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FTR #814 The National Socialist Underground File

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [1] The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by 10/02/2014. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deduct­ble con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #812 [2]. The last pro­gram record­ed before Mr. Emory’s ill­ness was FTR #748 [3].

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Lis­ten: MP3

Side 1 [7]   Side 2 [8]    

[9] [10]Intro­duc­tion: We’ve cov­ered [11] the neo-Nazi [12] group The Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground [13] and its links [14] to Ger­man intel­li­gence [14] for the bet­ter part of two years.

In addi­tion to shred­ding files on the NSU, which was financed in con­sid­er­able mea­sure by Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice and ele­ments of its mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ser­vice, files on oth­er [15] Ger­man neo-Nazi groups have been destroyed before being prop­er­ly vet­ted by Ger­man jour­nal­is­tic and legal author­i­ties.

One of the most sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the case is the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment [16] are going to extra­or­di­nary lengths to eclipse the insti­tu­tion­al con­nec­tions of the group. Turk­ish media [17] were exclud­ed from being seat­ed at the tri­al of the group [18], many of whose vic­tims were Turks. In addi­tion, lead­ing Ger­man media [19] were left out of a “raf­fle” to award seat­ing at the tri­al.

In addi­tion, Ger­many Watch has sug­gest­ed [20] that the appar­ent Ger­man intel­li­gence stew­ard­ship of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground may have been a vehi­cle to elim­i­nate peopel with infor­ma­tion about the 9/11 attacks.

We now learn that the fam­i­lies of their vic­tims and their attor­neys have despaired, sus­pect­ing that the pros­e­cu­tors have no inter­est [21] in pur­su­ing jus­tice in the case, not­ing their dis­missal of vic­tims fam­i­lies coun­sel attempts at intro­duc­ing evi­dence.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cers’ found­ing of a Ku Klux Klan chap­ter [22] in Ger­many; con­tacts between asso­ciates of a Ger­man police­woman mur­dered by NSU and ele­ments of the Ger­man KKK (sug­gest­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ty that she may have been mur­dered because of those links); the fact that the NSU was much larg­er than pre­vi­ous­ly believed; con­tacts [15] between a Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cial who resigned because of the file shred­ding and mem­bers of a Ger­man Nazi band called “Landser;” dis­cus­sion of the Nazi and SS [23] roots of the mod­ern Ger­man police estab­lish­ment; indi­ca­tions that the scale of Ger­man intel’s financ­ing of the neo-Nazis is on a scale that indi­cates insti­tu­tion­al sup­port for the Nazi agen­da; the claim by Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ele­ments that helped finance NSU that they kept no files [24] on the group; the shred­ding of NSU files the day before [25] they were to be turned over to Ger­man pros­e­cu­tors; the claim by Ger­man intel that the shred­ding of the files was the work of a “sin­gle indi­vid­ual.” [26]

1a. We’ve cov­ered [11] the neo-Nazi [12] group The Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground and its links [14] to Ger­man intel­li­gence [14] for months.

One of the most sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the case is the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment [16] are going to extra­or­di­nary lengths to eclipse the insti­tu­tion­al con­nec­tions of the group.

Turk­ish media [17] were exclud­ed from being seat­ed at the tri­al of the group [18], many of whose vic­tims were Turks. In addi­tion, lead­ing Ger­man media [19] were left out of a “raf­fle” to award seat­ing at the tri­al.

Ger­many Watch has sug­gest­ed [20] that the appar­ent Ger­man intel­li­gence stew­ard­ship of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground may have been a vehi­cle to elim­i­nate peo­ple with infor­ma­tion about the 9/11 attacks.

We now learn that the fam­i­lies of their vic­tims and their attor­neys have despaired, sus­pect­ing that the pros­e­cu­tors have no inter­est in pur­su­ing jus­tice in the case, not­ing their dis­missal of vic­tims fam­i­lies coun­sel attempts at intro­duc­ing evi­dence.

“Sus­pect­ed Nazi Killer Still Silent in NSU Tri­al”; Deutsche Welle; 1/4/2014. [21]

. . . . Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel’s promise that the mur­ders would be thor­ough­ly inves­ti­gat­ed once gave them com­fort, hope, and courage. But after 11 months of tri­al most of the plain­tiffs have lost faith in a fair tri­al or a just sen­tence.Zschäpe’s self-con­fi­dent, occa­sion­al­ly even cheer­ful demeanor, has played a major role in that. She has remained unmoved through­out, even when her moth­er and cousin tes­ti­fied on her behalf [27].

She behaves very dif­fer­ent­ly towards her three defense attor­neys, who always stand pro­tec­tive­ly in front of her — to make things dif­fi­cult for the curi­ous pho­tog­ra­phers — when she enters court room A 101. Zschäpe often smiles as she con­fers with the trio of defend­ers, as the vis­i­tors can clear­ly see from their gallery three meters above her head.

. . . . But fam­i­lies are also often non­plussed by the con­duct of the state pros­e­cu­tors when they dis­miss as irrel­e­vant their lawyers’ requests to present evi­dence. Sebas­t­ian Scharmer, the attor­ney rep­re­sent­ing the inter­ests of the fam­i­ly of Mehmet Kubasik, who was mur­dered in Dort­mund in 2006, has open­ly accused the pros­e­cu­tors of lack­ing inter­est in inves­ti­gat­ing the mur­ders. . . .

1b. It comes as no sur­prise to learn that Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice (Ver­fas­sungss­chutz) has been fund­ing neo-Nazis. (Observers had con­clud­ed as much in the wake of the Thuringian neo-Nazi scan­dal. [28])

The cozy rela­tion­ship between Ger­man intel­li­gence and Nazi and fas­cist ele­ments looms large in the reopen­ing of the Munich Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing of 1980. [29]

“Gov­ern­ment Devel­op­ment Aid for neo-Nazis;” German-Foreign-Policy.com; 11/16/2011. [30]

New rev­e­la­tions on the neo-Nazi ser­i­al mur­ders of nine men of non-Ger­man ori­gin and a female police offi­cer are incrim­i­nat­ing a Ger­man domes­tic intel­li­gence agency. Accord­ing to media reports, a mem­ber of a recent­ly dis­cov­ered neo-Nazi ter­ror group pre­sum­ably had con­tact to the Thuringia Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion — even after he went under­ground. The affair could become an “intel­li­gence agency prob­lem,” pre­dicts the domes­tic pol­i­cy spokesman of the CDU/CSU par­lia­men­tary group, Hans-Peter Uhl. In the 1990s, under the pre­text that they are very impor­tant infor­mants, the Thuringia Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion had, in fact, paid amounts of DMs in the six-dig­its to influ­en­tial right-wing extrem­ist mil­i­tants. The mil­i­tants used this mon­ey to set up neo-Nazi struc­tures in Thuringia, includ­ing the “Thüringer Heimatschutz” (Thuringia Home­land Pro­tec­tion), an orga­ni­za­tion of vio­lent neo-Nazis. The mem­bers of the ter­ror group, respon­si­ble for the mur­ders, are not the only ones who have their ori­gins in this orga­ni­za­tion. Lead­ing func­tionar­ies of today’s extreme right are also com­ing from that orga­ni­za­tion, which has been offi­cial­ly dis­band­ed, but is still at work in oth­er struc­tures. Today some of its mil­i­tants, for exam­ple, are orga­niz­ing neo-Nazi fes­ti­vals with inter­na­tion­al par­tic­i­pa­tion aimed at net­work­ing the extreme right through­out Europe.

Cov­ered by the Intel­li­gence Agency

The aid fur­nished by the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion (Ver­fas­sungss­chutz — VS) to the neo-Nazi scene, to set up their struc­tures in the fed­er­al state of Thuringia, is exem­plary for the aid pro­vid­ed through­out the 1990s. As far as has become known, this aid crys­tal­lized around two promi­nent mil­i­tants, Thomas Dienel and Tino Brandt. Both had been infor­mants for Thuringia’s VS. Accord­ing to a study on Thuringia’s extreme right, Dienel had been con­sid­ered one of the most active neo-Nazis in Thuringia, until the mid-1990s. “Explic­it threats to use vio­lence against for­eign­ers and peo­ple with diverg­ing opin­ions” were part “of his reper­toire.” How­ev­er, his con­tri­bu­tion was par­tic­u­lar­ly vital in the field of set­ting things up and orga­niz­ing. He estab­lished links to influ­en­tial neo-Nazis in West Ger­many, orga­nized many “demon­stra­tions and actions,” with the found­ing of a par­ty [1] on April 20, 1992, he cre­at­ed the “first struc­tured gath­er­ing place for young neo-Nazis” and he rad­i­cal­ized mem­bers of the NPD. “There­fore, he has left a trail behind that can be fol­lowed to cur­rent struc­tures” in the neo-Nazi scene, writes the author of the study, pub­lished in 2001.[2] The media report­ed that in the 1990s the VS paid Dienel 25,000 DM — offi­cial­ly for his ser­vice as an infor­mant. Dienel acknowl­edged pub­licly that he had some­times coor­di­nat­ed his actions with the VS, for which he also had received mon­ey. The VS had also helped him in court: “They cov­ered me.”[3] . . . Read more » [30]

2. The scale of the fund­ing for the group was unprece­dent­ed for pay­ments to “inform­ers.”

“Ger­man Intel­li­gence Agents Paid $240,000 to Neo-Nazi Informer Linked to Mur­der Sus­pects” [AP]; Fox News; 2/25/2013. [31]

Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency has come under fire for pay­ing almost a quar­ter of a mil­lion dol­lars to a neo-Nazi informer linked to a far-right ter­ror group.

Oppo­si­tion law­mak­ers and anti-Nazi cam­paign­ers crit­i­cized the pay­ments made over 18 years after they were first report­ed Sun­day by con­ser­v­a­tive week­ly Bild am Son­ntag.

Offi­cials at the intel­li­gence agency declined to com­ment on the report. But the head of a par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee tasked with inves­ti­gat­ing a string of mur­ders alleged­ly car­ried out by the group says the infor­ma­tion appears accu­rate.

Law­maker Sebas­t­ian Edathy told The Asso­ci­ated Press on Mon­day that the newspaper’s report matched infor­ma­tion sub­mit­ted to his com­mit­tee.

Edathy said the pay­ments total­ing €180,000 ($240,000) to a man iden­ti­fied by the news­pa­per as Thomas R. were “off the scale” for an infor­mant.

3. Ger­man intel­li­gence destroyed their files on the group the day before they were to be hand­ed over to a pros­e­cu­tor.

“Ger­man Secret Ser­vice Destroys Files on neo-Nazi Ter­ror­ist Gang the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground: Vital Infor­ma­tion Was Shred­ded on the Day It Was Due to Be Hand­ed to Fed­eral Pros­e­cu­tors” by Tony Pat­ter­son; The Inde­pen­dent [UK]; 6/29/2012. [25]

Germany’s equiv­a­lent of MI5 has found itself at the cen­tre of a deep­en­ing intel­li­gence ser­vice scan­dal after it was con­firmed yes­ter­day that its agents had destroyed files con­tain­ing vital infor­ma­tion about a neo-Nazi ter­ror­ist gang hours before the mate­r­ial was due to be hand­ed to fed­eral pros­e­cu­tors.

The case con­cerns the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, a neo-Nazi group respon­si­ble for Germany’s worst acts of far-right vio­lence since the Sec­ond World War. Its mem­bers mur­dered a police­woman, shot dead nine immi­grants, mount­ed two bomb attacks and robbed 14 banks to finance their oper­a­tions.

Police dis­cov­ered the bod­ies of the gang’s two ring­lead­ers, Uwe Mund­los and Uwe Böhn­hardt, in a burned-out car­a­van in east­ern Ger­many last Novem­ber. Inves­ti­ga­tors estab­lished that they had com­mit­ted sui­cide after rob­bing a bank. A third mem­ber of the gang, Beate Zschäpe, was caught and arrest­ed. She is still being ques­tioned.

Details of the scan­dal were leaked to the Ger­man news agency DPA yes­ter­day, prompt­ing Ger­man Inte­rior Min­istry offi­cials to admit that domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice agents, who had been keep­ing the gang under sur­veil­lance for more than a decade, had destroyed files con­tain­ing infor­ma­tion about the group.

They revealed to a par­lia­men­tary inquiry that the agents had shred­ded the doc­u­ments on Novem­ber 11 – the day they were due to be hand­ed to Germany’s Fed­eral Pros­e­cu­tor, who had tak­en over the inves­ti­ga­tion.

Jörg Zier­cke, the Pres­i­dent of Germany’s Fed­eral Crim­i­nal Bureau, also admit­ted to the inquiry that his office “had failed” over the neo-Nazi inves­ti­ga­tion.

The rev­e­la­tions increased sus­pi­cions that neo-Nazi cell mem­bers were in the pay of Ger­man intel­li­gence. In the past, the organ­i­sa­tion has made no secret of the fact that it uses secret ser­vice “moles” to infil­trate the country’s far-right groups. How­ever, keep­ing neo-Nazis on the secret ser­vice pay­roll would amount to active col­lab­o­ra­tion and imply that mem­bers of the intel­li­gence ser­vice sup­ported their crim­i­nal acts. The intel­li­gence ser­vices have admit­ted to a par­lia­men­tary inquiry that both domes­tic intel­li­gence and Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence used so-called “moles” to infil­trate the neo-Nazi organ­i­sa­tions fre­quented by NSU ring­lead­ers Mund­los and Böhn­hardt. . . .

4a. A minor cor­rec­tion (sort of): accord­ing to this arti­cle, the agency didn’t destroy the files one day before they were to be hand­ed over...instead, they are claim­ing that the files were on Novem­ber 12, 2011, one day after the infor­mant-sta­tus of the neo-nazi pair became pub­lic OR they were destroyed in Jan­u­ary, 2011. It was all due to inno­cent con­fu­sion by a “mis­guided indi­vid­ual” that heads the agency depart­ment for procur­ing intel­li­gence sources [26]:

“Neo-Nazi Cell Scan­dal Intel­li­gence Agency under Fire for Shred­ding Files” by Der Spiegel staff; Der Spiegel; 6/29/2012. [26]

The offi­cial inves­ti­ga­tion into the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU), the neo-Nazi cell which is believed to have killed at least 10 peo­ple over a peri­od of years, has been marked by a series of embar­rass­ing fail­ures and slip-ups by the author­i­ties. But new rev­e­la­tions about the case threat­en to trig­ger a major scan­dal with pos­si­ble polit­i­cal con­se­quences.


Mem­bers of the par­lia­men­tary inves­tiga­tive com­mit­tee react­ed to the news with shock and out­rage. “Such inci­dents make it dif­fi­cult to con­vinc­ingly refute the con­spir­acy the­o­ries,” said com­mit­tee chair­man Sebas­t­ian Edathy, a mem­ber of the cen­ter-left oppo­si­tion Social Democ­rats. There has been per­sis­tent spec­u­la­tion that the domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice may have used mem­bers of the NSU as infor­mants.

Oth­er mem­bers of the com­mit­tee were equal­ly scathing. Hart­frid Wolff of the busi­ness-friend­ly Free Demo­c­ra­tic Par­ty described the inci­dent as “unbe­liev­able,” while Clemens Bin­ninger of the cen­ter-right Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­tic Union said it cre­ated scope “for all kinds of the­o­ries.” “Clear­ly the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion has a lot to hide,” said Petra Pau of the far-left Left Par­ty, which has been par­tic­u­larly crit­i­cal of the author­i­ties’ han­dling of the case.

Indi­vid­ual ‘Act­ed Alone’

On Thurs­day, offi­cials at the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion told SPIEGEL ONLINE that the shred­ding of the doc­u­ments was unprece­dented. They insist­ed it was due to the mis­guided actions of an indi­vid­ual and not the result of an order to destroy the files.

Sources in the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity said that a legal inves­ti­ga­tion had been opened against an employ­ee of the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion. The offi­cer is appar­ently head of a so-called “pro­cure­ment” depart­ment, which is respon­si­ble for run­ning sources and obtain­ing infor­ma­tion from them. The agency’s man­age­ment is “appalled” and “absolute­ly furi­ous” about the inci­dent, sources said, adding that offi­cials were try­ing to recon­struct the files as best they could. Appar­ently sev­en files were destroyed.

The agency has recon­structed the time­line of the doc­u­ments’ destruc­tion. The depart­ment head sup­pos­edly received orders on Nov. 10, 2011 to search his files for the names of the three NSU mem­bers — Uwe Böhn­hardt, Uwe Mund­los and Beate Zschäpe — and look for pos­si­ble con­nec­tions to the far-right scene. Among oth­er files, the offi­cer looked at doc­u­ments relat­ing to Oper­a­tion Rennsteig.

The oper­a­tion, whose name refers to a famous hik­ing trail in the state of Thuringia, was intend­ed to recruit inform­ers from a far-right group called the Thüringer Heimatschutz (“Thuringian Home­land Pro­tec­tion”) dur­ing the peri­od from 1996 to 2003. Böhn­hardt, Mund­los and Zschäpe, who all used to live in the Thuringian city of Jena, were also active in the group for a time. Both the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion and Germany’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agency, the Mil­i­tary Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence Ser­vice (MAD), were involved in the oper­a­tion.

The depart­ment head alleged­ly did not find any­thing of inter­est in his files. One day lat­er, on Nov. 11, he informed his supe­ri­ors that he had not found the names of the three sus­pected ter­ror­ists or oth­er evi­dence in his records. At the same time, he not­ed that sev­en so-called pro­cure­ment files had been archived for too long. This type of file includes all the details about the recruit­ment of a source, includ­ing their code­name and obser­va­tions about their char­ac­ter. The agency is gen­er­ally oblig­ed to destroy such files after a max­i­mum peri­od of 10 years. The depart­ment head gave orders for the files to be destroyed imme­di­ately. A day lat­er, on Nov. 12, anoth­er employ­ee car­ried out the shred­ding as per instruc­tions.

Embar­rass­ing Rev­e­la­tions

The behav­ior of the depart­ment head appears odd, how­ever. He told his supe­rior offi­cer in Jan­u­ary 2012 that the sev­en files from Oper­a­tion Rennsteig had already been destroyed in or around Jan­u­ary 2011 because of the time lim­it on files. Only when Fromm, the agency head, asked fol­low-up ques­tions did the offi­cer admit that the files had actu­ally been destroyed on Nov. 12, 2011 — in oth­er words, just as the cell’s con­nec­tion to the mur­der series was uncov­ered. At that time, the Fed­eral Prosecutor’s Office had tak­en over the inves­ti­ga­tion and request­ed to see all the rel­e­vant doc­u­ments.

Accord­ing to sources in the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity, Oper­a­tion Rennsteig was a large-scale attempt to infil­trate the far-right scene around Thüringer Heimatschutz. Intel­li­gent agents ini­tially select­ed 35 “prospec­tive can­di­dates” as poten­tial sources. Eight of those peo­ple were lat­er recruit­ed as inform­ers, with six of them being run by the fed­eral intel­li­gence agency and the oth­ers by the state-lev­el intel­li­gence agency in Thuringia. In addi­tion, the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion drew up a list of 73 men of “mil­i­tary ser­vice age” for the Mil­i­tary Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence Ser­vice. It is unclear what the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agency want­ed to do with the list. But it is per­haps sig­nif­i­cant that the names of Mund­los and Bön­hardt appeared on that list.


4b. It also sounds like the remain­ing files that are to be turned over are expect­ed to demon­strate that the gang mem­bers were, indeed, work­ing as infor­mants, rais­ing ques­tions of just how damn­ing was the evi­dence on the destroyed files. Also note that the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence unit, MAD, which was also work­ing on “Oper­a­tion Rennsteig”, is coop­er­at­ing...they just hap­pened to not keep any files at all on the mat­ter [24]:

“Ger­man Intel­li­gence Grants Access to Files in Neo-Nazi Probe”; Deutsche Welle; 3/7/2012. [24]

Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency has offered the par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee access to 25 files relat­ing to “Oper­a­tion Rennsteig,” which was aimed at recruit­ing infor­mants in right-wing cir­cles in the east­ern state of Thuringia between 1997 and 2003.

The oper­a­tion involved the fed­eral domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, the region­al agency in Thuringia and, accord­ing to the com­mit­tee, the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ser­vice MAD.

The files are expect­ed to reveal that the author­i­ties were work­ing with infor­mants from the so-called Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU), an extrem­ist group that is believed to have killed 10 peo­ple with non-Ger­man back­grounds over more than a decade before their cov­er was blown ear­lier this year.

Last week, it became appar­ent that some of the files relat­ing to the oper­a­tion were shred­ded by the fed­eral intel­li­gence agency last year. On Mon­day, the head of the agency, Heinz Fromm, resigned his post.

Anoth­er head rolls

On Tues­day, Fromm’s coun­ter­part at Thuringia’s intel­li­gence agency, Thomas Sip­pel, also stepped down in con­nec­tion with the rev­e­la­tions. He will go into ear­ly retire­ment.

The chair­man of the par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee, Sebas­t­ian Edathy, also urged the MAD to release their files, while the MAD insists it is coop­er­at­ing. It also said on Tues­day that it does not have “Oper­a­tion Rennsteig” files.

5. Anoth­er inci­dence of shred­ding of files on neo-Nazis has emerged, lead­ing to the res­ig­na­tion of Clau­dia Schmid, the agen­cy’s top Berlin offi­cial.

After the shred­ding of files [13] on the Nation­al Social­ist Union (which may well have been in cahoots with Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice) [11], it emerges that files on Blood and Hon­or, anoth­er neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tion, were shred­ded by an offi­cial of the Ver­fas­sungschutz.

Of pos­si­ble sig­nif­i­cance is the fact that one of Schmid’s col­leagues was friend­ly with “Landser” a Ger­man Nazi band.

“Fifth Head Rolls in NSU Inves­ti­ga­tion Affair”; The Local; 11/14/2012. [15]

. . . . None of the files appeared to be relat­ed to the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, which is sus­pect­ed of killing 10 peo­ple between 2000 and 2007. Four oth­er top Ger­many secu­ri­ty offi­cials have resigned this year due to blun­ders in the NSU inves­ti­ga­tion.

Clau­dia Schmid, head of the Berlin Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion, request­ed a trans­fer to anoth­er job the day after she announced that her office had ille­gal­ly destroyed files on the far-right “Blood & Hon­our” organ­i­sa­tion rather than pre­sent­ing them to the Berlin state archive. She described the action as a “regret­table mis­take.”

The head of the author­i­ty’s depart­ment on extrem­ism, respon­si­ble for the most recent case of ille­gal file shred­ding, has also stepped down from his post. Fur­ther employ­ees are sub­jects of an inter­nal inves­ti­ga­tion for their role in destroy­ing the files.

It is still unclear whether the destroyed files were con­nect­ed to the case of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground ter­ror­ist organ­i­sa­tion, which went unde­tect­ed for over a decade. How­ev­er, the files did con­tain infor­ma­tion on “Landser,” a neo-Nazi band with whom an author­i­ty employ­ee was once friend­ly.

6. In what has become rou­tine [13], it has been revealed that a Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cer set up a branch of the Ku Klux Klan in Ger­many. This is but the lat­est dis­clo­sure [12] in a series of rev­e­la­tions about the pro­found rela­tion­ship [14]between Ger­man intel­li­gence and neo-fas­cists [11] of var­i­ous kinds in Ger­many.

Far from being “infil­tra­tors” into these groups, the oper­a­tives appear much more like “han­dlers.”  Ger­man leg­is­la­tors have raised the very impor­tant ques­tion of the extent to which these neo-fas­cist groups have actu­al­ly been spawned by the intel­li­gence oper­a­tives in their ranks. We note that the Ger­man police offi­cer mur­dered by the NSU was part of a milieu that includ­ed agents in the KKK of Ger­many.

“Ger­man Intel­li­gence Set Up KKK Branch”; Ger­many Watch; 11/01/2012. [22]

The Ger­man branch of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), was set up and led by an under­cov­er agent of the state of Baden-Württemberg’s secret ser­vice.

Accord­ing to a report in the Tagesspiegel dai­ly news­pa­per, an organ­i­sa­tion called the “Euro­pean White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan–Realm of Ger­many” was estab­lished by a white suprema­cist gov­ern­ment spy in Octo­ber 2000. A short time lat­er, the man was appoint­ed by a KKK group in the US to the posi­tion of nation­al leader, a “Grand Drag­on”. The Ger­man branch exist­ed until ear­ly 2003.

But that was not all. The agent was not only work­ing for the secret ser­vice of a Ger­man state; it appears he was also oper­at­ing with the offi­cial pro­tec­tion of one of his col­leagues. An employ­ee of the intel­li­gence agency is sus­pect­ed of hav­ing passed on to him “anony­mous con­fi­den­tial infor­ma­tion” in 2002. In par­tic­u­lar, this per­son alleged­ly warned him that his phone was being tapped.

The Ku Klux Klan is one of a long line of sus­pi­cious organ­i­sa­tions set up by Ger­man secret ser­vice agents with the help of state funds.

Inves­ti­ga­tions into the Nation­al Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (NDP) asso­ci­a­tions in the states of Thuringia and North Rhine-West­phalia had already revealed they could not have devel­oped as they did with­out fund­ing pro­vid­ed by the secret ser­vice. Sev­er­al neo-Nazis open­ly boast­ed they had drawn funds from the intel­li­gence ser­vice for a num­ber of years. 

As is now cus­tom­ary in such episodes, author­i­ties assert­ed that the case was an “iso­lat­ed” one. Accord­ing to Die Welt, the dai­ly news­pa­per, there is “no rea­son to doubt that agency employ­ees ful­fil their statu­to­ry duties cor­rect­ly and irre­proach­ably, and there is no rea­son to believe that they lack aware­ness of demo­c­ra­t­ic pro­ce­dures”.

The close links between the state and the Ku Klux Klan rais­es new ques­tions about pos­si­ble links between gov­ern­ment agen­cies and ter­ror­ists of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU). Plen­ty of over­lap has been dis­cov­ered between the KKK and the NSU. 

Two of the three mem­bers of the NSU, Uwe Böhn­hardt and Beate Zschäpe, were spot­ted near Jena at a cross burn­ing attend­ed by 20 neo-Nazis in the mid-1990s. Tschäpe even had pho­tos of the scene and per­son­al­ly informed the pub­lic pros­e­cu­tor about their atten­dance. That was before Tschäpe, Böhn­hardt and Uwe Mund­los went into hid­ing and began their killing spree.

The iden­ti­ty of anoth­er under­cov­er agent, oper­at­ing in the KKK’s ranks under the code name “Corel­li”, was dis­cov­ered by police in 1998 on an address list Mund­los had hid­den in a garage. But the main cause of sus­pi­cion is the fact that two mem­bers of the rel­a­tive­ly small KKK group in Baden-Würt­tem­berg were close col­leagues of the NSU’s last mur­der vic­tim, police­woman Michèle Kiesewet­ter. Kiesewet­ter was shot in April 2007 and the series of NSU killings then abrupt­ly ceased.

The mur­der of a Ger­man police­woman is not com­men­su­rate with the crim­i­nal oper­a­tions of the NSU. All the oth­er mur­ders had immi­grants as their vic­tims and were obvi­ous­ly racial­ly moti­vat­ed. To date, there is no plau­si­ble expla­na­tion why Kiesewet­ter became a tar­get of the NSU. The ques­tion aris­es as to whether the for­mer KKK mem­ber­ships of her squad leader and anoth­er police col­league played a role. 

A par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee of inquiry into the NSU is now deal­ing with the case. But no clar­i­fi­ca­tion can be expect­ed from that quar­ter because the inves­ti­ga­tion is sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly blocked by the author­i­ties and the com­mit­tee itself has lit­tle inter­est in bring­ing the facts to light.

Only occa­sion­al­ly, when it is all too obvi­ous they are being led around by the nose, do the com­mit­tee mem­bers allow some mea­sure of the truth to sur­face. Respond­ing to the new rev­e­la­tions about the KKK, Free Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty deputy Hart­frid Wolff groaned: “Were there then any mem­bers [of the KKK] who were not in the police or secret ser­vice?” A legit­i­mate ques­tion!

The author­i­ties are con­tin­u­ing their attempt to pre­vent any fur­ther unrav­el­ling of the events. They have stopped refer­ring to unde­ni­able rev­e­la­tions as “mishaps”, “slips” and “iso­lat­ed cas­es”; they append the offi­cial des­ig­na­tion of “secret” to files that could lead to fur­ther clar­i­fi­ca­tion, or they destroy huge num­bers of them. It is now known that far more records relat­ing to the NSU affair have been destroyed than was ini­tial­ly announced. . . .

7. It should not sur­prise an objec­tive observ­er that the NSU was far big­ger than orig­i­nal­ly believed.

As prepa­ra­tions for the tri­al of a mem­ber of the group are read­ied, it is appar­ent that the Ger­man gov­ern­ment is in dam­age con­trol mode, deny­ing Turk­ish media access to the court­room in which the pro­ceed­ings will take place.

Most of the vic­tims of the group were of Turk­ish extrac­tion. (Ger­many has a large Turk­ish pop­u­la­tion, as a result of the “gas­tar­beit­er” (guest work­ers) brought into the coun­try as labor­ers.

Suf­fice it to say that Turk­ish jour­nal­ists and edi­tors aren’t buy­ing the offi­cial excus­es prof­fered by Ger­man offi­cials.

After the Bavar­i­an author­i­ties post­poned the start of the tri­al to “recon­sid­er” media access, the Deputy Prime Min­is­ter of Turkey scored the Ger­man gov­ern­ment for a “predetermined“verdict, label­ing the tri­al a sham [18].

“Ger­man neo-Nazi Cell Big­ger than Pre­vi­ous­ly Thought” [Reuters]; Yahoo News; 3/24/2013. [32]

A Ger­man neo-Nazi cell that waged a racist killing spree over a peri­od of sev­en years with­out being detect­ed by the author­i­ties may have had a far big­ger net­work of sup­port­ers than ini­tial­ly thought.

Accord­ing to a report in the Bild news­pa­per on Sun­day, secu­ri­ty offi­cials have com­piled a list of 129 peo­ple who are sus­pect­ed of help­ing the group, accused of mur­der­ing eight eth­nic Turks, a Greek and a police­woman between 2000 and 2007.

The exis­tence of the cell, which called itself the Nation­al­ist Social­ist Under­ground (NSU), only came to light by chance in late 2011 after two mem­bers com­mit­ted sui­cide in the after­math of a botched bank rob­bery and a female accom­plice set fire to an apart­ment used by the gang.

Ger­mans, bur­dened by their Nazi past, were hor­ri­fied by the rev­e­la­tions and Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel has pub­licly apol­o­gized to the fam­i­lies of the mur­der vic­tims.

But until now, offi­cials have put the blame on a very small group, based in the east­ern city of Zwick­au.

“The new num­ber is shock­ing­ly high,” Sebas­t­ian Edathy, chair­man of a spe­cial par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee set up to probe the NSU, told Bild, con­firm­ing the list. “Now we have to clear up whether any of these peo­ple knew about the crimes or were infor­mants.” . . . .

8. As prepa­ra­tions for the tri­al of a mem­ber of the group are read­ied, it is appar­ent that the Ger­man gov­ern­ment is in dam­age con­trol mode, deny­ing Turk­ish media access to the court­room in which the pro­ceed­ings will take place.

Most of the vic­tims of the group were of Turk­ish extrac­tion. (Ger­many has a large Turk­ish pop­u­la­tion, as a result of the “gas­tar­beit­er” (guest work­ers) brought into the coun­try as labor­ers.

“Bavar­i­an Courts Pre­vent Turk­ish Media Report­ing Nazi Case”; Ger­many Watch; 3/28/2013. [17]

In an appar­ent attempt to pre­vent Turk­ish media report­ing on the full facts of the case, Munich’s High­er Region­al Court released a list of media orga­ni­za­tions that would be giv­en reserved seats in the upcom­ing tri­al of an alleged neo-Nazi believed to have been involved in the mur­der of 10 peo­ple, most­ly of Turk­ish ori­gin. The list does­n’t include a sin­gle Turk­ish media out­let.

The court is claim­ing it pro­vid­ed accred­i­ta­tion on a first-come, first-served basis, but inter­na­tion­al out­rage is grow­ing. Turks in Ger­many and in Turkey are feel­ing left in the cold over a series of mur­ders of which their com­mu­ni­ty was the pri­ma­ry tar­get.

The tri­al of Beate Zschäpe, a sus­pect­ed mem­ber of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU) neo-Nazi ter­ror cell (with links to Ger­man Intel­li­gence), is expect­ed to be the biggest in the coun­try since the Red Army Fac­tion tri­al of the mid-1970s. Inter­na­tion­al atten­tion is expect­ed to be con­sid­er­able, par­tic­u­lar­ly giv­en the xeno­pho­bic nature of the crimes and the involve­ment of Neo-Nazis.

This week, Turk­ish jour­nal­ists and politi­cians have been demand­ing a guar­an­teed pres­ence at the tri­al. Many are ask­ing why such a small court­room has been cho­sen and why an over­flow room with live video isn’t being set up for jour­nal­ists.

One of its pri­ma­ry respon­si­bil­i­ties is to ensure that the process of truth-find­ing takes place with the great­est pos­si­ble open­ness and trans­paren­cy. It is incom­pre­hen­si­ble to claim that a larg­er court room could­n’t have been found in Munich for the tri­al … indeed, it’s a shame­ful­ly inad­e­quate excuse.

It is entire­ly incom­pre­hen­si­ble that it was­n’t pos­si­ble to secure even just one guar­an­teed seat for the Turk­ish media in the court­room. . . .

. . . . Celal Özcan, the Berlin-based edi­tor in chief of the Euro­pean edi­tion of Turk­ish dai­ly Hür­riyet, writes; “My news­pa­per, Hür­riyet, called the court repeat­ed­ly before the accred­i­ta­tion peri­od ask­ing to be informed of dates so that we would­n’t miss them. We reg­is­tered on the first day of accred­i­ta­tion, and now we are told by the press office of the Munich High­er Region­al Court that oth­ers were faster? How can that be? It is absolute­ly unac­cept­able that the Turk­ish media has been exclud­ed from the court­room. Many Turks aren’t just dis­ap­point­ed — they are shocked, both in Turkey and in Ger­many.” . . . .

9. Suf­fice it to say that Turk­ish jour­nal­ists and edi­tors aren’t buy­ing the offi­cial excus­es prof­fered by Ger­man offi­cials.

After the Bavar­i­an author­i­ties post­poned the start of the tri­al to “recon­sid­er” media access, the Deputy Prime Min­is­ter of Turkey scored the Ger­man gov­ern­ment for a “predetermined“verdict, label­ing the tri­al a sham [18].

“Turk­ish Deputy PM Speaks Out About German/Nazi Sus­pi­cions”; Ger­many Watch; 4/18/2013. [18]

As we men­tioned pre­vi­ous­ly, the tri­al of a neo-Nazi in Ger­many was large­ly con­demned before it start­ed, as the Bavar­i­an Courts had exclud­ed Turk­ish media from being present at the tri­al — despite the fact that the tri­al con­cerns mur­ders by the neo-Nazi group NSU of a num­ber of Turk­ish peo­ple.

The neo-Nazi mur­der tri­al in Ger­many does not have any sig­nif­i­cance any­more for Turkey, since the result is pre-deter­mined, Turk­ish Deputy Prime Min­is­ter Bekir Boz­dağ has said.

“The rul­ing of the Munich State High Court will have no sig­nif­i­cance from now on for me,” Boz­dağ told Ana­to­lia news agency. “The court has not start­ed the tri­al yet. But this is a court that end­ed the tri­al even before it start­ed.”

Ger­many’s high­est court post­poned the start of the tri­al ear­ly this week after announc­ing an over­haul of dis­put­ed rules on media access.

Pro­ceed­ings were to have begun on April 17 against a woman accused of being part of a Nazi cell blamed for 10 mur­ders. But after Germany’s top court ordered the Munich judges last week to expand for­eign media access to the tri­al, its start­ing date had to be put back, in a move vic­tims groups called a “cat­a­stro­phe.” . . .

. . . . Boz­dağ stressed that there is an atmos­phere that the tri­al is a show, for ‘com­plet­ing rou­tines.’

“The court chief has lost his neu­tral­i­ty. You can­not expect a jus­tice from a tri­al whose head lost his neu­tral­i­ty. This tri­al is over for us, we are wait­ing the result as a mere for­mal­i­ty.”

We are wait­ing for con­fir­ma­tion of the specifics Boz­dağ refers to, how­ev­er as we men­tioned prvi­ous­ly, Ger­many uses this court when Nazis are on tri­al because mem­bers of this court are linked to the Nazi char­i­ty ‘Stille Hil­fe’.

Expand­ing on oth­er con­cerns linked to Ger­many, Boz­dağ has called on Ger­man author­i­ties to inves­ti­gate claims that two recent fires may have been racial­ly moti­vat­ed. . . .

10. The ven­er­a­ble Der Spiegel informs us that a “raf­fle” award­ing press seat­ing to the upcom­ing tri­al of one of its mem­bers has man­aged to exclude many of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic’s cred­i­ble and best known pub­li­ca­tions.

Com­ing fresh on the heels of the (appar­ent­ly delib­er­ate and sys­tem­at­ic) exclu­sion of Turk­ish media [17] from the tri­al, this maneu­ver can only height­en sus­pi­cion that the pow­ers that be in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic do NOT want the truth to emerge.

This gam­bit is also note­wor­thy in that it strong­ly sug­gests that the Ger­man pub­lic opin­ion is wor­ri­some to that coun­try’s pow­er bro­kers.

It appears that the truth [16] about the Third Reich, its influ­ence on the Fed­er­al Repub­lic [33], and the links between the Under­ground Reich [34] and that coun­try’s secu­ri­ty ser­vices [29] remains eclipsed for most Ger­man cit­i­zens.

“Top Papers Left Out: Court Faces Fresh Trou­ble Over Press Seats”; Der Spiegel; 4/30/2013. [35]

The Munich court where the NSU neo-Nazi ter­ror tri­al is due to start on May 6 faces fresh con­tro­ver­sy over media accred­i­ta­tion after sev­er­al major Ger­man news­pa­pers failed to obtain seats in a lot­tery of press pass­es. It was the sec­ond attempt to allo­cate seats after Turk­ish media had been left out in the first round.

The Munich court over­see­ing the biggest neo-Nazi tri­al in Ger­man his­to­ry on Mon­day faced new com­plaints over its media accred­i­ta­tion process when lead­ing Ger­man news­pa­pers failed to obtain pass­es for the 50-seat press gallery.

The court post­poned the start of the tri­al from its orig­i­nal date on April 17 to sort the prob­lem out after the Fed­er­al Con­sti­tu­tion­al Court, respond­ing to a com­plaint from a Turk­ish news­pa­per, ordered it to allo­cate seats to for­eign jour­nal­ists.

In an attempt to be com­plete­ly fair, it decid­ed to raf­fle the press pass­es. The ven­er­a­ble Frank­furter All­ge­meine Zeitung, and anoth­er nation­al broad­sheet, Die Welt, failed to get press accred­i­ta­tion in the lot­tery con­duct­ed on Mon­day. Die Tageszeitung, anoth­er well-known Ger­man news­pa­per, also failed to get a seat.

All three said on Mon­day they were con­sid­er­ing legal action against the allo­ca­tion. Pub­li­ca­tions that obtained seats in the raf­fle includ­ed less­er known news­pa­pers such as local paper Hal­lo Munich and wom­en’s mag­a­zine Brigitte. . . .

11. One of the most sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the case is the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment [16] are going to extra­or­di­nary lengths to eclipse the insti­tu­tion­al con­nec­tions of the group.

Turk­ish media [17] were exclud­ed from being seat­ed at the tri­al of the group [18], many of whose vic­tims were Turks. In addi­tion, lead­ing Ger­man media [19] were left out of a “raf­fle” to award seat­ing at the tri­al.

For more than a decade, we’ve exam­ined the 9/11 attacks, the Nazi and fas­cist [36] con­nec­tions to that attack, in par­tic­u­lar.

In our vis­its with Daniel Hop­sick­er [37], we have not­ed that Mohamed Atta was frat­er­niz­ing with Ger­mans [38] and Aus­tri­ans in South Flori­da [39], hav­ing been brought into the Unit­ed States [40] (from Ger­many) by the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety [41].

Now, Ger­many Watch has pub­lished an intrigu­ing hypoth­e­sis con­cern­ing the mur­ders com­mit­ted by the group and the 9/11 attacks.

Against the back­ground [42] of Ger­man intel­li­gence [43] con­nec­tions to the 9/11 attacks, the sto­ry below notes that mur­ders 2, 3 and 4 occurred in the imme­di­ate run-up to 9/11, the fourth less than two weeks before.

The Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground then dis­ap­peared from pub­lic view for two years.

The pres­ence of a Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cer at the scene of one of the mur­ders (who pos­sessed Third Reich doc­u­ments as well as oth­er Nazi para­pher­na­lia) also is worth not­ing, as is the use­ful “amne­sia” (mind con­trol?) of one of the Ger­man police offi­cers shot by the group.

Of course there are oth­er pos­si­bil­i­ties for the duplic­i­ty on the part of the author­i­ties, how­ev­er the work­ing hypoth­e­sis pre­sent­ed by the Ger­many Watch folks is more than a lit­tle intrigu­ing.

“The Neo-Nazi Show Tri­al And The Tim­ing Of The Mur­ders”; Ger­many Watch; 5/5/2013. [44]

The Ger­man show tri­al for the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground begins this week, after sev­er­al false starts due to the Bavar­i­an Court not want­i­ng inter­est­ed press at the hear­ings (see here).

There is a strange coin­ci­dence to the dates and places;

Mur­ders num­ber 2, 3, 4, and 5;

Mur­der of Abdur­rahim Özü­doğru
On 13 June 2001, Abdur­rahim Özü­doğru was killed by two shots in the head with the same silenced CZ 83 already used in the mur­der of Enver Şimşek. Özü­doğru, who worked as a machin­ist for a big com­pa­ny in Nurem­berg (which com­pa­ny?) had been help­ing out in a tai­lor’s shop; the mur­der was dis­cov­ered by a pass­er-by who looked through the shop win­dow and saw the body sit­ting in the back of the shop, cov­ered in blood.

Mur­der of Süley­man Taşköprü
On 27 June 2001 between 10:45 and 11:15 a.m, Süley­man Taşköprü, aged 31, died in his green­gro­cer’s shop in Ham­burg-Bahren­feld after being shot in the head three times. This was two weeks after the sec­ond mur­der, and the same guns as in the first case were used, a CZ 83 and a 6.35 mm gun.

Mur­der of Habil Kılıç
On 29 August 2001 Habil Kılıç became the fourth vic­tim. Kılıç, aged 38, who was mar­ried and had a daugh­ter, was shot at point-blank range in his green­gro­cer’s shop in Munich-Ramers­dorf. This was the first of two mur­ders in Munich.

The The­o­ry

Are these linked to the 9/11 Ham­burg cell? They all worked shop fronts, which are per­fect for low lev­el intel­li­gence mes­sen­gers, they may have been sup­ply­ing some­thing along the lines of fake ID/paperwork or weapons, or per­haps they were just messengers/couriers for Ger­man intelligence/ the Ham­burg Cell Jihadis. The Ham­burg Cell also fre­quent­ed an extrem­ist mosque in Munich.

Once the 9/11 oper­a­tion was under­way, Ger­man intel­li­gence cleaned house. The “NSU” van­ished for 2 years just a lit­tle over a week before 9/11, with no more linked mur­ders in that 2 year peri­od. Repeat — the last mur­der was just over a week before 9/11, whilst one mur­der was Ham­burg and one was Munich. If the NSU mur­ders were nor­mal far right extrem­ists send­ing a mes­sage to asy­lum seek­ers, where’s the mes­sage? There was none.

So, then two and a half years lat­er in Ros­tock-Toiten­winkel, 25 Feb­ru­ary 2004, between 10:10 and 10:20, Mehmet Turgut was shot three times in the head and neck with a silenced CZ 83 and died instan­ta­neous­ly. Turgut, who had been liv­ing ille­gal­ly in Ham­burg, was in Ros­tock on a vis­it and had been asked by an acquain­tance to open up a don­er kebab shop that day. He was clear­ly tar­get­ed and enticed to be there that day and time. That is NOT a ran­dom far right killing.

Because of Turgut’s link to Ham­burg, Ros­tock police made the con­nec­tion to the third vic­tim, Süley­man Taşköprü, thus estab­lish­ing the term don­er mur­ders.

On 6 April 2006, just two days after the mur­der of Mehmet Kubaşık, Halit Yoz­gat became the last vic­tim of the mur­der series. Yoz­gat, who ran an inter­net café in Kas­sel, Hesse, was also shot in the head with a silenced gun. On the occa­sion of this mur­der an agent of the Hes­s­ian Office for the BfV Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion was present. The agent claimed first to have left the premis­es short­ly before the mur­der, but lat­er changed his state­ment when pre­sent­ed with evi­dence of wit­ness­es who had seen him present when the mur­der hap­pened. His involve­ment with the case gave rise to sus­pi­cions that a Ger­man agency might be linked to the mur­ders.

When this BfV offi­cer was inves­ti­gat­ed, var­i­ous Nazi para­pher­na­lia was present in his apart­ment, includ­ing some doc­u­ments from the Third Reich, though it is not pub­licly known what these docs referred to. Is he real­ly a Nazi, or is that being used to make out he is an extrem­ist infil­tra­tor of Ger­man intel­li­gence — that he was linked to the mur­der through his Nazi affil­i­ates, rather than being present at the mur­der BECAUSE he was work­ing for Ger­man intel­li­gence?? . . .

12. A recent book by a for­mer offi­cial of the BKA, the Ger­man fed­er­al police (equiv­a­lent of the FBI) focus­es on the Nazi and SS ori­gins of that agency. (33 of 48 top BKA offi­cials at the agen­cy’s incep­tion had back­grounds as SS lead­ers.)

Sup­ple­ment­ed by an inter­nal col­lo­qui­um, the inquiry notes the post­war Nazi net­work­ing with­in the BKA and the effect this appears to have had on post­war Ger­man law enforce­ment, par­tic­u­lar­ly with regard to pol­i­cy toward right-wing extrem­ists, anti-immi­grant xeno­pho­bia and anti-Semi­tism.

Worth remem­ber­ing in this regard is the con­cept of bureau­crat­ic iner­tia. Gov­ern­ment bureau­cra­cies man­i­fest that iner­tia, and the con­tem­po­rary Ger­man col­lu­sion with Nazi ele­ments must be viewed against the back­ground of the Nazi/SS gen­e­sis of the BKA.

We should not fail to note that the SS/Nazi offi­cials head­ing the BKA would undoubt­ed­ly have answered to for­mer Gestapo chief Hein­rich Mueller [45], secu­ri­ty direc­tor [46] for the Bor­mann Cap­i­tal Net­work [34] and the Under­ground Reich [47].

Ger­man Police Begins Ban­ish­ing Long Shad­ow of Nazi Past; Deutsche Welle; 2012. [23]

A Fed­er­al Crime Office inves­ti­ga­tion into how for­mer SS offi­cers remained at its helm well into the 1960s is well under­way, pro­vid­ing new insights into how Nazis were rein­te­grat­ed into main­stream soci­ety.

The ties between some BKA founders and Nazis are no longer dis­put­ed. . . .

. . . A total of three col­lo­quia focus­ing on the role of ex-Nazi police offi­cers who found­ed the BKA in 1951 and made up the core of its lead­er­ship into the 1970s, was launched by the BKA in the sum­mer. The agency has opened its archives to an inter-dis­ci­pli­nary team of renowned researchers.

The found­ing core of the BKA includ­ed some 48 mem­bers of the Nazi secu­ri­ty forces known as the Reich­skrim­i­nalpolizei, or Kripo. They became part of a new Crim­i­nal Police Force in the post­war British Occu­pied Zone, which lat­er evolved into the BKA. Accord­ing to Zier­cke, of the 48, 33 had been SS lead­ers. . . .

. . . .At the end of the 1950s, near­ly all of the BKA lead­er­ship posi­tions were still filled with ex-Nazis or SS lead­ers. Accord­ing to Zier­cke, the police orga­ni­za­tion was rife with cliques and inter­nal con­nec­tions lead­ing back to the Nazi era that helped with re-com­mis­sion­ing.

The BKA’s inves­ti­ga­tion aims to exam­ine the ques­tion of whether the Nazis’ notions on crime fight­ing were car­ried on after the war. . . .

. . . . But then came the pub­li­ca­tion of a book by a for­mer BKA employ­ee Dieter Schenk. Titled “The Brown Roots of the BKA,” the book argues that the orga­ni­za­tion had been found­ed by active Nazis.

Whether the BKA founders were Nazis or mere­ly careerists is some­thing dis­cussed in the Schenk book as well as the cur­rent col­lo­quia. More impor­tant, accord­ing to Schenk, is his belief that the polit­i­cal lean­ings of the BKA founders can still be felt in its pol­i­cy, “in the half-heart­ed­ness with which it has fought against the rad­i­cal right, anti-Semi­tism and anti-immi­grant” ele­ments in the coun­try. . . .