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FTR #816 Revisiting the 1972 Olympics Massacre

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Side 1   Side 2 

Introduction: In AFA #22, among other programs, we examined the massacre of Israeli athletes at the 1972 summer Olympics in Munich, Germany. The chief of security for that ill-fated event was Hans Langemann, an officer with the BND, the German intelligence service and the final incarnation of the Gehlen spy organization.

Langemann reportedly collaborated with Hans Kollmar (then head of the BKA, the German Federal Police) in setting up provocations to be blamed on “leftists.” Ali Hassan Salameh, the leader of the Black September cadre, was working for the Central Intelligence Agency after the massacre.

In FTR #333, we looked at Langemann’s role in providing an alibi for Karl-Heinz Hoffman, whose organization was implicated in the 1980 Munich Oktoberfest bombing. That crime, in turn, appears to have been part of a larger configuration of incidents perpetrated by elements of the postwar fascist international.

Now, it emerges that German neo-Nazis aided the Black September terrorists. Furthermore, the foreign ministry had advanced warning of the impending attack and passed the information along to German intelligence, which took no action. Might this have been due to Langemann’s efforts?

We now know that Willi Pohl, one of the neo-Nazis who assisted the terrorists at the Olympics, also found employment with the CIA.

Ali Hassan Salameh–leader of the Black September faction that perpetrated the attacks–was recruited by Henry Kissinger. Was Pohl’s recruitment also a result of Kissinger’s efforts?

Reviewing information from FTR #806, we note that Kissinger and Richard Nixon were  conspiring with Reinhard Gehlen and other Third Reich alumni to destabilize the government of Willi Brandt. Might the Olympics massacre have been connected with that operation?

Program Highlights Include:

  • The relative lack of interest on the part of the German authorities into neo-Nazi Willi Pohl’s activities on behalf of Black September. Was this an indication of complicity among those in relative positions of power?
  • The light sentence handed to Pohl. Again, was the “fix” in?
  • What role might Langemann have played in defraying interest in Pohl’s activities?
  • The report refers to “neo-Nazis”–plural–as being complicit with the Black September contingent that perpetrated the Olympics massacre. Might Pohl have had accomplices? How many?
  • Did accomplices within the German neo-Nazi scene–perhaps with the connivance of elements of German intelligence and/or law enforcement–have helped with obtaining “false passports” for the Olympics conspirators?
  • Hans Globke’s work with Kissinger, Gehlen and the “Little Service.”
  • Within a month of the attacks, the German government was in touch with the Black September “perps” and was downplaying the significance of the attacks.
  • Review of Kissinger’s postwar work incorporating Third Reich veterans into the U.S. national security establishment.
  • Why were there 3 more terrorists at the airport than had previously been expected?
  • Why didn’t the German security personnel bring rifles, which were essential to the rescue plan?
  • Why did the Germans refuse Israeli intelligence assistance?

1. In AFA #22, among other programs, we examined the massacre of Israeli athletes at the 1972 summer Olympics in Munich, Germany. The chief of security for that ill-fated event was Hans Langemann, an officer with the BND, the German intelligence service and the final incarnation of the Gehlen spy organization.

Langemann reportedly collaborated with Hans Kollmar (then head of the BKA, the German Federal Police) in setting up provocations to be blamed on “leftists.” Ali Hassan Salameh, the leader of the Black September cadre, was working for the Central Intelligence Agency after the massacre.

In FTR #333, we looked at Langemann’s role in providing an alibi for Karl-Heinz Hoffman, whose organization was implicated in the 1980 Munich Oktoberfest bombing. That crime, in turn, appears to have been part of a larger configuration of incidents perpetrated by elements of the postwar fascist international.

Now, it emerges that German neo-Nazis aided the Black September terrorists.

Of particular interest here:

  • The relative lack of interest on the part of the German authorities into neo-Nazi Willi Pohl’s activities on behalf of Black September. Was this an indication of complicity among those in relative positions of power?
  • The light sentence handed to Pohl. Again, was the “fix” in?
  • What role might Langemann have played in defraying interest in Pohl’s activities?
  • The report refers to “neo-Nazis”–plural–as being complicit with the Black September contingent that perpetrated the Olympics massacre. Might Pohl have had accomplices? How many?
  • Did accomplices within the German neo-Nazi scene–perhaps with the connivance of elements of German intelligence and/or law enforcement–have helped with obtaining “false passports” for the Olympics conspirators?

“Neo-Nazi Helped Black September Munich Attack” by Benjamin Weinthal; Jerusalem Post [Der Spiegel]; 6/17/2012.

Newly released files from Germany’s domestic intelligence agency Verfassungsschutz (BfV) reveal that neo- Nazis worked with the radical Palestinian group Black September in the 1972 Munich terror attack, according to a Der Spiegel magazine story on Sunday.

According to the online report, police in the city of Dortmund sent a notice to the BfV, in which they noted that “Saad Walli, an ‘Arab-looking man’ met conspiratorially with the German neo-Nazi Willi Pohl.”

Saad Walli was the cover name for Abu Daoud, who is widely believed to be the ringleader of the plot that resulted in the murder of 11 Israeli athletes at the 1972 Olympic games. Pohl allegedly bragged to his employer about his contact with the extremist PLO wing.

According to the BfV documents, which Der Spiegel obtained in advance of the 40th anniversary of the murders, there are no indications that the German authorities acted on the information provided to them by the Dortmund police. That helps explain, said Der Spiegel, how the Palestinians prepared the attack in the Federal Republic without being caught. Pohl, who is now a crime fiction author, told Der Spiegel that “I chauffeured Abu Daoud through the entire Federal Republic where he met in different cities with Palestinians.” Pohl also helped Daoud obtain false passports and other documents. . . .

. . . It is unclear why the German domestic intelligence agency and the state and federal criminal police authorities failed to act on the information from the local Dortmund police officials. Critics have long accused German authorities of a lax enforcement policy toward radical Islamic groups. The Iran-backed radical Islamic entity Hezbollah, which has engaged in terror attacks in the Middle East and South America, is a legal political organization in Germany, with an estimated 900 active members.

In connection with another slated PLO attack in Germany, the PLO’s secret service head – Abu Ijad – assigned Pohl to plan kidnapping operations at the Cologne cathedral and in the city halls of a number of German cities. In late October 1972, the authorities arrested Pohl and an accomplice in Munich, and the police confiscated machine guns, hand grenades and other military equipment. In one suitcase, police found a threatening letter by the Black September group. The letter was directed toward a judge who investigated three PLO terrorists involved in the 1972 attacks.

After the PLO hijacked a Lufthansa plane in 1972, German authorities released the three terrorists. Critics say Germany had failed at the time to clamp down on Palestinian terror activity in Germany. Despite the overwhelming proof of Pohl’s terror activity, Der Spiegel noted that Pohl was given a mild sentence of two years and two months in prison for weapons possession. Four days after the sentence was imposed on Pohl, he fled to Beirut.

2. Der Spiegel gives us another jolting revelation concerning the 1972 Olympics Massacre in Munich. German authorities had been warned almost a month in advance of Palestinian intentions to create an incident at the Olympics.

Despite a warning from the foreign ministry, the Munich security officials took no significant action, this despite the fact that the Black September group appears to have been methodologically amateurish.

The security officials at the games permitted Palestinian terrorists to walk right past the building where the Israeli athletes were quartered. Might Langemann have had something to do with this?

Germany Had a Tip-Off Three Weeks Ahead of Munich Massacre, Der Spiegel Claims” by Raphael Ahren; Times of Israel; 7/22/2012.

Germany had a tip-off from a Palestinian informant in Beirut three weeks before the 1972 Munich Olympic massacre that Palestinians were planning an “incident” at the Games, a German news magazine charged Sunday.

The Foreign Ministry in Bonn took the tip-off sufficiently seriously to pass it on to the secret service in Munich and urge that “all possible security measures” be taken.

But the Munich authorities failed to act on the tip, which was passed on to Bonn by the German Embassy in Beirut, and have never acknowledged it in the ensuing 40 years, Der Spiegel said in a front-page story to be published Monday but made available online in German on Sunday.

The failure to act upon that tip-off at the time, and the subsequent failure to acknowledge that it had even been received, Der Spiegel added, is only part of a 40-year cover-up by the German authorities of the mishandling of the 1972 terror attack, in which 11 members of the Israeli team were massacred by Palestinian Black September terrorists.

“The federal government [in Bonn] and the local government of the state of Bavaria committed grave errors in their handling of the attack on Israeli athletes during the Olympic Games in Munich, and have kept the true extent of the failure true under wraps until today,” Der Spiegel asserted.

For the first 20 years after the massacre in Munich, the German authorities refused to release any information about the attack; nor did they accept any responsibility for the tragic results. . . . .

. . . . On Sunday, Der Spiegel said it obtained hitherto secret reports by authorities, embassy cables and minutes of cabinet meetings that demonstrate just how amateurish the German officials were ahead of the September 5 attack, which also claimed the life of one German policeman.

According to Bonn’s official documentation of the event, the Palestinian Black September terror group carried out its deadly mission with “precision.” But the German authorities knew the Black September was a badly prepared group that barely managed to find hotel rooms in Munich, Der Spiegel stated.

As far back as August 14, 1972, three weeks before the massacre, the German Embassy in Beirut reported to Bonn that an informant had talked about Palestinian plans for “an incident” during the Olympics, according to the report. Four days later, the Foreign Ministry in Bonn told the secret service’s Munich branch about this and advised authorities to “take all possible security measures.”

Needless to say, the necessary security measures were never taken. The report revealed, for instance, that the terrorists were strolling by the apartments of the Israeli athletes without anybody stopping them from doing so.

All these facts are missing from the official documentation of the German government.

The official documentation also conceals the fact that the Munich prosecution investigated the city’s police chiefs for suspected negligent homicide, the magazine reported.

“Mutual accusations should be avoided, as well as self-criticism,” a Foreign Ministry official told a special cabinet session just two days after the deadly attack. “From that moment on, this apparently became the motto of the governments in Bonn and Munich,” the magazine wrote.

3. We have highlighted how the German government had prior warning of the attacks, yet took no significant security procedures, how the Black September terrorists received aid in the logistical planning for the attack by German neo-Nazis, and how the chief of security for the attacks was alleged to have staged terrorist incidents to be blamed on the left, as well as providing an alibi for Karlheinz Hoffman, head of the Nazi group that executed the 1980 Oktoberfest bombing in Munich.

We have also seen how the German domestic intelligence and law enforcement agencies maintain a disturbingly cozy relationship with neo-Nazi organizations.

Interestingly, the German diplomat (Walter Nowak) handling much of the discussion with the Black September terrorists has a background suggestive of involvement with the vertriebene groups, one of the most salient aspects of the Underground Reich.

At a minimum, it is apparent that the Germans took no significant steps to interdict the terrorist attack and it is difficult to avoid the view that the Underground Reich may very well have been complicit in the attack.

“Germany’s Secret Con­tacts to Pales­tin­ian Terrorists” by Felix Bohr, Gun­ther Latsch and Klaus Wiegrefe; Der Spiegel; 8/28/2012.

Eleven Israelis and one Ger­man police offi­cer died in the Munich mas­sacre of 1972, when Pales­tin­ian ter­ror­ists took Israeli ath­letes hostage at the Olympics. Now, gov­ern­ment doc­u­ments sug­gest that Ger­many main­tained secret con­tacts with the orga­niz­ers of the attack for years after­ward and appeased the Pales­tini­ans to pre­vent fur­ther blood­shed on Ger­man soil. . . .

. . . .Wal­ter Nowak, 48, the then Ger­man ambas­sador to Lebanon, con­demned the Israeli action [killing some of the perpetrators of the 1972 Olympics attack], say­ing that the dead Pales­tini­ans were among the most “ratio­nal and respon­si­ble” mem­bers of the PLO. A day after the retal­ia­tory strike, the out­raged diplo­mat wrote a let­ter to gov­ern­ment author­i­ties in Bonn, the then-German cap­i­tal, say­ing that it was “not to be ruled out” that the Israelis had killed Abu Youssef and the oth­ers to hin­der the peace process in the Mid­dle East. “Those who don’t want to nego­ti­ate are both­ered by those they might be expected to face in nego­ti­a­tions,” he wrote.

Nowak’s idio­syn­cratic assess­ment stemmed from the mis­sion the ambas­sador was pur­su­ing at the time. Nowak had met with Abu Youssef, one of the founders of Black Sep­tem­ber, about a week before his death. In the two-hour con­ver­sa­tion, he offered Abu Youssef and other back­ers of the Munich attack the prospect of cre­at­ing “a new basis of trust” between them and the Ger­man gov­ern­ment. There was even talk of a secret meet­ing in Cairo between then For­eign Min­is­ter Wal­ter Scheel, a mem­ber of the lib­eral Free Demo­c­ra­tic Party (FDP), and Abu Youssef.

The Munich attack had occurred only six months ear­lier. Despite the still-vivid images of masked ter­ror­ists on the bal­conies of the Olympic Vil­lage and a burned-out heli­copter on the tar­mac at the NATO air­base at Fürsten­feld­bruck, there was already active but secret diplo­matic com­mu­ni­ca­tion between Ger­mans and Pales­tini­ans. West Ger­man rep­re­sen­ta­tives were talk­ing to men like Abu Youssef, Ali Salameh and Amin al-Hindi, all of them mas­ter­minds of the Munich mur­ders. Even the Ger­man Fed­eral Crim­i­nal Police Office (BKA), which is oblig­ated to pros­e­cute crim­i­nals, was involved in meet­ings, accord­ing to doc­u­ments in the Polit­i­cal Archives of the Ger­man For­eign Min­istry and the Fed­eral Archive in the west­ern city of Koblenz, which SPIEGEL has now analyzed. . . .

. . . . In the com­ing weeks, dur­ing events to mark the 40th anniver­sary of the attack, the ques­tion will once again be raised as to why the Ger­man courts never tried any of the per­pe­tra­tors or back­ers of the Munich mas­sacre. The doc­u­ments that are now avail­able sug­gest one answer in par­tic­u­lar: West Ger­many didn’t want to call them to account.

In the first few weeks after the attack, Ger­man gov­ern­ment offices in Bonn were imbued with a spirit of appease­ment. From the Israeli per­spec­tive, it felt like a bit­ter irony of his­tory that it involved Munich — a city that became a sym­bol of the West­ern pow­ers’ appease­ment of Hitler after the Munich Agree­ment per­mit­ting Nazi Germany’s annex­a­tion of the Sude­ten­land was signed there in 1938.

Although the Munich attack involved mul­ti­ple mur­ders, the lan­guage in the files oddly down­plays what hap­pened there. Then-Chancellor Brandt is quoted as say­ing that the Olympic mas­sacre was a “crazy inci­dent,” while Paul Frank, a state sec­re­tary in the For­eign Min­istry, refers to it sim­ply as the “events in Munich.” Diplo­mats and senior Inte­rior Min­istry offi­cials upgraded the sta­tus of Black Sep­tem­ber by call­ing it a “resis­tance group” — as if its acts of ter­ror had been directed against Hitler and not Israeli civilians.

At the For­eign Min­istry, in par­tic­u­lar, some offi­cials were appar­ently very sym­pa­thetic to the Pales­tini­ans. Wal­ter Nowak, the Ger­man ambas­sador to Lebanon, once told Abu Youssef that the Ger­mans were a peo­ple “with a sub­stan­tial num­ber of refugees,” because of the fact that eth­nic Ger­mans had been expelled from parts of Cen­tral and East­ern Europe after World War II. (Nowak him­self was born in Sile­sia, which is now part of Poland, back when it belonged to Ger­many.) This, he added, made them more under­stand­ing of the Pales­tin­ian sit­u­a­tion than other nations. . . .

. . . .  It is clear that the Fed­eral Crim­i­nal Police Office (BKA) coop­er­ated with the PLO, as evi­denced by a telex from the embassy in Beirut report­ing on a meet­ing between Hindi and a BKA offi­cial on June 14, 1980. Accord­ing to the mes­sage, Hindi com­plained that the press had got­ten wind of the con­nec­tions between the PLO and the BKA. He also claimed that the leak was on the Ger­man side. An indis­cre­tion like this could jeop­ar­dize coop­er­a­tion, Hindi threat­ened, telling the BKA offi­cial that either the two orga­ni­za­tions “con­tinue work­ing together in secret, or not at all.”

Hindi died of can­cer in 2010, and most of the oth­ers behind the Munich mas­sacre are now dead, as well. One of the three ter­ror­ists whose release the PLO secured by hijack­ing a Lufthansa flight occa­sion­ally appears in doc­u­men­tary films. There is still a Ger­man war­rant out for his arrest, but there is noth­ing to sug­gest that Ger­man author­i­ties have ever tried to find him.

Given these cir­cum­stances, there is every indi­ca­tion that he will not be tried for the mur­der of the 11 Israelis and a Ger­man police offi­cer, at least not in a Ger­man court.

4. The Germany Watch blog has a worthy update on the 1972 Olympics investigation, accessed in the second excerpt below.

The post raises a number of interesting questions, including:

  • Why were there 3 more terrorists at the airport than had previously been expected?
  • Why didn’t the German security personnel bring rifles, which were essential to the rescue plan?
  • Why didn’t the Germans take more security precautions in advance of the Olympics?
  • Why did the Germans refuse Israeli intelligence assistance?

“Munich 1972: Further Disclosures”; Germany Watch; 8/30/2012.

. . . . Here are just some of the highlights;

When the Black September terrorists left the Olympic site in helicopters in order to fly to the airport to meet their plane, there were 5 terrorists.

When the stand-off and shootings happened at the airport, there were suddenly 8 terrorists. (Italics added.)

The 3 extra terrorists took the Israeli Mossad Chief, who was present at the airport, by surprise. He questioned the Germans on this, and did not get a clear explanation. (Because they were the German contacts, already in the helicopters waiting at the Olympic site. It was these three that survived the shooting and were later released – the others were expendable).

Despite requests for security of the Israeli team before the incident, German police laughed off the need for security for the team saying it was “not in the Olympic spirit”.

Despite knowing their own plan for supposedly retrieving the hostages included sniping the terrorists at the airport, the Germans did not bring any rifles. They were armed with pistols and machinenpistol [sub-machine guns–D.E.]. This meant that when they opened fire, “German bullets were spraying about”, potentially including the possibility that some of the athletes were actually shot by Germans. . . . (Italics added.)

5. A recent Daily Mail story underscores the degree of networking that Henry Kissinger undertook in conjunction with Third Reich alumni (undoubtedly operating with approval of the Underground Reich.)

Displeased with former chancellor Willy Brandt’s “Ostpolitik,” Kissinger and his boss Richard Nixon colluded with SS officers, other Third Reich veterans and German aristocrats to explore the possibility of staging a coup against Brandt’s government. Worth noting in this regard is the fact that the milieu of the plotters in Germany itself was apparently assembled by Reinhard Gehlen, head of the BND during most of the postwar period. (Gehlen officially retired in 1968. He is not mentioned by name in the article below, but would almost certainly have been the “go-to” guy tabbed to martial willing Nazis for the undertaking at hand.)

As revealed in a Telegraph article about the plot, one of their co-conspirators was Hans Globke, the gray eminence behind Konrad Adenauer (see excerpt below.) Globke was experienced with coup plots against the German government, having been part of the Naumann coup attempt staged in 1953 and discussed in The New Germany and the Old Nazis. One wonders how many other Naumann coup veterans were involved with the “little service” that networked with Kissinger et al.

Note that German industrialists who previously supported Hitler financed the organization. This could not have been initiated without the go-ahead of Martin Bormann and his network.

For both Nixon and Kissinger, conspiring with Third Reich alumni was nothing new. Nixon was pivotal in assembling and nurturing the Nazi wing of the Republican Party, as discussed in (among other programs) FTR #465.

Fundamental to the development of “The Little Service” is the CSU and its larger partner party, the CDU. The CSU also figures prominently in the apparent Oktoberfest Bombing cover-up highlighted above.

Kissinger’s background is noteworthy in this context.

Kissinger helped to forge the Third Reich alumni into a guerrilla force to fight behind Soviet lines after World War II:

America’s Nazi Secret by John Lof­tus; Trine Day [SC]; 2010936158; p. 11

. . .Kissinger was recruited as a pro­fes­sional spy for Dulles shortly after the end of the war in Europe. Although there is no evi­dence that he per­son­ally recruited Nazis, Kissinger ran the intel­li­gence file room where records of Nazi recruit­ment were kept. He then trans­ferred to Har­vard where he spe­cial­ized in recruit­ing for­eign stu­dents for espi­onage. Later he worked for Dulles dur­ing the glory days of Office of Pol­icy Coor­di­na­tion (OPC). He was hired as a con­sul­tant for a pri­vate group known as Oper­a­tions Research Office, which planned to use for­mer Nazis as agents behind Russ­ian lines in the event of World War III. Men­tion of Kissinger’s clas­si­fied work was cen­sored from the orig­i­nal man­u­script of this book. . .

Hans Globke, author of the Nuremburg Laws, gray eminence behind Konrad Adenauer

6. The Daily Mail story mentioned above sets forth much of the particulars concerning “The Little Service.”

“Kissinger and the Secret Spy Network of Old Nazis and German Aristocrats ‘Who Plotted to Overthrow West German Government'” by Alan Hall; Daily Mail; 12/03/2012.

A German academic has unearthed evidence showing former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger once discussed a coup with disgruntled Nazis to overthrow the West German government in the 1970s.

Kissinger and Richard Nixon were aggrieved at the left-leaning government of the day’s burgeoning friendship with the hardline East German government. Kissinger became the contact man for a secret spy network made up of old Nazis and elite aristocrats aimed at torpedoing the plans formulated by Chancellor Willy Brandt.

By the end of 1970, Kissinger was offering the spies advice on how to deal with Brandt’s Social Democratic government. The group he became embroiled with was called ‘The Little Service’ and was formed by the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which was allied with Bavaria’s Christian Social Union.

One agent who visited Kissinger quoted him saying, ‘It might be possible to overthrow the current government, but it remains to be seen whether this would involve risks which could put a Christian Democratic Union (CDU)/ Christian Social Union (CSU) government in great difficulty. . . .

. . . . Brandt pursued a policy of engagement with the German Democratic Republic, convinced it was better to build bridges with the dictatorship to defuse Cold War tensions rather than always being at loggerheads. For the all-white, all male conservatives of the CDU, this was too much.

They wanted West Germany to face off against the Soviet-backed regime in the belief that isolation would make it crumble. It was out of this belief that its private spy organisation, made up of many former Gestapo and SS men as well as titled barons and counts, was formed.

Political scientist Stefanie Waske spent seven years researching letters from politicians from the Christian Democratic Union and its Bavarian sister party the Christian Social Union, and her results are to be published next year; potentially embarrassing timing for Chancellor Angela Merkel, who in November 2013 will seek re-election as CDU chancellor for the third time.

Waske approached Kissinger for comment but he refused, as did many of the noblemen who worked for the The Little Service which came into being in 1969 after the party lost its first general election since the postwar republic was formed in 1949.

Details of her research are published in the current edition of the German intellectual weekly Die Zeit. The catalyst for the spy group was Brandt’s decision to recognize post-WW2 borders dividing Germany and a pledge Brandt gave that his state would not use violence against the Communist one in the east.

Conservative MP Karl Theodor Freiherr zu Guttenberg, who was the grandfather of the disgraced former defense minister who had to resign last year after it was discovered he cheated on his doctorate, held a meeting in the autumn of 1969 with former chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger and leading CDU and CSU politicians, the CSU being the Bavarian wing of the party.

‘They decided to form an information service for the opposition,’ said Waske. ‘It was a secret spy service.’ The former head of the BND, Germany’s [foreign] intelligence agency [Reinhard Gehlen–D.E.], was tapped and he offered up a ready-made web of informants across the globe in countries as far apart as the US, France and Saudi Arabia.

Hans Christoph von Stauffenberg, the cousin of the man who tried and failed to kill Hitler in the July 1944 bomb plot, was chosen to head the network. Casimir Prince of Sayn-Wittgenstein, who would later only narrowly miss imprisonment for the CDU’s party donation scandal of a decade ago, was recruited to raise the hundreds of thousands of D-marks necessary to fund the network.

He collected from conservatives in industry, many of whom had previously supported Hitler, and who now viewed with suspicion the apparent coziness developing between Brandt and the Communists. The first act was to open a secret ‘back channel’ to Kissinger who was keen to know what the Soviets were up to at all times, including their puppets in East Berlin.

The treasurer of the group was Alfred Seidl, a former Nazi who acted as the chief defense lawyer for Hitler deputy Rudolf Hess.

‘In 1971 Brandt was talking about the administration of Berlin with Leonid Brezhnev in Yalta and Stauffenberg’s informants were delivering secret information to the conservatives who were discussing it with Kissinger,’ said Waske. The intelligence gleaned came from eavesdropping, intercepted mail, informers and telephone taps. . . .

7. About Hans Globke’s participatin in the Kissinger/Nixon/Underground Reich network:

“West Germany’s CDU Had Private Spy Service” by Matthew Day; The Telegraph; 12/03/2012.

. . . Drawing on the ranks of former members of the German secret service, the network brought together such figures as Hans Globke, co-author of the Nuremberg laws . . .

8. Next, we revisit an excerpt of AFA #22. Ali Hassan Salameh, the leader of the terrorist contingent who performed the Olympics Massacre, was working for the CIA within a very short time after the attack. Recruited while Henry Kissinger was the top national security adviser to Richard Nixon–allegedly to prevent PLO attacks against U.S. diplomats–Salameh was the son of a key aide to the Grand Mufti. Salameh was killed by a Mossad car bomb in 1979.

Is there any relationship between Kissinger’s efforts to destabilize the Brandt regime with “the Little Service” with Gehlen and other Third Reich veterans and the 1972 Olympics attack? Is there any relationship between those events and Kissinger’s recruitment of Salameh?

9. Willi Pohl, aka Willi Voss, was recruited by CIA as an “informer.” Is there any relationship between the Agency’s recruitment of Pohl/Voss and its recruitment of Ali Hassan Salameh? What relationship–IF any–is there between the Agency’s recruitment of Pohl/Voss and Kissinger’s efforts with “The Little Service” against Willi Brandt?

Voss/Pohl was apparently “run” by Duane Clarridge, one of the CIA officials involved with the Iran-Contra affair. Voss/Pohl also appears to have lived right next door to Abu Nidal.

“One Man, Three Lives: The Munich Olympics and the CIA’s New Informant” by Karen Assman, Felix Bohr, Gunther Latsch and Klaus Wiegrefe; Der Spiegel; 1/02/2013.

In the summer of 1975, Willi Voss was left with few alternatives: prison, suicide or betrayal. He chose betrayal. After all, he had just been betrayed by the two men whom he had trusted, and whose struggle had forced him to lead a clandestine existence.


It was Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s closest advisers who had used him and jeopardized his life: Abu Daoud, the mastermind behind the terror attack on Israeli athletes at the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich, and Abu Iyad, head of the PLO intelligence service Razd.

Voss, a petty criminal from West Germany’s industrial Ruhr region, in cahoots with Palestinian leaders who were feared around the world? It took a number of coincidences and twists of fate in Voss’ life before he found himself in such a position, but here he was on a mission for the Palestinians — in a Mercedes-Benz, traveling from Beirut to Belgrade, together with his girlfriend Ellen, so it would all look like a vacation trip.

His job was to deliver the car, Iyad and Daoud had said. But they had neglected to mention that the Mercedes contained automatic weapons, a sniper rifle and explosives, which were hidden in a secret compartment and consisted of a number of packages, each weighing 20 kilos (44 pounds) — complete with fully assembled detonators made of mercury fulminate, a highly unstable substance. If Voss had gotten into an accident or hit a deep pothole, he, the car and his girlfriend would have been blown to pieces.

Voss only found out about his dangerous cargo when Romanian customs officials tore the vehicle apart. The only thing that saved the 31-year-old and his companion from ending up behind bars was the fact that the PLO maintained excellent ties with the Romanian regime. Romanian officials placed the two Germans in a car driven by a couple of pensioners from the Rhineland region, who were on their way back home to Germany after a vacation. Voss and his girlfriend hopped out in Belgrade. This was the end of the road for them — and, as Voss recalls today, the day when they had to make a fateful decision: prison, suicide or betrayal?

Becoming a Defector

Prison: In Germany there was a warrant for Voss’ arrest. A few years earlier, he had been taken into custody during a raid at the Munich home of a former SS officer who was in league with neo-Nazis. Investigators had secured weapons and explosives from the PLO along with plans for terror attacks and hostage-taking missions in Cologne and Vienna.

Suicide: Voss and his companion spent three days and nights in a tawdry hotel in Belgrade, where they continuously debated whether they should put an end to their lives. But they decided against this option as well.

That left only betrayal. Voss and his girlfriend went to the American embassy, demanded to speak to a diplomat and made the statements that would add yet another twist to his already eventful life: “I am an officer of Fatah. This is my wife. I’m in a position to make an interesting offer to your intelligence agency.”

Voss became a defector. He went from being an accomplice of Palestinian terrorists to a member of the US intelligence agency — from a handmaiden of terror to a CIA spy. As if his first life were not eventful enough, Voss opted for a second life: as a CIA spook with the codename “Ganymede,” named after the kidnapped lover of Zeus, the father of the gods in Greek mythology.

His career as an undercover agent took him from Milan and Madrid back to Beirut and the headquarters of the PLO intelligence service. “Ganymede” provided information and documents that helped thwart attacks in the Middle East and Europe. Duane Clarridge, the legendary and infamous founder of the CIA Counterterrorist Center, even gave him the mission of catching top terrorist Carlos, “The Jackal.”

Today, as he sits in a Berlin café and talks about his life, the gray-haired man clad in a black leather jacket appears at times bitingly ironic, at times shy and prone to depression — making it all the more difficult to reconcile him with the daredevil who lived through this lunacy. . . .

. . . . Hooking Up with the Palestinians

Voss’ connection with the PLO began when he helped smuggle his buddy [Udo] Albrecht out of prison in a container. The neo-Nazi slipped away to Jordan, where he hooked up with the Palestinians. When Daoud, the architect of the Munich massacre, asked him if he knew a reliable man in Germany, Albrecht recommended his prison pal from the Ruhr region.

Voss made himself useful. In Dortmund he purchased a number of Mercedes sedans for Daoud — and he established contact to a passport forger in his circle of acquaintances. Today, Voss believes that he was even involved in the preparations for the Munich attack. For a number of weeks, he says, he drove the leader of Black September, a terrorist group with ties to the PLO, “all across Germany, where he met with Palestinians in various cities.”

The Palestinians used him to handle other jobs, as well: “I was to hold a press conference in Vienna, in which I would comment on a mission that I would only find out about once it was successfully completed,” as the PLO chief of intelligence Iyad had told him. When Voss saw the images on TV, he realized that the “mission” was the massacre at the 1972 Summer Olympics. Instead of securing the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, as the hostage-takers had demanded, it ended in a bloodbath: Nine Israeli hostages, five Palestinian terrorists and one German policeman died.

Six weeks later, Voss was arrested in Germany. He had machine guns and hand grenades that stemmed from the same source as the weapons used by the Palestinian hostage-takers in Munich. This marked the beginning of wild negotiations initiated by Voss’ lawyer Wilhelm Schöttler, who sent a letter with a “classified” offer to Federal Minister for Special Affairs Egon Bahr.

The offer was simple: Release Voss to allow for negotiations with Black September. The objective was to prevent further attacks on German soil. Today, it is known that high-ranking officials at the Foreign Ministry met with the lawyer, who was considered a right-wing radical, and discussed an ongoing series of demands until March 1974, when then-Interior Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher decided to end the negotiations.

Six days later, a court in Munich handed Voss a relatively mild prison sentence of 26 months for contravening the War Weapons Control Act.

In December of 1974, his sentence was suspended despite the fact that he was still under investigation on suspicion of being a member of Black September. In Feb. 1975, he slipped out of Germany and headed back to Beirut, where he was soon serving the Palestinian cause again — right up until that big turning point in his life when he drove a car packed with weapons and explosives to the Romanian border in the summer of 1975. . . .




2 comments for “FTR #816 Revisiting the 1972 Olympics Massacre”

  1. http://www.jpost.com/International/Hezbollah-smuggling-weapons-to-Brazil-381315

    Hezbollah is being investigated in Brazil for the illegal trade of firearms, Brazil’s influential O Globo newspaper reported on Sunday.

    According to the report in the Rio de Janeiro-based paper, Federal investigators in Brazil have been probing possible ties between Lebanon and criminal gangs in Brazil for the past eight years.

    Hezbollah-linked groups allegedly began smuggling arms into Brazil back in 2006, according to federal documents obtained by O Globo, which suggest that Lebanon’s lucrative drug trade played a key role in funding the illegal trade.

    The intelligence community said they had a mountain of evidence to support these claims.

    The Brazil-bound weapons ultimately reached jails, from which the criminal gangs operated, in exchange for “protection of any foreigners [already] detained in prisons,” as well as a slice of the profit. Beyond smuggling arms, Hezbollah reportedly helped negotiate deals to attain explosive devices for terror schemes.

    The report first surfaced after US officials looked into Lebanon’s illegal drug trade and found links between Brazilian criminals financing Hezbollah.

    Posted by Tiffany Sunderson | November 10, 2014, 11:51 am
  2. New York Times update on the 1972 Olympic Massacre on Israeli Olympic Team

    Long-Hidden Details Reveal Cruelty of 1972 Munich Attackers



    The treatment of the hostages has long been a subject of speculation, but a more vivid — and disturbing — account of the attack is emerging. For the first time, Ms. Romano, Ms. Spitzer and other victims’ family members are choosing to speak openly about documentation previously unknown to the public in an effort to get their loved ones the recognition they believe is deserved.

    Among the most jarring details are these: The Israeli Olympic team members were beaten and, in at least one case, castrated.

    “What they did is that they cut off his genitals through his underwear and abused him,” Ms. Romano said of her husband, Yossef. Her voice rose.

    “Can you imagine the nine others sitting around tied up?” she continued, speaking in Hebrew through a translator. “They watched this.”

    In subsequent interviews with The New York Times, Ms. Spitzer explained that she and the family members of the other victims only learned the details of how the victims were treated 20 years after the tragedy, when German authorities released hundreds of pages of reports they previously denied existed.

    The photographs were “as bad I could have imagined,” Ms. Romano said. (The New York Times reviewed the photographs but has chosen not to publish them because of their graphic nature.)

    Mr. Romano, a champion weight lifter, was shot when he tried to overpower the terrorists early in the attack. He was then left to die in front of the other hostages and castrated. Other hostages were beaten and sustained serious injuries, including broken bones, Ms. Spitzer said. Mr. Romano and another hostage died in the Olympic Village; the other nine were killed during a failed rescue attempt after they were moved with their captors to a nearby airport.

    It was not clear if the mutilation of Mr. Romano occurred before or after he died, Ms. Spitzer said, though Ms. Romano said she believed it happened afterward.

    n 1992, after doing an interview with a German television station regarding the 20th anniversary of the attack in which she expressed frustration about not knowing exactly what happened to her husband and his teammates, Ms. Spitzer was contacted by a man who said he worked for a German government agency with access to reams of records about the attack.

    Initially, Ms. Spitzer said, the man, who remained anonymous, sent her about 80 pages of police reports and other documents. With those documents, Mr. Zeltzer, the lawyer, and Ms. Spitzer pressured the German government into releasing the rest of the file, which included the photographs.

    After receiving the file, the victims’ families sued the German government, the Bavarian regional government and the city of Munich for a “deficient security concept” and the “serious mistakes” that doomed the rescue mission, according to the complaint. The suit was ultimately dismissed because of statute-of-limitations regulations.

    Posted by participo | December 2, 2015, 2:11 pm

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