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FTR #841 Interview (#4) with Peter Levenda about “The Hitler Legacy”

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [1] The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by 12/19/2014. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #827 [2].  (The pre­vi­ous flash dri­ve was cur­rent through the end of May of 2012 and con­tained FTR #748 [3].)

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Lis­ten: MP3

This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment [7].

[8]

[9]

Otto Sko­rzeny

Intro­duc­tion: The fourth of sev­er­al inter­views with Peter Lev­en­da [10], this pro­gram sets forth the his­tor­i­cal and ide­o­log­i­cal foun­da­tion [11] for the post­war per­pet­u­a­tion and oper­a­tion of Nazism–“The Hitler Lega­cy.” [12]

The the­sis of this remark­able book might be summed up in an excerpt from page 307:

. . . . After World War II, the Amer­i­can peo­ple thought that Nazi Ger­many had been defeat­ed and the “war” was over; this book demon­strates that it nev­er was. Instead, we were told that Com­mu­nism was the new threat and we had to pull out all the stops to pre­vent a Com­mu­nist takeover of the coun­try. And so our mil­i­tary and our intel­li­gence agen­cies col­lab­o­rat­ed with sur­viv­ing Nazis to go after Com­mu­nists. We refused to pur­sue world­wide right wing ter­ror groups and assas­sins. After all, they were killing Com­mu­nists and left­ists; they were doing us a ser­vice. Like Hoover and the Mafia, the CIA refused to believe a Nazi Under­ground exist­ed even as they col­lab­o­rat­ed with it (via the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion and the like).

The whole thrust of this book has been that Amer­i­can lead­ers in busi­ness, finance, media, and pol­i­tics col­lab­o­rat­ed with Nazis before, dur­ing, and after the war. The West­’s share in the ‘blame” for Al-Qae­da, et al, goes back a long way–before Eisenhower–to a cabal of extrem­ist US Army gen­er­als and emi­gre East­ern Euro­peans who did­n’t have much of a prob­lem with Nazism since they feared Com­mu­nism more. The Church, the Tibetans, the Japan­ese, the Ger­mans, the Croatians–and the Americans–all felt that Com­mu­nism was the greater dan­ger, long before WWII. We enlist­ed war crim­i­nals to fight on our side. We appro­pri­at­ed the idea of glob­al jihad from the Nazis and their WW I pre­de­ces­sors. We amped up their plan to weaponize reli­gion and con­vinced Mus­lims, who hat­ed each oth­er, to band togeth­er to fight Com­mu­nism. And when Afghanistan was lib­er­at­ed and the Sovi­et Union was defeat­ed?

Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001. . . .

We resume our dia­logue with Peter’s analy­sis of how the glob­al jihad strat­a­gem hatched by Max von Oppen­heim and the view on the Arab street that they were the vic­tim of a glob­al inter­na­tion­al con­spir­a­cy were uti­lized by the Third Reich and Haj Amin al-Hus­sei­ni, who recruit­ed Mus­lims to serve in Waf­fen SS for­ma­tions for Hitler.

 After the war, the Grand Mufti and Islam­ic fas­cists con­tin­ued their net­work­ing with the “Under­ground Reich” that arose from the Nazi dias­po­ra. Many ardent Nazis con­vert­ed to Islam.

In that con­text, we note that the post World War II peri­od saw the con­tin­ued devel­op­ment and refine­ment of a mil­i­tant Islamism that had a degree of ide­o­log­i­cal res­o­nance with fas­cism and Nazism.

Next, Peter makes a very impor­tant point about “neo-Nazism”–that it isn’t “neo” at all, when the lead­ers of the move­ments are active alum­ni of the Third Reich. Many of those involved in the for­ma­tion of “neo” Nazi orga­ni­za­tions were doing so while employed by West­ern intel­li­gence agen­cies.

The renascent Nazi move­ment had, as one of its epi­cen­ters, Colo­nia Dig­nidad. (Peter dis­cussed his hair-rais­ing vis­it to that out­post in FTR #839 [13].) In addi­tion to receiv­ing fund­ing from the Nazi eco­nom­ic dias­po­ra, Colo­nia Dig­nidad served as a respite for war crim­i­nals, a tor­ture cen­ter for Augus­to Pinochet’s fas­cist dic­ta­tor­ship, a devel­op­ment facil­i­ty for WMD’s and one of the cen­ters for the exe­cu­tion of Oper­a­tion Con­dor. Con­dor was an assas­si­na­tion con­sor­tium of Latin Amer­i­can dic­ta­tor­ships, which received active assis­tance from ele­ments of U.S. intel­li­gence.

Colo­nia Dig­nidad embod­ies the dual use by the post­war “Under­ground Reich” of its oper­a­tional net­works in con­junc­tion with its alliance with West­ern intel­li­gence, U.S. intel­li­gence in par­tic­u­lar.

An impor­tant point of analy­sis con­cerns Otto Ernst Remer, an SS offi­cer who became promi­nent in the post­war Third Reich under­ground.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1. We resume our dia­logue with Peter’s analy­sis of how the glob­al jihad strat­a­gem hatched by Max von Oppen­heim and the view on the Arab street that they were the vic­tim of a glob­al inter­na­tion­al con­spir­a­cy were uti­lized by the Third Reich and Haj Amin al-Hus­sei­ni, who recruit­ed Mus­lims to serve in Waf­fen SS for­ma­tions for Hitler. Dis­cus­sion points include:

2. The post World War II peri­od saw the con­tin­ued devel­op­ment and refine­ment of a mil­i­tant Islamism that had a degree of ide­o­log­i­cal res­o­nance with fas­cism and Nazism:

3. After the war, the Grand Mufti and Islam­ic fas­cists con­tin­ued their net­work­ing with the “Under­ground Reich” that arose from the Nazi dias­po­ra. Many ardent Nazis con­vert­ed to Islam. Dis­cus­sion points include:

4. Peter makes a very impor­tant point about “neo-Nazism”–that it isn’t “neo” at all, when the lead­ers of the move­ments are active alum­ni of the Third Reich. Many of those involved in the for­ma­tion of “neo” Nazi orga­ni­za­tions were doing so while employed by West­ern intel­li­gence agen­cies.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; p. 165. [12]

 . . . . As men­tioned pre­vi­ous­ly, there is noth­ing “neo” about so-called “neo-Nazism” if the lead­ers of the move­ment are all mem­bers of the orig­i­nal Nazi Par­ty and held var­i­ous ranks in the Nazi gov­ern­ment, the mil­i­tary, the SS, and the espi­onage ser­vices such as the Abwehr, the Gestapo and the SD. There is a con­ti­nu­ity of per­son­nel, financ­ing, and ide­ol­o­gy that enabled these men to shift their the­ater of oper­a­tions from west­ern Europe to east­ern Europe, the Mid­dle East, Latin Amer­i­ca, and Asia. Fur­ther, there existed–and still exists–a sup­port struc­ture of sym­pa­thiz­ers and polit­i­cal oper­a­tives that enables the sur­vival of these indi­vid­u­als and their phi­los­o­phy, trans­fer­ring their ideals to a younger gen­er­a­tion capa­ble of pro­mot­ing the Nazi mes­sage in new media with sub­tle alter­ations of “spin” and, in addi­tion, will­ing to com­mit the vio­lent acts nec­es­sary to demon­strate their ded­i­ca­tion to the cause. In this they are no dif­fer­ent from the sup­port sys­tems and meth­ods enjoyed by the Islamist jihadists. . . .

5. The renascent Nazi move­ment had, as one of its epi­cen­ters, Colo­nia Dig­nidad. (Peter dis­cussed his hair-rais­ing vis­it to that out­post in FTR #839 [13].) In addi­tion to receiv­ing fund­ing from the Nazi eco­nom­ic dias­po­ra, Colo­nia Dig­nidad served as a respite for war crim­i­nals, a tor­ture cen­ter for Augus­to Pinochet’s fas­cist dic­ta­tor­ship, a devel­op­ment facil­i­ty for WMD’s and one of the cen­ters for the exe­cu­tion of Oper­a­tion Con­dor. Con­dor was an assas­si­na­tion con­sor­tium of Latin Amer­i­can dic­ta­tor­ships, which received active assis­tance from ele­ments of U.S. intel­li­gence.

Colo­nia Dig­nidad embod­ies the dual use by the post­war “Under­ground Reich” of its oper­a­tional net­works in con­junc­tion with its alliance with West­ern intel­li­gence, U.S. intel­li­gence in par­tic­u­lar.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; pp. 171–172. [12]

. . . . This remote Andes moun­tain estate–with its barbed wire fences and guard tow­ers, designed after the ones at the con­cen­tra­tion camps was just anoth­er ele­ment of ODESSA, albeit one of is most elab­o­rate. It had host­ed Sko­rzeny, Rudel, Men­gele, and many oth­er notables–both before the author had inad­vis­ably paid it a vis­it and long after. Its uti­liza­tion as a lab­o­ra­to­ry for the man­u­fac­ture of WMDs is proven: there is there is pho­to­graph­ic, video, and eye­wit­ness tes­ti­mo­ny to the fact. Yet there has nev­er been any out­cry by West­ern intel­li­gence or mil­i­tary experts over this; nev­er any con­dem­na­tion from the White House or 10 Down­ing Street; no slide pre­sen­ta­tions before the UN Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil.

How much of this infor­ma­tion and lethal capa­bil­i­ty was shared with Sko­rzeny’s and rudel’s jihadist coun­ter­parts (and clients) in Afghanistan, the Mid­dle East, or Pak­istan? . . .

6. An impor­tant ele­ment of dis­cus­sion con­cerns Otto Ernst Remer:

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; p. 155. [12]

. . . . It was Remer whose role in stop­ping Oper­a­tion Valkyrie—the assas­si­na­tion attempt on Hitler’s life and the result­ing mil­i­tary coup—made him one of Hitler’s most trust­ed gen­er­als. Work­ing along­side Remer in the after­math of the assas­si­na­tion attempt, and the ensu­ing roundup and exe­cu­tion of its par­tic­i­pants, was Ernst Kaltenbrun­ner and Otto Sko­rzeny. . . . .

. . . . Remer, not con­tent to remain in the back­ground dur­ing the Cold War, cofound­ed the Social­ist Reich Par­ty on Octo­ber 2, 1949, an open­ly pro-Nazi par­ty that was even­tu­al­ly banned by the West Ger­man gov­ern­ment about two years lat­er. Regard­less of this set­back, Remer remained a pro­found influ­ence on the under­ground Nazi move­ment for the rest of his life, and helped to for­mu­late a “third way” phi­los­o­phy for the gen­er­a­tion of Nazis who would come after him, a phi­los­o­phy that involved sup­port for a vari­ety of pro-Arab and pro-Islamist move­ments. While reject­ing both com­mu­nism and cap­i­tal­ism, the “third way” Nazi phi­los­o­phy could appeal to a wide vari­ety of groups that felt vic­tim­ized or oppressed by the super-pow­ers that were large­ly per­ceived as new colo­nial­ist regimes. . . .