and often the Arab pop­u­la­tion itself.

“Racism was ram­pant,” recalls vet Michael Prys­ner, who served in Iraq in 2003 and 2004 as part of the 173rd Air­borne Brigade. “All of com­mand, every­where, it was com­pletely ingrained in the con­scious­ness of every sol­dier. I’ve heard top gen­er­als refer to the Iraq peo­ple as ‘hajjis.’ The anti-Arab racism came from the brass. It came from the top. And every­thing was jus­ti­fied because they weren’t con­sid­ered people.”

Another vet, Michael Tot­ten, who served in Iraq with the 101st Air­borne in 2003 and 2004, says, “It wouldn’t stand out if you said ‘sand nig­gers,’ even if you aren’t a neo-Nazi.” Tot­ten says his per­spec­tive has changed in the inter­ven­ing years, but “at the time, I used the words ‘sand nig­ger.’ I didn’t con­sider ‘hajji’ to be derogatory.”

Geof­frey Mil­lard, an orga­nizer for Iraq Vet­er­ans Against the War, served in Iraq for 13 months, begin­ning in 2004, as part of the 42nd Infantry Divi­sion. He recalls Gen. George Casey, who served as the com­man­der in Iraq from 2004 to 2007, address­ing a brief­ing he attended in the sum­mer of 2005 at For­ward Oper­at­ing Base, out­side Tikrit. “As he walked past, he was talk­ing about some inci­dent that had just hap­pened, and he was talk­ing about how ‘these stu­pid fuck­ing hajjis couldn’t fig­ure shit out.’ And I’m just like, Are you kid­ding me? This is Gen. Casey, the highest-ranking guy in Iraq, refer­ring to the Iraqi peo­ple as ‘fuck­ing hajjis.’” (A spokesper­son for Casey, now the Army Chief of Staff, said the gen­eral “did not make this statement.”)

“The mil­i­tary is attrac­tive to white suprema­cists,” Mil­lard says, “because the war itself is racist.”

The U.S. Sen­ate Com­mit­tee on the Armed Forces has long been con­sid­ered one of Con­gress’ most pow­er­ful groups. It gov­erns leg­is­la­tion affect­ing the Pen­ta­gon, defense bud­get, mil­i­tary strate­gies and oper­a­tions. Today it is led by the influ­en­tial Sens. Carl Levin and John McCain. An inves­ti­ga­tion by the com­mit­tee into how white suprema­cists per­me­ate the mil­i­tary in plain vio­la­tion of U.S. law could result in sub­stan­tive changes. I con­tacted the com­mit­tee but staffers would not agree to be inter­viewed. Instead, a spokesper­son responded that white supremacy in the mil­i­tary has never arisen as a con­cern. In an e-mail, the spokesper­son said, “The Com­mit­tee doesn’t have any infor­ma­tion that would indi­cate this is a par­tic­u­lar problem.”

“Neo-Nazis are in the Army Now” by Matt Kenard; Salon.com; 6/15/2009.

Discussion

15 comments for “FTR #681 Specialized Knowledge and Abilities, Part II”

  1. Any­one inter­ested in the Red-Brown alliance ought to inves­ti­gate the odyssey of Nick Camerota, for­merly Pierce’s num­ber two man at the National Youth Alliance/National Alliance, now cur­rently a mem­ber of Work­ers World Party/International Action Cen­ter. I’m sure he has a very inter­est­ing story to tell, if you can get him to talk.

    Posted by Markus | February 16, 2010, 1:44 pm
  2. Here’s an update on gang infil­tra­tion of the mil­i­tary: http://articles.businessinsider.com/2011–10-22/news/30309693_1_gang-members-law-enforcement-weapons

    The FBI Announces Gangs Have Infil­trated Every Branch Of The Mil­i­tary
    Robert Johnson|October 22, 2011

    The FBI has released a new gang assess­ment announc­ing that there are 1.4 mil­lion gang mem­bers in the US, a 40 per­cent increase since 2009, and that many of these mem­bers are get­ting inside the mil­i­tary (via Stars and Stripes).

    The report says the mil­i­tary has seen mem­bers from 53 gangs and 100 regions in the U.S. enlist in every branch of the armed forces. Mem­bers of every major street gang, some prison gangs, and out­law motor­cy­cle gangs (OMGs) have been reported on both U.S. and inter­na­tional mil­i­tary installations.

    From the report:

    Through trans­fers and deploy­ments, military-affiliated gang mem­bers expand their cul­ture and oper­a­tions to new regions nation­wide and world­wide, under­min­ing secu­rity and law enforce­ment efforts to com­bat crime. Gang mem­bers with mil­i­tary train­ing pose a unique threat to law enforce­ment per­son­nel because of their dis­tinc­tive weapons and com­bat train­ing skills and their abil­ity to trans­fer these skills to fel­low gang members.

    The report notes that while gang mem­bers have been reported in every branch of ser­vice, they are con­cen­trated in the U.S. Army, Army Reserves, and the Army National Guard.

    Many street gang mem­bers join the mil­i­tary to escape the gang lifestyle or as an alter­na­tive to incar­cer­a­tion, but often revert back to their gang asso­ci­a­tions once they encounter other gang mem­bers in the mil­i­tary. Other gangs tar­get the U.S. mil­i­tary and defense sys­tems to expand their ter­ri­tory, facil­i­tate crim­i­nal activ­ity such as weapons and drug traf­fick­ing, or to receive weapons and com­bat train­ing that they may trans­fer back to their gang. Inci­dents of weapons theft and traf­fick­ing may have a neg­a­tive impact on pub­lic safety or pose a threat to law enforce­ment offi­cials.

    The FBI points out that many gangs, espe­cially the bik­ers, actively recruit mem­bers with mil­i­tary train­ing and advise young mem­bers with no crim­i­nal record to join the ser­vice for weapon access and com­bat experience.

    ....

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 26, 2011, 1:06 pm
  3. @Pterrafractyl: Scary shit if that report hap­pens to be even partly accurate...and frankly, I think it most likely is!

    Posted by Steven | October 27, 2011, 2:40 am
  4. on a tangentially-related topic of spe­cial­ized knowl­edge and abilities...it looks like TEPCO has a pro­cliv­ity towards hir­ing yakuza to work the dirt­i­est jobs at their power plants. That’s sounds like some use­ful spe­cial­ized skills: http://www.theatlanticwire.com/global/2011/06/tepco-will-someone-turn-lights/39364/

    TEPCO: Will Some­one Turn Off the Lights?
    The Atlantic
    Jake Adel­stein and Stephanie Naka­jima
    Jun 28, 2011

    ...
    After an expose in the weekly mag­a­zine Shukan Bun­shun, last week TEPCO admit­ted that 69 of its plant work­ers can’t be located for radi­a­tion checks—30 of them were found not even to have had their names recorded. This raises ques­tions about how these work­ers were recruited, paid, mon­i­tored for radi­a­tion expo­sure, or vet­ted before enter­ing the site of the nuclear dis­as­ter. For­mer and cur­rent work­ers within the plant tes­tify that many of the hired hands are yakuza or ex-yakuza mem­bers. One com­pany sup­ply­ing the firm with con­tract work­ers is a known Japan­ese mafia front com­pany. TEPCO when ques­tioned would only say, “We don’t have knowl­edge of who is ulti­mately sup­ply­ing the labor at the end of the out­sourc­ing. We do not have orga­nized crime exclu­sion­ary clauses in our stan­dard con­tracts but are con­sid­er­ing it.” The Nuclear and Indus­trial Safety Agency (NISA) has asked the com­pany to “sub­mit a report” on the mat­ter.
    ....

    Sugaoka also says he saw signs of yakuza ties among his col­leagues at the facil­ity. “When we’d enter the plant, we’d all change clothes first. The cleanup crews were staffed with guys cov­ered with typ­i­cal yakuza tat­toos, a rough bunch,” he says. Police sources con­firm that one of the com­pa­nies cur­rently sup­ply­ing the plant with work­ers, M-Kogyo, head­quar­tered in Fukuoka Pre­fec­ture is a front com­pany for the Kudo-kai, a des­ig­nated orga­nized crime group. A for­mer yakuza boss notes, “we’ve always been involved in recruit­ing labor­ers for TEPCO. It’s dirty, dan­ger­ous work and the only peo­ple who will do it are home­less, yakuza, ban­ished yakuza, or peo­ple so badly in debt that they see no other way to pay it off.” The reg­u­lar employ­ees were given bet­ter radi­a­tion suits than the often une­d­u­cated yakuza recruits, although it was the more legally vul­ner­a­ble yakuza and day labor­ers who typ­i­cally per­formed the most dan­ger­ous work.

    A TEPCO exec­u­tive, speak­ing on con­di­tions of anonymity, described the TEPCO work­ing hierarchy:staff employ­ees work­ing at the nuclear reac­tors enjoy spe­cial ben­e­fits, safer con­di­tions, and more strin­gent radi­a­tion level checks, while hired work­ers at the power plants were con­sid­ered sub-human. “If you voice con­cerns about the wel­fare of tem­po­rary work­ers at the plants, you’re labeled a trou­ble­maker, or a poten­tial lia­bil­ity. It’s a taboo to even dis­cuss it.
    ....

    So if I’m inter­pret­ing this cor­rectly, the Fukushima cleanup crew may con­sist of a large of num­ber of now-radiactive Yakuza mem­bers? I’m sure there’s noth­ing to worry about...

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 28, 2011, 6:13 pm
  5. Just FYI to all the White Suprema­cists: in case you were won­der­ing why every­one thinks you’re a bunch of vio­lent morons, here’s an exam­ple:

    Sikh tem­ple shooter iden­ti­fied as Wade Michael Page, white supremacist

    Page was a ‘frus­trated neo-Nazi’ who led a racist white suprema­cist band, the South­ern Poverty Law Cen­ter said Monday.

    By Dinesh Ramde and Todd Rich­mond, Asso­ci­ated Press / August 6, 2012

    OAK CREEK, Wis.

    A 40-year-old Army vet­eran, iden­ti­fied by a civil rights group as the one-time leader of a white suprema­cist band, was the gun­man who killed six peo­ple inside a Sikh tem­ple in Wis­con­sin, offi­cials said Monday.

    First Assis­tant U.S. Greg Haanstad in Mil­wau­kee iden­ti­fied the shooter as Wade Michael Page. Page joined the Army in 1992 and was dis­charged in 1998, accord­ing to a defense offi­cial who spoke to The Asso­ci­ated Press on con­di­tion of anonymity because he was not autho­rized to release infor­ma­tion yet about the suspect.

    Offi­cials and wit­nesses said the gun­man walked into the Sikh Tem­ple of Wis­con­sin in sub­ur­ban Mil­wau­kee and opened fire as sev­eral dozen peo­ple pre­pared for Sun­day ser­vices. When the shoot­ing finally ended, seven peo­ple lay dead, includ­ing Page, who was shot to death by police. Three oth­ers were crit­i­cally wounded in what police called an act of domes­tic terrorism.

    Page was a “frus­trated neo-Nazi” who led a racist white suprema­cist band, the South­ern Poverty Law Cen­ter said Mon­day. Page told a white suprema­cist web­site in an inter­view in 2010 that he had been part of the white-power music scene since 2000 when he left his native Col­orado and started the band, End Apa­thy, in 2005, the non­profit civil rights orga­ni­za­tion said.

    He told the web­site his “inspi­ra­tion was based on frus­tra­tion that we have the poten­tial to accom­plish so much more as indi­vid­u­als and a soci­ety in whole,” accord­ing to the SPLC. He did not men­tion vio­lence in the web­site interview.

    Page joined the mil­i­tary in Mil­wau­kee in 1992 and was a repair­man for the Hawk mis­sile sys­tem before switch­ing jobs to become one of the Army’s psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions spe­cial­ists, accord­ing to the defense official.

    So-called “Psy-Ops” spe­cial­ists are respon­si­ble for the analy­sis, devel­op­ment and dis­tri­b­u­tion of intel­li­gence used for infor­ma­tion and psy­cho­log­i­cal effect; they research and ana­lyze meth­ods of influ­enc­ing for­eign populations.

    Fort Bragg, N.C., was among the bases where Page served.

    ...

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 6, 2012, 7:42 am
  6. Wis­con­sin Sikh Tem­ple Shooter: Reputed Nazi back­ground + Reported to be “for­mer” psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions spe­cial­ist from Fort Bragg

    http://www.salon.com/2012/08/06/temple_shooters_hateful_past/

    http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/temple-shooting-suspect-was-former-army-psychological-operations-specialist/article4464677/

    Not much is being made (in the media) of the impli­ca­tions of his spe­cial­iza­tion and for­mer milieu (Fort Bragg).

    Posted by R. Wilson | August 6, 2012, 7:57 pm
  7. It’s also worth not­ing that page was an active White Suprema­cist dur­ing his time in the mil­i­tary:

    Wash­ing­ton Post
    Wade Michael Page: Exces­sive drink­ing cost Sikh tem­ple shooter his mil­i­tary career, civil­ian job

    By Michael Laris, Carol D. Leon­nig and Sand­hya Somashekhar, Updated: Tues­day, August 7, 10:09 AM

    OAK CREEK, Wis. —Wade Michael Page, the gun­man in Sunday’s Sikh tem­ple shoot­ing, had a his­tory of prob­lems with alco­hol, which led to him los­ing his mil­i­tary career and, more recently, a job as a trucker.

    Page, 40, was shot to death by a Wis­con­sin police offi­cer after he killed six Sikh wor­shipers at a tem­ple here and shot another offi­cer. He was dis­charged from the Army in 1998 because he had been found drunk dur­ing mil­i­tary exer­cises, accord­ing to law enforce­ment author­i­ties. He was con­victed of dri­ving under the influ­ence a year later in Col­orado. And a truck­ing com­pany con­firmed Tues­day morn­ing that it fired Page two years ago after he was pulled over in North Car­olina for dri­ving while impaired.

    Christo­pher Robil­lard, of Ore­gon, who described Page as “my clos­est friend” in the ser­vice more than a decade ago, said Page was pushed out of the mil­i­tary for show­ing up to for­ma­tion drunk.

    In an inter­view with CNN, he described Page as “a very kind, very smart indi­vid­ual — loved his friends. One of those guys with a soft spot.” But even then, Robil­lard said, Page “was involved with white supremacy.”

    “He would talk about the racial holy war, like he wanted it to come,” Robil­lard said. “But to me, he didn’t seem like the type of per­son to go out and hurt people.”

    ...

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 7, 2012, 9:37 am
  8. @Pterrafractyl: I heard about the shoot­ing later that afternoon.....that is just so tragic, man.....may the vic­tims rest in peace. =(

    I also won­der if there may be some­thing more to this, espe­cially given some of the infor­ma­tion that’s been posted from the C.S. Mon­i­tor, like the fact he served at Fort Bragg, and the fact that he became a psy-ops specialist.......definitely some­thing to think about there.

    Posted by Steven L. | August 7, 2012, 11:30 am
  9. http://www.rawstory.com/rs/2012/08/12/missouri-national-guardsman-gave-combat-training-to-white-supremacists/

    Mis­souri National Guards­man gave com­bat train­ing to white supremacists

    Sun­day, August 12, 2012

    A doc­u­ment released in a Florida court pro­ceed­ing against a white suprema­cist group reveals that its mem­bers received train­ing last year from a mem­ber of the Mis­souri National Guard who had for­merly served with the U.S. Army in Iraq.

    The South­ern Poverty Law Cen­ter and the Anti-Defamation League both iden­tify the Amer­i­can Front as a hate group whose mem­bers believe they are prepar­ing for an inevitable race war. Accord­ing to the Asso­ci­ated Press, the 28-year-old guards­man trav­eled to Florida in July 2011 to train the group’s mem­bers in fight­ing tech­niques and the use of the use of the AK-47 assault rifle and was given a patch as a sign that he had become a full-fledged member.

    Mem­bers of the group were charged this May with hate crimes, con­spir­acy, and para­mil­i­tary train­ing in fur­ther­ance of a civil dis­or­der. How­ever, the guards­man has not been charged in the case, and for that rea­son, the AP is not reveal­ing his name. Court doc­u­ments sug­gest that he has been coop­er­at­ing with author­i­ties, hand­ing over emails and a cell­phone with text messages.

    Accord­ing to court doc­u­ments, the guards­man told inves­ti­ga­tors that he “became inter­ested in pro­tect­ing the White race” while serv­ing in Iraq in 2008. He began post­ing on skin­head blogs and exchanged mes­sages with Mar­cus Faella, the leader of Amer­i­can Front. He then remained in con­tact with Faella after return­ing to the United States in 2010, which led to the invi­ta­tion to con­duct the training.

    The guards­man now claims that he was already start­ing to have sec­ond thoughts about being asso­ci­ated with Amer­i­can Front, but he con­tin­ued send­ing Faella advice on firearms. He says that he is not cur­rently affil­i­ated with any racist skin­head group but he con­sid­ers him­self a “lone wolf” and still believes in their ideology.

    This lat­est rev­e­la­tion comes in the wake of the mass shoot­ing at a Sikh tem­ple by another Army vet­eran turned racist skin­head, Wade Michael Page, who has also been described as hav­ing adopted white suprema­cist views while in the military.

    The South­ern Poverty Law Cen­ter has been fol­low­ing the Amer­i­can Front case closely. When seven mem­bers of the group — which was founded in Cal­i­for­nia but now appears to be cen­tered in Florida — were arrested in May, a source indi­cated that this was only the sec­ond round in a “major, ongo­ing inves­ti­ga­tion.” Court doc­u­ments charge that Faella was attempt­ing to turn his heav­ily for­ti­fied com­pound near St. Cloud, Florida into an “Aryan com­pound where all the AF mem­bers could live when the United States Gov­ern­ment fails.”

    The National Guardman’s enlist­ment ended this May, and a National Guard spokesper­son told the AP that an inves­ti­ga­tion had been con­ducted but its results were not being made public.

    The AP notes, how­ever, that another Mis­souri National Guards­man was fired from a state mil­i­tary honor guard last March, after co-workers described him as a self-proclaimed neo-Nazi who had tried to recruit them to the cause.

    Posted by R. Wilson | August 12, 2012, 6:28 pm
  10. I’ve always been curi­ous about just what phar­ma­ceu­ti­cals guys like this were tak­ing in the run up to these hor­rific events. Clearly alco­hol has taken its toll on the shooter. I won­der what else?

    Posted by Vanfield | August 12, 2012, 7:58 pm
  11. Ugh:

    Wis­con­sin gunman’s Army base had white suprema­cists
    August 08, 2012|By Tom Cohen, CNN

    When Wis­con­sin tem­ple gun­man Wade Michael Page arrived at Fort Bragg in 1995, the sprawl­ing Army base in North Car­olina already was home to a small num­ber of white suprema­cists includ­ing three sol­diers later con­victed in the mur­der of an African-American cou­ple.

    The killings launched a mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tion that tight­ened reg­u­la­tions against extrem­ist activ­ity, but some say such influ­ences per­sist in today’s armed forces.

    “Out­side every major mil­i­tary instal­la­tion, you will have at least two or three active neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tions actively try­ing to recruit on-duty per­son­nel,” said T.J. Ley­den, a for­mer white power skin­head in the U.S. Marines who now con­ducts anti-extremism training.

    ...

    With that in mind, note that the neo-Nazi white people’s rights leader fea­tured in this lat­est story also served at Fort Bragg. Plus, he was recently elected to a 4-year term on the Repub­li­can party com­mit­tee for Luzerne County, PA. No rest for the wicked:

    citypaper.net
    Fri­day, August 10, 2012
    Daily News and Scran­ton Times-Tribune refer to white suprema­cists as white people’s rights group

    A wire story in today’s Philadel­phia Daily News refers to an orga­ni­za­tion led by Penn­syl­va­nia white suprema­cist Steve Smith as a “white people’s rights group” and does not dis­cuss Smith’s long his­tory with the neo-Nazi movement.

    The arti­cle, about a dis­pute over an event per­mit, was orig­i­nally pub­lished in the Scran­ton Times-Tribune and picked up by the Asso­ci­ated Press.

    The orig­i­nal sin cer­tainly lies with the Times-Tribune, but why did the phrase “white people’s rights group” make it past edi­tors at the Daily News?

    “I sug­gest you call AP and the Scran­ton Times-Tribune,” says Daily News city edi­tor Gar Joseph.

    The Times-Tribune did not respond to a request for com­ment, but the AP claims that it scrubbed its ver­sion of the “white people’s rights” lan­guage and was just 93-words. But they refused to pro­vide City Paper with a copy of their story.

    “What pos­si­ble pur­pose would there be for me to send you this story when you’re try­ing to cause trou­ble for how it was writ­ten?” said an angry Karen Testa, East Region Edi­tor at the AP. Before hang­ing up, she added: “That’s a good way to build a jour­nal­ism career.”

    What exactly did these edi­tors think a “white people’s rights group” is? And just a week after a skin­head white suprema­cist mas­sa­cred Sikhs at a Wis­con­sin temple?

    Smith, recruited into the neo-Nazi move­ment while sta­tioned at Fort Bragg, co-founded Key­stone United (for­merly Key­stone State Skin­heads) and is prob­a­bly Pennsylvania’s most promi­nent white suprema­cist. In 2003, he and two other skin­heads were arrested after attack­ing a black man in Scran­ton.

    It is trou­bling that main­stream news out­lets would describe Smith’s new out­fit, the Euro­pean Amer­i­can Action Coali­tion, as a “white people’s rights group,” pre­cisely the sort of lan­guage that white suprema­cists want to use in their attempt to broaden their appeal beyond the fringe.

    And Smith, who has called Tea Party events “fer­tile grounds for our activists,” is cer­tainly try­ing to make that appeal and lever­age Tea Party fer­vor and anti-immigrant hys­te­ria into polit­i­cal credibility.

    In April, Smith used a sin­gle write in vote to elect him­self to the Luzerne County Repub­li­can Com­mit­tee, prompt­ing party offi­cials to seek his ouster.

    ...

    The neo-nazi won by a sin­gle vote. His own. And it was the only vote in the race. The state of our democ­racy is just awesome.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 13, 2012, 2:22 pm
  12. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/08/21/us-usa-wisconsin-shooting-army-idUSBRE87K04Y20120821

    U.S. Army bat­tling racists within its own ranks

    By Daniel Trotta
    FAYETTEVILLE, North Car­olina | Tue Aug 21, 2012
    9:56am EDT

    (Reuters) — They call it “rahowa” — short for racial holy war — and they are prepar­ing for it by join­ing the ranks of the world’s fiercest fight­ing machine, the U.S. military.

    White suprema­cists, neo-Nazis and skin­head groups encour­age fol­low­ers to enlist in the Army and Marine Corps to acquire the skills to over­throw what some call the ZOG — the Zion­ist Occu­pa­tion Gov­ern­ment. Get in, get trained and get out to brace for the com­ing race war.

    If this sce­nario seems like fan­tasy or blus­ter, civil rights orga­ni­za­tions take it as deadly seri­ous, espe­cially given recent events. For­mer U.S. Army sol­dier Wade Page opened fire with a 9mm hand­gun at a Sikh tem­ple in Wis­con­sin on August 5, mur­der­ing six peo­ple and crit­i­cally wound­ing three before killing him­self dur­ing a shootout with police.

    The U.S. Defense Depart­ment as well has stepped up efforts to purge vio­lent racists from its ranks, earn­ing praise from orga­ni­za­tions such as the South­ern Poverty Law Cen­ter, which has tracked and exposed hate groups since the 1970s.

    Page, who was 40, was well known in the white suprema­cist music scene. In the early 2000s he told aca­d­e­mic researcher Pete Simi that he became a neo-Nazi after join­ing the mil­i­tary in 1992. Fred Lucas, who served with him, said Page openly espoused his racist views until 1998, when he was demoted from sergeant to spe­cial­ist, dis­charged and barred from re-enlistment.

    While at Fort Bragg, in North Car­olina, Page told Simi, he made the acquain­tance of James Burmeis­ter, a skin­head para­trooper who in 1995 killed a black Fayet­teville cou­ple in a racially moti­vated shoot­ing. Burmeis­ter was sen­tenced to life in prison and died in 2007.

    No one knows how many white suprema­cists have served since then. A 2008 report com­mis­sioned by the Jus­tice Depart­ment found half of all right-wing extrem­ists in the United States had mil­i­tary experience.

    “We don’t really think this is a huge prob­lem, at Bragg, and across the Army,” said Colonel Kevin Arata, a spokesman for Fort Bragg.

    “In my 26 years in the Army, I’ve never seen it,” the for­mer com­pany com­man­der said.

    Experts have iden­ti­fied the pres­ence of street gang mem­bers as a more wide­spread prob­lem. Even so, the Pen­ta­gon has launched three major pushes in recent decades to crack down on racist extrem­ists. The first direc­tive was issued in 1986, when Defense Sec­re­tary Casper Wein­berger ordered mil­i­tary per­son­nel to reject suprema­cist organizations.

    That failed to stop for­mer Marine T.J. Ley­den, with two-inch SS bolts tat­tooed above his col­lar, from serv­ing from 1988 to 1991 while openly sup­port­ing neo-Nazi causes. A mem­ber of the Ham­mer­skin Nation, a skin­head group, he said he hung a swastika from his locker, tak­ing it down only when his com­man­der politely asked him to ahead of inspec­tions by the com­mand­ing general.

    “I went into the Marine Corps for one spe­cific rea­son: I would learn how shoot,” Ley­den told Reuters. “I also learned how to use C-4 (explo­sives), blow things up. I took all my mil­i­tary skills and said I could use these to train other peo­ple,” said Ley­den, 46, who has since renounced the white power move­ment and is a con­sul­tant for the anti-Nazi Simon Wiesen­thal Center.

    RATTLED BY OKLAHOMA BLAST

    In 1995, eight months before the Fort Bragg mur­ders, two for­mer Army sol­diers bombed the Okla­homa City fed­eral build­ing, killing 168 peo­ple. With a grow­ing aware­ness of the spread­ing mili­tia move­ment, the Pen­ta­gon in 1996 banned mil­i­tary per­son­nel from par­tic­i­pat­ing in suprema­cist causes and autho­rized com­man­ders to cashier per­son­nel for ral­ly­ing, recruit­ing or train­ing racists.

    “What’s scary about Page is that he served in the 1990s when puta­tively this was being treated quite seri­ously by the mil­i­tary. There’s plenty of other Pages who served dur­ing the war on ter­ror, and we don’t know what they’re going to be doing over the next decade or so,” said Matt Ken­nard, author of the forth­com­ing book “Irreg­u­lar Army: How the U.S. Mil­i­tary Recruited Neo-Nazis, Gang Mem­bers and Crim­i­nals to Fight the War on Terror.”

    Ken­nard argues the U.S. mil­i­tary was so des­per­ate for troops while fight­ing simul­ta­ne­ous wars in Iraq and Afghanistan that it allowed extrem­ists, felons and gang mem­bers into the armed forces.

    The mil­i­tary can grant a “moral waiver” to allow a con­victed crim­i­nal or oth­er­wise inel­i­gi­ble per­son into the armed forces, and the per­cent­age of recruits granted such waivers grew from 16.7 per­cent in 2003 to 19.6 per­cent in 2006, accord­ing to Pen­ta­gon data obtained by the Palm Cen­ter in a 2007 Free­dom of Infor­ma­tion Act request. But the Pen­ta­gon says no waiver exists for par­tic­i­pa­tion in extrem­ist organizations.

    “Our stan­dards have not changed; par­tic­i­pa­tion in extrem­ist activ­i­ties has never been tol­er­ated and is pun­ish­able under the Uni­formed Code of Mil­i­tary Jus­tice,” said Eileen Lainez, a Defense Depart­ment spokeswoman.

    The Pentagon’s third direc­tive against white suprema­cists was issued in 2009 after a Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­rity report expressed con­cern that right-wing extrem­ists were recruit­ing vet­er­ans return­ing from wars overseas.

    The Pentagon’s 2009 instruc­tion, updated in Feb­ru­ary 2012, directs com­man­ders to remain alert for signs of racist activ­ity and to inter­vene when they see it. It bans sol­diers from blog­ging or chat­ting on racist web­sites while on duty.

    “This is the best we’ve ever seen,” said Heidi Beirich, leader of the South­ern Poverty Law Center’s intel­li­gence project, refer­ring to the Pentagon’s atti­tude. “It was really dis­heart­en­ing under the Bush admin­is­tra­tion how lightly they took it, so this is a major advance.”

    Her group mon­i­tors online chat­ter among self-described active-duty war­riors serv­ing over­seas and reports it to mil­i­tary offi­cials. It also receives reg­u­lar calls from mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tors ask­ing about racists in the service.

    The South­ern Poverty Law Cen­ter and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), another civil rights mon­i­tor, have helped train offi­cers on how to spot extrem­ists, although Mark Pit­cav­age, direc­tor of inves­tiga­tive research at the ADL, says the mil­i­tary lacks com­pre­hen­sive train­ing for recruiters and com­man­ders. He called the military’s reac­tion when alerted to white suprema­cists “patchy.”

    “We’ve dis­cov­ered a great range of response, from get­ting a phone call the next day say­ing, ‘He’s already out,’ to not doing any­thing at all,” Pit­cav­age said.

    THE TATTOO MATRIX

    The Army showed Reuters a one-hour pre­sen­ta­tion it says was designed to edu­cate sol­diers and Army lead­ers about its extrem­ism pol­icy and how to respond, includ­ing to white supremacy groups. Penal­ties for extrem­ist ide­ol­ogy may include being removed from the mil­i­tary, hav­ing secu­rity clear­ances yanked or being demoted.

    “The stan­dard hate­ful mes­sage has not been replaced, just pack­aged dif­fer­ently with issues like free­dom of speech, anti-gun con­trol themes, tax reform and oppres­sion,” the pre­sen­ta­tion says, not­ing that recruit­ment may be dif­fi­cult to detect, occur­ring qui­etly “in bars and break areas” on bases.
    The pre­sen­ta­tion instructs Army lead­ers to look out for tat­tooed sym­bols of light­ning bolts, skulls, swastikas, eagles and Nordic war­riors. Skin­heads may have tat­toos show­ing barbed wire, hob­nailed boots and hammers.

    In a detailed flow­chart called a “Tat­too Deci­sion Sup­port Matrix,” Army lead­ers are shown how to respond to var­i­ous tat­toos. At the time of pub­li­ca­tion, the Army was unable to iden­tify the loca­tions where this course was being taught.

    SCREENING OUT ROGUES

    “We’re very strict on the tat­too pol­icy here within this recruit­ing sta­tion,” said Sergeant Aaron Isk­ender­ian, head of the Army recruit­ing office in Fayet­teville, the Army town next to Fort Bragg.

    With the United States with­drawn from Iraq, wind­ing down from Afghanistan and unem­ploy­ment stuck above 8 per­cent, recruiters can be choosy again.
    Isk­ender­ian cited the exam­ple of a young man who came in recently with a tat­too of the Con­fed­er­ate flag.

    “We’re in the South here. It’s con­sid­ered South­ern her­itage. It’s on the Gen­eral Lee,” Isk­ender­ian said, refer­ring to the car from the tele­vi­sion show “The Dukes of Hazzard.”

    “Is it racist? I asked him, ‘What does it mean to you?’ and he said, ‘South­ern pride.’”

    The poten­tial recruit also told Isk­ender­ian he had a black girl­friend. Isk­ender­ian sent the issue up the chain of com­mand, and the young man was rejected.

    Aca­d­e­mics who study white suprema­cists say pro­po­nents of the “infil­tra­tion strat­egy” of join­ing the U.S. mil­i­tary have adapted, telling skin­heads to deceive mil­i­tary recruiters by let­ting their hair grow, avoid­ing or cov­er­ing tat­toos, and sup­press­ing their racist views.

    “You have to dif­fer­en­ti­ate between some of the grandiose fan­tasies of some of the lead­ers of the move­ment and what actu­ally is going on,” cau­tioned the ADL’s Pitcavage.

    For neo-Nazis who get past the screen­ers, as with the gang mem­bers, the mil­i­tary needs a com­pre­hen­sive strat­egy, said Carter F. Smith, a for­mer mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tor who is now a pro­fes­sor of crim­i­nal jus­tice at Austin Peay State Uni­ver­sity in Tennessee.

    “They are some of the most dis­ci­plined sol­diers we have. They really want to learn to shoot those weapons,” Smith said. “The prob­lem wasn’t just that we were open­ing the flood­gates to let them in. We let them out after pros­e­cu­tion or when their time was up and we didn’t let the police know.”

    Posted by R. Wilson | August 21, 2012, 7:33 pm
  13. http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/U/US_SOLDIERS_CHARGED_PLOT

    Aug 27, 2012 5:59 PM EDT

    Pros­e­cu­tor: Ga. mur­der case uncov­ers plot to kill Obama, “over­throw government”

    By RUSS BYNUM
    Asso­ci­ated Press

    LUDOWICI, Ga. (AP) — Four Army sol­diers based in south­east Geor­gia killed a for­mer com­rade and his girl­friend to pro­tect an anar­chist mili­tia group they formed that stock­piled assault weapons and plot­ted a range of anti-government attacks, pros­e­cu­tors told a judge Monday.

    Pros­e­cu­tors in rural Long County, near the sprawl­ing Army post Fort Stew­art, said the mili­tia group of active and for­mer U.S. mil­i­tary mem­bers spent at least $87,000 buy­ing guns and bomb com­po­nents. They allege the group was seri­ous enough to kill two peo­ple — for­mer sol­dier Michael Roark and his 17-year-old girl­friend, Tiffany York — by shoot­ing them in the woods last Decem­ber in order to keep its plans secret.

    “This domes­tic ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tion did not sim­ply plan and talk,” pros­e­cu­tor Isabel Pauley told a Supe­rior Court judge. “Prior to the mur­ders in this case, the group took action. Evi­dence shows the group pos­sessed the knowl­edge, means and motive to carry out their plans.”

    One of the Fort Stew­art sol­diers charged in the case, Pfc. Michael Bur­nett, also gave tes­ti­mony that backed up many of the asser­tions made by pros­e­cu­tors. The 26-year-old sol­dier pleaded guilty Mon­day to manslaugh­ter, ille­gal gang activ­ity and other charges. He made a deal to coop­er­ate with pros­e­cu­tors against the three other soldiers.

    Pros­e­cu­tors said the group called itself F.E.A.R., short for For­ever Endur­ing Always Ready. Pauley said author­i­ties don’t know how many mem­bers it had.

    Bur­nett, 26, said he knew the group’s lead­ers from serv­ing with them at Fort Stew­art. He agreed to tes­tify against fel­low sol­diers Pvt. Isaac Aguigui, iden­ti­fied by pros­e­cu­tors as the militia’s founder and leader, and Sgt. Anthony Peden and Pvt. Christo­pher Salmon.

    All are charged by state author­i­ties with mal­ice mur­der, felony mur­der, crim­i­nal gang activ­ity, aggra­vated assault and using a firearm while com­mit­ting a felony. A hear­ing for the three sol­diers was sched­uled Thursday.

    Pros­e­cu­tors say Roark, 19, served with the four defen­dants in the 4th Brigade Com­bat Team of the Army’s 3rd Infantry Divi­sion and became involved with the mili­tia. Pauley said the group believed it had been betrayed by Roark, who left the Army two days before he was killed, and decided the ex-soldier and his girl­friend needed to be silenced.

    Bur­nett tes­ti­fied that on the night of Dec. 4, he and the three other sol­diers lured Roark and York to some woods a short dis­tance from the Army post under the guise that they were going tar­get shoot­ing. He said Peden shot Roark’s girl­friend in the head while she was try­ing to get out of her car. Salmon, he said, made Roark get on his knees and shot him twice in the head. Bur­nett said Aguigui ordered the killings.

    “A ‘loose end’ is the way Isaac put it,” Bur­nett said.

    Aguigui’s attor­ney, Dav­eniya Fisher, did not imme­di­ately return a phone call from The Asso­ci­ated Press. Attor­neys for Peden and Salmon both declined to com­ment Monday.

    Also charged in the killings is Salmon’s wife, Heather Salmon. Her attor­ney, Charles Nester, did not imme­di­ately return a call seek­ing comment.

    Pauley said Aguigui funded the mili­tia using $500,000 in insur­ance and ben­e­fit pay­ments from the death of his preg­nant wife a year ago. Aguigui was not charged in his wife’s death, but Pauley told the judge her death was “highly suspicious.”

    She said Aguigui used the money to buy $87,000 worth of semi­au­to­matic assault rifles, other guns and bomb com­po­nents that were recov­ered from the accused sol­diers’ homes and from a stor­age locker. He also used the insur­ance pay­ments to buy land for his mili­tia group in Wash­ing­ton state, Pauley said.

    In a video­taped inter­view with mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tors, Pauley said, Aguigui called him­self “the nicest cold-blooded mur­derer you will ever meet.” He used the Army to recruit mili­tia mem­bers, who wore dis­tinc­tive tat­toos that resem­ble an anar­chy sym­bol, she said. Pros­e­cu­tors say they have no idea how many mem­bers belong to the group.

    “All mem­bers of the group were on active-duty or were for­mer mem­bers of the mil­i­tary,” Pauley said. “He tar­geted sol­diers who were in trou­ble or disillusioned.”

    **The pros­e­cu­tor said the mili­tia group had big plans. It plot­ted to take over Fort Stew­art by seiz­ing its ammu­ni­tion con­trol point and talked of bomb­ing the Forsyth Park foun­tain in nearby Savan­nah, she said. In Wash­ing­ton state, she added, the group plot­ted to bomb a dam and poi­son the state’s apple crop. Ulti­mately, pros­e­cu­tors said, the militia’s goal was to over­throw the gov­ern­ment and assas­si­nate the president.**

    Fort Stew­art spokesman Kevin Lar­son said the Army has dropped its own charges against the four sol­diers in the slay­ings of Roark and York. The Mil­i­tary author­i­ties filed their charges in March but never acted on them. Fort Stew­art offi­cials Mon­day refused to iden­tify the units the accused sol­diers served in and their jobs within those units.

    “Fort Stewart-Hunter Army Air­field does not have a gang or mili­tia prob­lem,” Lar­son said in a pre­pared state­ment, though he said Army inves­ti­ga­tors still have an open inves­ti­ga­tion in the case.

    “How­ever, we don’t believe there are any unknown sub­jects,” he said.

    Dis­trict Attor­ney Tom Dur­den said his office has been shar­ing infor­ma­tion with fed­eral author­i­ties, but no charges have been filed in fed­eral court. Jim Durham, an assis­tant U.S. attor­ney for the South­ern Dis­trict of Geor­gia, would not com­ment on whether a case is pending.

    Posted by R. Wilson | August 27, 2012, 8:58 pm
  14. A white-supremacist US sol­dier just got busted by the FBI try­ing to sell info to an agent pos­ing as a Russ­ian spy. This included info about the F22 and a US jam­ming sys­tem used to sweep for road­side bombs. That’s alarm­ing:

    Alaska-based sol­dier gets 16 years for sell­ing secrets to FBI agent pos­ing as Russ­ian spy

    By Asso­ci­ated Press, Pub­lished: April 15 | Updated: Tues­day, April 16, 1:19 AM

    JOINT BASE ELMENDORF-RICHARDSON, Alaska — An Alaska-based mil­i­tary police­man will serve 16 years in prison and will be dis­hon­or­ably dis­charged for sell­ing secrets to an FBI under­cover agent who he believed was a Russ­ian gov­ern­ment offi­cial, a panel of eight mil­i­tary mem­bers decided Monday.

    Spec. William Colton Mil­lay, 24, pleaded guilty last month to attempted espi­onage and other counts.

    Mil­i­tary pros­e­cu­tors painted him as a white suprema­cist who was fed up with the Army and the United States, and was will­ing to sell secrets to an enemy agent, even if that would cost fel­low sol­diers their lives.

    Defense attor­neys said Mil­lay was emo­tion­ally stunted, was only seek­ing atten­tion and was a can­di­date for rehabilitation.

    Monday’s pro­ceed­ings were like a mini-trial con­ducted in front of the sen­tenc­ing panel, with both sides call­ing two witnesses.

    FBI Spe­cial Agent Der­rick Chriswell said Mil­lay came to their atten­tion in the sum­mer of 2011 through an anony­mous tip after Mil­lay sent an email to a Russ­ian pub­li­ca­tion seek­ing infor­ma­tion about the mil­i­tary and made sev­eral calls to the Russ­ian embassy.

    “That’s a con­cern for national secu­rity,” Chriswell said.

    The FBI, work­ing with mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agen­cies, con­ducted the inves­ti­ga­tion. On Sept. 13, 2011, an FBI under­cover agent called Mil­lay and set up a meet­ing the next day at an Anchor­age hotel-restaurant.

    Chriswell tes­ti­fied that dur­ing the first meet­ing with the agent, Mil­lay “expressed his dis­gust with the U.S. mil­i­tary.” They then moved to the agent’s hotel room, where audio and video record­ing devices were in place.

    Mil­lay said he’d work for the Russ­ian gov­ern­ment, and if they made it worth his while, he’d re-enlist for a sec­ond five-year stint. He also said he had con­fi­den­tial infor­ma­tion on the War­lock Duke jam­ming sys­tem the U.S. mil­i­tary uses to sweep road­side bombs.

    Two days after that meet­ing, Mil­lay reported to his com­man­der that he had been con­tacted by a Russ­ian agent. He was later inter­ro­gated by mil­i­tary intel­li­gence offi­cers and the FBI, but pros­e­cu­tors say Mil­lay was merely try­ing to throw off suspicion.

    Chriswell said Mil­lay, dur­ing the inter­ro­ga­tion, with­held infor­ma­tion that offi­cials already knew from the record­ings. That included a claim that he didn’t know why a Russ­ian agent would con­tact him, his claim to the agent that he had access to Social Secu­rity num­bers of peo­ple on base because of his police job and that he had sent her an ear­lier text claim­ing he had more infor­ma­tion on the jam­ming system.

    Later, after he came off a month­long leave, he told the agent he was will­ing to sell infor­ma­tion using a con­fi­den­tial drop at a park.

    On Oct. 21, 2011, he dropped off a white enve­lope with infor­ma­tion about the F-22s and the jam­ming sys­tem in a garbage can. That enve­lope was later col­lected by the FBI.

    Mil­lay was told to drive to a hotel, where he col­lected $3,000 and a dis­pos­able cell­phone from a pickup.

    After­ward, the agent con­tacted Mil­lay to com­plain her supe­ri­ors wanted infor­ma­tion that wasn’t on the Inter­net. Mil­lay assured her that the infor­ma­tion on the jam­ming sys­tem — about a paragraph’s worth — wasn’t avail­able. That was later con­firmed by mil­i­tary personnel.

    He was arrested Oct. 28. A search of his bar­racks found two hand­guns, detailed instruc­tions on how to use a Russ­ian Inter­net phone ser­vice and lit­er­a­ture from the white suprema­cist orga­ni­za­tion, the National Social­ists Movement.

    Chriswell also tes­ti­fied that Mil­lay has two Nazi SS thun­der­bolt tat­toos under his biceps and spi­der web tat­toos, which he said was com­mon among racists in prison.

    ...

    Hyderkhan said jail­house record­ings show Mil­lay threat­ens to con­tinue to divulge secrets.

    ...

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | April 15, 2013, 11:04 pm
  15. Ah, won­der­ful, the Air Force just stripped 17 offi­cers of their nuclear mis­sile launch codes. There appears to be some sort of ther­monu­clear dis­ci­pli­nary rot:

    AP
    Air Force Stripped 17 Offi­cers Of Abil­ity To Launch Nuclear Mis­siles Due To Inter­nal ‘Rot’
    ROBERT BURNS May 8, 2013, 9:00 AM

    WASHINGTON (AP) — The Air Force stripped an unprece­dented 17 offi­cers of their author­ity to con­trol — and, if nec­es­sary, launch — nuclear mis­siles after a string of unpub­li­cized fail­ings, includ­ing a remark­ably dim review of their unit’s launch skills. The group’s deputy com­man­der said it is suf­fer­ing “rot” within its ranks.

    “We are, in fact, in a cri­sis right now,” the com­man­der, Lt. Col. Jay Folds, wrote in an inter­nal email obtained by The Asso­ci­ated Press and con­firmed by the Air Force.

    The tip-off to trou­ble was a March inspec­tion of the 91st Mis­sile Wing at Minot Air Force Base, N.D., which earned the equiv­a­lent of a “D” grade when tested on its mas­tery of Min­ute­man III mis­sile launch oper­a­tions. In other areas, the offi­cers tested much bet­ter, but the group’s over­all fit­ness was deemed so ten­u­ous that senior offi­cers at Minot decided, after prob­ing fur­ther, that an imme­di­ate crack­down was called for.

    The Air Force pub­licly called the inspec­tion a “success.”

    But in April it qui­etly removed 17 offi­cers at Minot from the highly sen­si­tive duty of stand­ing 24-hour watch over the Air Force’s most pow­er­ful nuclear mis­siles, the inter­con­ti­nen­tal bal­lis­tic mis­siles that can strike tar­gets across the globe. Inside each under­ground launch con­trol cap­sule, two offi­cers stand “alert” at all times, ready to launch an ICBM upon pres­i­den­tial order.

    “You will be a bench warmer for at least 60 days,” Folds wrote.

    The 17 cases mark the Air Force’s most exten­sive sidelin­ing ever of launch crew mem­bers, accord­ing to Lt. Col. Angie Blair, a spokes­woman for Air Force Global Strike Com­mand, which over­sees the mis­sile units as well as nuclear-capable bombers. The wing has 150 offi­cers assigned to mis­sile launch con­trol duty.

    The trou­ble at Minot is the lat­est in a series of set­backs for the Air Force’s nuclear mis­sion, high­lighted by a 2008 Pen­ta­gon advi­sory group report that found a “dra­matic and unac­cept­able decline” in the Air Force’s com­mit­ment to the mis­sion, which has its ori­gins in a Cold War stand­off with the for­mer Soviet Union.

    In 2008, then-Defense Sec­re­tary Robert Gates sacked the top civil­ian and mil­i­tary lead­ers of the Air Force after a series of blun­ders, includ­ing a bomber’s mis­taken flight across the coun­try armed with nuclear-tipped mis­siles. Since then the Air Force has taken numer­ous steps designed to improve its nuclear performance.

    The email obtained by the AP describes a cul­ture of indif­fer­ence, with at least one inten­tional vio­la­tion of mis­sile safety rules and an appar­ent unwill­ing­ness among some to chal­lenge or report those who vio­late rules.

    In response to AP inquiries, the Air Force said the lapses never put the secu­rity of the nuclear force at risk. It said the offi­cers who lost their cer­ti­fi­ca­tion to oper­ate ICBMs are now get­ting more train­ing with the expec­ta­tion that they will return to nor­mal duty within about two months. The mis­siles remain on their nor­mal war foot­ing, offi­cials said.

    Although sidelin­ing 17 launch offi­cers at once is unprece­dented, the Air Force said strip­ping offi­cers of their author­ity to con­trol nuclear mis­siles hap­pens to “a small num­ber” of offi­cers every year for a vari­ety of reasons.

    In addi­tion to the 17, pos­si­ble dis­ci­pli­nary action is pend­ing against one other offi­cer at Minot who inves­ti­ga­tors found had pur­pose­fully bro­ken a mis­sile safety rule in an unspec­i­fied act that could have com­pro­mised the secret codes that enable the launch­ing of mis­siles, which stand on high alert in under­ground silos in the nation’s mid­sec­tion. Offi­cials said there was no com­pro­mise of mis­sile safety or security.

    Folds is deputy com­man­der of the 91st Oper­a­tions Group, whose three squadrons are respon­si­ble for man­ning the wing’s 15 Min­ute­man III launch con­trol centers.

    Advis­ing his troops on April 12 that they had “fallen,” Folds wrote that dras­tic cor­rec­tive action was required because “we didn’t wake up” after an under­whelm­ing inspec­tion in March that he said amounted to a fail­ure, even though the unit’s over­all per­for­mance tech­ni­cally was rated “sat­is­fac­tory.” That is two notches below the high­est rating.

    ...

    Expo­sure of short­com­ings within Vercher’s unit recalls an ear­lier series of stun­ning mis­takes by other ele­ments of the nuclear force, includ­ing the August 2007 inci­dent in which an Air Force B-52 bomber flew from Minot to Barks­dale Air Force Base, La., with­out the crew real­iz­ing it was armed with six nuclear-tipped cruise mis­siles. One out­come of the inci­dent was the cre­ation of Global Strike Com­mand in Jan­u­ary 2009 as a way of improv­ing man­age­ment of the nuclear enterprise.

    ...

    If sto­ries about major dis­ci­pli­nary prob­lems amongst the indi­vid­u­als with nuclear mis­sile launch codes puts the fear of God in you don’t feel alone. God also fears sit­u­a­tions that might dis­rupt the US’s abil­ity to launch its mis­siles. Jesus loves nukes:

    The Tele­graph
    ’Jesus loves nukes’: US Air Force taught the Chris­t­ian Just War The­ory
    To the men and women bur­dened with the ulti­mate respon­si­bil­ity of launch­ing America’s nuclear mis­siles it was known as the “Jesus loves nukes” lesson.

    By Nick Allen, Los Angeles

    7:20PM BST 05 Aug 2011

    For 20 years the course on “Chris­t­ian Just War The­ory” was taught by chap­lains at Van­den­berg Air Force Base in Cal­i­for­nia to those who would turn the key should World War III break out.

    The train­ing, which used pas­sages from the Bible and reli­gious imagery to demon­strate the moral jus­ti­fi­ca­tion for atomic war­fare, has now been suspended.

    The Air Force acted after receiv­ing an inquiry from Truthout, a news web­site which first broke the story.

    A Pow­er­Point pre­sen­ta­tion which was part of the course had con­sisted of 43 slides which included ref­er­ences to Bib­li­cal fig­ures like Abra­ham and John the Bap­tist, and paint­ings of the Visig­oths attack­ing Rome in AD410.

    Instruc­tors quoted St Augustine’s just cause for war, telling them it was right “to avenge or to avert evil, to pro­tect the inno­cent and restore moral and social order.”

    They also recounted how, in the Book of Gen­e­sis, Abra­ham had organ­ised an army to res­cue Lot, and how there were “Old Tes­ta­ment believ­ers who engaged in war in a right­eous way.” Offi­cers were also told that in Judges, God is “moti­vat­ing judges to fight and deliver Israel from for­eign oppres­sors,” and that there was “no paci­fistic sen­ti­ment in main­stream Jew­ish history.”

    In the New Tes­ta­ment, they were told, Jesus used the Roman cen­tu­rion as a “pos­i­tive illus­tra­tion of faith.” One slide read: “Rev­e­la­tion 19:11 Jesus Christ is the mighty warrior.”

    The course lit­er­a­ture also quoted Werner von Braun, the lead­ing Ger­man rocket sci­en­tist who went on to work for the United States after the Sec­ond World War, say­ing that it was a “moral deci­sion” to sur­ren­der his tech­nol­ogy to the US.

    Von Braun said: “We felt that only by sur­ren­der­ing such a weapon to peo­ple who are guided by the Bible could such an assur­ance to the world be best secured.”

    Before the the course was stopped 31 nuclear mis­sile launch offi­cers, includ­ing Protes­tants and Roman Catholics, had com­plained to the Mil­i­tary Reli­gious Free­dom Foun­da­tion, a group that cam­paigns for the sep­a­ra­tion of church and state.

    Its founder Mikey Wein­stein said the offi­cers were being told that “under fun­da­men­tal­ist Chris­t­ian doc­trine, war is a good thing”.

    He said the offi­cers found that “dis­gust­ing.” Mr Wein­stein said: “The United States Air Force was pro­mot­ing a par­tic­u­lar brand of right wing fun­da­men­tal­ist Christianity.

    “The main essence was that war is a nat­ural part of the human expe­ri­ence and it’s some­thing that is favoured by this par­tic­u­lar per­spec­tive of the New Testament.”

    ...

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 8, 2013, 10:49 am

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