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FTR #844 Interview (#7) with Peter Levenda about “The Hitler Legacy”

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [1] The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by 12/19/2014. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #827 [2].  (The pre­vi­ous flash dri­ve was cur­rent through the end of May of 2012 and con­tained FTR #748 [3].)

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Lis­ten: MP3

This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment [7].

 

[8]Intro­duc­tion: The sev­enth inter­view with Peter Lev­en­da [9], this pro­gram sets forth the his­tor­i­cal and ide­o­log­i­cal foun­da­tion [10] for the post­war per­pet­u­a­tion and oper­a­tion of Nazism–“The Hitler Lega­cy.” [11] Mr. Emory views this book as one of the most impor­tant polit­i­cal vol­umes ever writ­ten. Lis­ten­ers are emphat­i­cal­ly encour­aged to pur­chase it, read it and tell oth­ers about it.

The the­sis of this remark­able book might be summed up in an excerpt from page 307:

. . . . After World War II, the Amer­i­can peo­ple thought that Nazi Ger­many had been defeat­ed and the “war” was over; this book demon­strates that it nev­er was. Instead, we were told that Com­mu­nism was the new threat and we had to pull out all the stops to pre­vent a Com­mu­nist takeover of the coun­try. And so our mil­i­tary and our intel­li­gence agen­cies col­lab­o­rat­ed with sur­viv­ing Nazis to go after Com­mu­nists. We refused to pur­sue world­wide right wing ter­ror groups and assas­sins. After all, they were killing Com­mu­nists and left­ists; they were doing us a ser­vice. Like Hoover and the Mafia, the CIA refused to believe a Nazi Under­ground exist­ed even as they col­lab­o­rat­ed with it (via the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion and the like).

The whole thrust of this book has been that Amer­i­can lead­ers in busi­ness, finance, media, and pol­i­tics col­lab­o­rat­ed with Nazis before, dur­ing, and after the war. The West­’s share in the ‘blame” for Al-Qae­da, et al, goes back a long way–before Eisenhower–to a cabal of extrem­ist US Army gen­er­als and emi­gre East­ern Euro­peans who did­n’t have much of a prob­lem with Nazism since they feared Com­mu­nism more. The Church, the Tibetans, the Japan­ese, the Ger­mans, the Croatians–and the Americans–all felt that Com­mu­nism was the greater dan­ger, long before WWII. We enlist­ed war crim­i­nals to fight on our side. We appro­pri­at­ed the idea of glob­al jihad from the Nazis and their WW I pre­de­ces­sors. We amped up their plan to weaponize reli­gion and con­vinced Mus­lims, who hat­ed each oth­er, to band togeth­er to fight Com­mu­nism. And when Afghanistan was lib­er­at­ed and the Sovi­et Union was defeat­ed?

Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001. . . .

Begin­ning dis­cus­sion of the Nazi pres­ence in South Asia, Indone­sia in par­tic­u­lar, Peter notes the his­to­ry of the Dutch Nazi Party–the NSB. (Indone­sia was a Dutch colony for cen­turies and pro­vid­ed that tiny coun­try with much of the wealth and nat­ur­al resources that sus­tained it.) In addi­tion to oil, rub­ber and oth­er key indus­tri­al raw mate­ri­als are plen­ti­ful in Indone­sia.

In addi­tion to the promi­nent Dutch Nazi (NSB) pres­ence in the Nether­lands, there was a very sig­nif­i­cant Ger­man Nazi milieu in that arch­i­pel­ago, exem­pli­fied by, and large­ly ini­ti­at­ed by, Wal­ter Hewel. Hewel was a mem­ber of Hitler’s inner cir­cle going back to the ear­li­est days of the Nazi par­ty and was very sig­nif­i­cant in the  machi­na­tions of the NSDAP lead­er­ship.

Next, we note that, as was the case in much of what we today call the Third World, the Third Reich’s con­quest of the Nether­lands and Japan’s occu­pa­tion of Indone­sia were seized upon by nation­al­ists seek­ing inde­pen­dence. Among those oppor­tunis­ti­cal­ly court­ing Axis sup­port for Indone­sia dur­ing the war was Sukarno, who became the first leader of inde­pen­dent Indone­sia.

Next, Peter high­lights the careers and polit­i­cal view­points of a num­ber of US gen­er­als, all in the orbit of what we called “The MacArthur group” in AFA #10 [12]. Willough­by, MacArthur’s “pet fas­cist,” saw “weaponized Islam” in Indone­sia as a geopo­lit­i­cal bar­ri­er against Com­mu­nist Chi­na. He saw Sukarno as being “pro-com­mu­nist.”

Indone­sian pres­i­dent Sukarno ini­ti­at­ed the Ban­dung Con­fer­ence of non-aligned nations, attend­ed by both the Grand Mufti and Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. His behav­ior in this regard great­ly alarmed the anti-Com­mu­nist cru­saders in the west and undoubt­ed­ly fed the ana­lyt­i­cal view­point of peo­ple like Willough­by.

In the wake of the Ban­dung con­fer­ence, Sukarno sought to con­struct finan­cial insti­tu­tions to bol­ster Indone­sia and oth­er “emerg­ing nations.” Envi­sion­ing Indone­sia as an anti-Com­mu­nist and–perhaps—pro Nazi bul­wark, Third Reich finance min­is­ter Hjal­mar Schacht not only advised Sukarno but appears to have put a large deposit of Nazi gold bul­lion at his dis­pos­al. The gold appears to have been rout­ed through Por­tu­gal.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1. Begin­ning dis­cus­sion of the Nazi pres­ence in South Asia, Indone­sia in par­tic­u­lar, Peter notes the his­to­ry of the Dutch Nazi Party–the NSB. (Indone­sia was a Dutch colony for cen­turies and pro­vid­ed that tiny coun­try with much of the wealth and nat­ur­al resources that sus­tained it.) In addi­tion to oil, rub­ber and oth­er key indus­tri­al raw mate­ri­als are plen­ti­ful in Indone­sia.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; pp. 201–202. [11]

. . . . As ear­ly as 1931, there had been both fas­cist and Nazi par­ties in the Nether­lands. The NSB or Nation­aal-Social­is­tis­che Beweg­ing in Ned­er­land (Nation­al Social­ist Move­ment in the Nether­lands) was found­ed in Utrecht in 1931. One of its founders was Anton Mussert (1894–1946), who envi­sioned a fas­cist par­ty along the lines of Mus­solin­i’s Black Shirts in Italy. At this ear­ly stage of its exis­tence the NSB did not have a pol­i­cy of anti-Semi­tism but that would change with the influ­ence of anoth­er par­ty mem­ber, Meinoud Rost van Ton­nin­gen (1894–1945). . . .

. . . . One can com­pare that num­ber to those of the Nazi Par­ty in Indone­sia as a whole, which con­sti­tut­ed rough­ly 29,000 at the time the war broke out, most of whom were Ger­mans. Thus, any­where from ten to fif­teen per­cent of the total num­ber of Nazi Par­ty mem­bers in Indone­sia at any giv­en time were Dutch. . . .

2. In addi­tion to the promi­nent Dutch Nazi (NSB) pres­ence in the Nether­lands, there was a very sig­nif­i­cant Ger­man Nazi milieu in that arch­i­pel­ago, exem­pli­fied by, and large­ly ini­ti­at­ed by, Wal­ter Hewel. Hewel was a mem­ber of Hitler’s inner cir­cle going back to the ear­li­est days of the Nazi par­ty and was very sig­nif­i­cant in the  machi­na­tions of the NSDAP lead­er­ship.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; pp. 196–197. [11]

. . . . At the same time, there wa a Ger­man Nazi pres­ence in the Dutch East Indies, one that has been large­ly missed by his­to­ri­ans. This was the Nazi Par­ty apara­tus that had been put into place by Wal­ter Hewel, the man who would eome a Ger­man amas­sador with­out port­fo­lio under the inept (and pos­si­bly insane) Nazi For­eign Min­is­ter Joachim von Ribben­trop. Hewel had been one of Hitler’s clos­est friends, allies, and con­fi­dants going back to the time when Hewel had marched with Hitler and Himm­ler under the swasti­ka ban­ner dur­ing the failed Beer Hall Putsch of 1923. . . .

. . . . He remained in what is now Indone­sia for ten years before return­ing to Ger­many when Hitler had become Chan­cel­lor and had installed Ribben­trop as For­eign Min­is­ter. . . . He set up Nazi Par­ty cells in all of Indone­si­a’s major cities among the expa­tri­ate Ger­man pop­u­la­tions there. . . .

. . . . When SS Ober­grup­pen­fuhrer Ernst Kaltenbrun­ner was being ques­tioned by the Allies in 1945, he told them how impor­tant Hewel was: “Hewel belonged to Hitler’s clos­est cir­cle and was one of his main advis­ers on ques­tions of for­eign pol­i­cy. K. [Kaltenbrun­ner] always tried to give impor­tant reports to Hewel since he was certin that he was cer­tain that they would reach Hitler. “. . .

3. As was the case in much of what we today call the Third World, the Third Reich’s con­quest of the Nether­lands and Japan’s occu­pa­tion of Indone­sia were seized upon by nation­al­ists seek­ing inde­pen­dence. Among those oppor­tunis­ti­cal­ly court­ing Axis sup­port for Indone­sia dur­ing the war was Sukarno, who became the first leader of inde­pen­dent Indone­sia.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; p. 195. [11]

. . . . In Indone­sia, the nation­al­istswere hap­py that the Dutch had lost con­trol over their most valu­able colony; lead­ers such as Sukarno made speech­es in Tokyo, prais­ing the Japan­ese and call­ing for war against the Amer­i­cans and the British as well as the Dutch; and announc­ing that the Third Reich would put Ger­many at the very apex of world nations. . . .

4. Next, Peter high­lights the careers and polit­i­cal view­points of a num­ber of US gen­er­als, all in the orbit of what we called “The MacArthur group” in AFA #10 [12].

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; pp. 185–7. [11]

. . . . An entire gen­er­a­tion of high-rank­ing US mil­i­tary offi­cers became embroiled in anti-Com­mu­nist orga­ni­za­tions and intrigues through­out the 1950s and 1960s. Men like Major Gen­er­al Charles A. Willough­by, Major Gen­er­al Edwin Walk­er, Lieu­tenant Gen­er­al Pedro del Valle, and Major Gen­er­al George Van Horn Mose­ley were in the fore­front of the anti-Com­mu­nist cru­sade in the Unit­ed States.

Willough­by, (1892–1972) , to whom Gen­er­al Dou­glas MacArthur referred as his “pet fas­cist,” had been born Adolf Karl Tschep­pe-Wei­den­bach in Hei­del­berg, the son of a Ger­man baron and an Amer­i­can moth­er from Bal­ti­more. He became MacArthur’s Chief of Mli­tary Intel­li­gence dur­ing World War II and the Kore­an War, and then became involved in a series of pro-Nation­al­ist intrigues in Japan. He was an ardent sup­port­er of Fran­co in Spain and trav­eled to Madrid a num­ber of times in the ear­ly 1950s as an advis­er to the Span­ish dic­ta­tor. He was also inv­oled in a num­ber of anti-Com­mu­nist Chris­t­ian cru­sades, includ­ing the Inter­na­tion­al Com­mit­tee for the Defense of Chris­t­ian Cul­ture, a front orga­ni­za­tion found­ed by oil mag­nate H.L. Hunt.

Edwin Walk­er (1909–1993) was so right-wing he accused Pres­i­dent Har­ry Tru­man of being a Com­mu­nist, and tried to tell the men serv­ing under for whom to vote (in vio­la­tion of Amer­i­can law). . . .Walk­er would lat­er become well-known as the first tar­get of alleged John F. Kennedy assas­sin, Lee Har­vey Oswald , in 1963.

Pedro del Valle (1893–1978) was a high­ly-dec­o­rat­ed vetaan World War II and the Pacif­ic the­ater of oper­a­tions, the first Lati­no gen­er­al of the Marines. . . . . Yet in 1948, he wound up in Cairo as a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of ITT: That year, the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood was impli­cat­ed in acts of ter­ror­ism direct­ed against the Egypt­ian gov­ern­ment after the humil­i­at­ing defeat of Egypt and its allies by the new­ly-rec­og­nized State of Israel. The atmos­phere was poi­so­nous in Cairo, so Del Valle left Egypt and began work­ing for ITT as pres­i­dent of the com­pa­ny’s South Amer­i­can divi­sion, this time in Buenos Aires, Argenti­na dur­ing the Per­on regime. A ded­i­cat­ed anti-Com­mu­nist and mem­ber of a num­ber of cru­sade-like com­mit­tees, he once quot­ed from the Pro­to­cols of the Learned Elders of Zion at a polit­i­cal ral­ly in order to demon­strate the links between World Jew­ry and Bol­she­vism. His involve­ment with ITT at this time and in those loca­tions is sus­pi­cious, as that firm had long-stand­ing ties to the Third Reich before, dur­ing, and after the war. As an anti-Semi­te and anti-Com­mu­nist, his post­ings to Cairo and Buenos Aires dur­ing peri­ods of great polit­i­cal upheaval in those coun­tries are suggestive–if not indicative–of an intel­li­gence func­tion.

George Van Horn Mose­ley (1874–1960) retired from mil­i­tary ser­vice in 1938 but not before sug­gest­ing that Euro­pean refugees flee­ing per­se­cu­tion in Nazi Ger­many be ster­il­ized before they were allowed to enter the Unit­ed States so as not to pol­lute the gene pool. Once out of uni­form, he became if any­thing more vocif­er­ous, attack­ing the New Deal as a form of dic­ta­tor­ship, and prais­ing both fas­cism and Nazism as the means to innoc­u­late the Unit­ed States against the Jew­ish and Com­mu­nist virus com­ing from Europe. He believed that the Sec­ond World War  was a device cre­at­ed by the world­wide Jew­ish con­spir­a­cy, and said the per­se­cu­tion of the Jews in Nazi Ger­many was pay­back for their cru­ci­fix­ion of Jesus. . . .

5. Willough­by, MacArthur’s “pet fas­cist,” saw “weaponized Islam” in Indone­sia as a geopo­lit­i­cal bar­ri­er against Com­mu­nist Chi­na. He saw Sukarno as being “pro-com­mu­nist.”

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; p. 191. [11]

. . . . Gen­er­al Willough­by: Fis­cal respon­si­bil­i­ty is one of the prime req­ui­sites of order­ly Gov­ern­ment. Nation­al­ist aspi­ra­tions can hard­ly be made an excuse for prac­tices that are unacc[table under the norms of the free econ­o­my. . . . The very recent out­breaks against the Dutch, the seizure of legit­i­mate busi­ness by Com­mu­nist con­trolled labor unions, and so forth, con­firm the fis­cal and eco­nom­ic irre­spon­si­bil­i­ty of the Sukarno “Repub­lic.”

Mr. Arens. Are there any coun­ter­bal­anc­ing influ­ences in the sit­u­a­tion?

Gen­er­al Willough­by: There are found with­in the Mohamedan par­ty, ini­tial­ly called Seri­ka, lat­er Masju­mi, ” in the imme­di­ate entourage of for­mer Vice Pres­i­dent Mohammed Hat­ta. . . .

. . . . As can be seen from the above cita­tion, our Gen­er­al Willough­by had insin­u­at­ed him­self into the for­eign pol­i­cy sit­u­a­tion with regard to Indone­sia. This 38-page doc­u­ment is replete with ref­er­ences to Com­mu­nists in the US Gov­ern­ment, and how the US for­eign pol­i­cy reflect­ed that lam­en­ta­ble con­di­tion. The only pos­si­ble way to coun­ter­act the influ­ence of Com­mu­nism in Indone­sia was, to use Willough­by’s words, the “Mohammedan par­ty.” As we have seen, this is very much in line with US for­eign pol­i­cy gen­er­al­ly under the Eisen­how­er admin­is­tra­tion at that time. . . .

6. Indone­sian pres­i­dent Sukarno ini­ti­at­ed the Ban­dung Con­fer­ence of non-aligned nations, attend­ed by both the Grand Mufti and Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. His behav­ior in this regard great­ly alarmed the anti-Com­mu­nist cru­saders in the west and undoubt­ed­ly fed the ana­lyt­i­cal view­point of peo­ple like Willough­by.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; pp. 192–193. [11]

. . . . It goes back to a meet­ing thtat was held in the Indone­sian town of Ban­dung in April of 1955, a meet­ing that causd a sen­saion of fear through­out the West­ern world–and espe­cial­ly in the Unit­ed States. It was a con­fer­ence that had thrown a fig­u­ra­tive gaunt­let down on the table between the two superpowers–the Unit­ed States and the Sovi­et Union–and which threat­ened to upset the del­i­cate bal­ance of mon­ey and influ­ence that had been care­ful­ly craft­ed since the end of the Sec­ond World War. This was the Asian-African Con­fer­ence, some­times referred to as the Ban­dung Con­fer­ence. One of the atten­dees was the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Hus­sei­ni.

The pur­pose of the meet­ing wa to con­sol­i­date what Sukarno had cal­lled the “New­ly Emerg­ing Forces,” or the Non-Aligned Forces, of what was then called the “Third World,” and which we now call the Devel­op­ing Nations. These were coun­tries that for­mer­ly had been col­o­nized by the West, and which were now reluc­tant to side with­ei­ther the Sovi­et Union or the Unit­ed States; in oth­er words, they rep­re­sent­ed not only the Third World but also the Third Way. Indone­sia was the host of this meet­ing, and as the most pop­u­lous Mus­lim nation in the world, the impli­ca­tions were seri­ous. Atten­dees includ­ed not only the Grand Mufti, but Mus­lim lead­ers from the Mid­dle East and Africa as well as the Mus­lim BNrother­hood. Sukarno had decid­ed to put into play an idea that had ger­manat­ed with­in his rev­o­lu­tion­ary brain ever since a seeries of meet­ings with a famous financier in Jakar­ta in 1951: none oth­er than Hjal­mar Schacht, “Hitler’s Banker.” . . . .

7. In the wake of the Ban­dung con­fer­ence, Sukarno sought to con­struct finan­cial insti­tu­tions to bol­ster Indone­sia and oth­er “emerg­ing nations.” Envi­sion­ing Indone­sia as an anti-Com­mu­nist and–perhaps—pro Nazi bul­wark, Third Reich finance min­is­ter Hjal­mar Schacht not only advised Sukarno but appears to have put a large deposit of Nazi gold bul­lion at his dis­pos­al. The gold appears to have been rout­ed through Por­tu­gal.

Even­tu­al­ly, Sukarno was over­thrown by the CIA in 1965 (after some unsuc­cess­ful attempts) for his refusal to join the West­ern anti-com­mu­nist alliances.

The Hitler Lega­cy by Peter Lev­en­da; IBIS Press [HC]; Copy­right 2014 by Peter Lev­en­da; ISBN 978–0‑89254–210‑9; pp. 208–211. [11]

. . . . There was also the idea in the back of Sukarno’s mind of cre­at­ing an inter­na­tion­al bank that would be the Non-Aligned Nations’ equiv­a­lent of the World Bank or the IMF–both of which Sukarno viewed as pup­pets of the super­pow­ers and espe­cial­ly of the Unit­ed States. The cre­ation of such a finan­cial institution–independent of the World Bank and hence inde­pen­dent of West­ern control–would be viewed by the West with con­sid­er­able alarm.

Who sug­gest­ed this course of action to Sukarno? Who would have a vest­ed inter­est in see­ing Indone­sia finan­cial­ly strong–it was already the strongest of the unde­vel­oped nations in Asia–and tak­ing on the West­ern pow­ers at their own game?

If there were a finan­cial mas­ter­mind behind this bold idea of Sukarno, one need look no fur­ther than the same finan­cial mas­ter­mind who helped cre­ate the bank­ing struc­ture and eco­nom­ic pow­er of the Third Reich and who allowed Ger­many to re-arm in spite of the stric­tures of the Ver­sailles Treaty: Hjal­mar Schacht. . . .

. . . . Pri­or to that, how­ev­er, he would be found in Jakar­ta, Indone­sia in 1951.

That year, Hjal­mar Schacht was inter­viewed by author William Steven­son at the Hotel Capi­tol in Jakar­ta. Schacht had been ner­vous about the inter­view, but it had been arranged by a fam­i­ly friend. The fact that Schacht’s friend was Otto Sko­rzeny, Hitler’s com­man­do, the res­cuer of Mus­soli­ni, and a leader of the world­wide Nazi under­ground, meant that Schacht would take the call.

The con­ver­sa­tion in Jakar­ta revolved around the dan­ger that Indone­sia was in dan­ger of going com­mu­nist, and of how men like Schacht–with expe­ri­ence in pilot­ing the ship of state through per­ilous eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal times–could help. . . .

. . . . Now, in Jakar­ta in 1951, Schacht was plot­ting anoth­er major coup. Indone­si­a’s sta­tus as an inde­pen­dent nation had just been achieved the pre­vi­ous year with the end of the Nation­al Revolution.There were sep­a­ratist move­ments in Maluku, Suma­tra, and Sulawe­si dur­ing this time that threat­ened the new­born regime. Groups like Darul Islam favored an Islamist state, while oth­ers rep­re­sent­ed vai­eties of social­ist, com­mu­nist, and demo­c­ra­t­ic ideals. Schacht was try­ing to con­vince Sukarno that he should cre­ate a kind of finan­cial and polit­i­cal Mag­inot Line out of his arch­i­pel­ago that would pro­vide a buffer against the spread of Com­mu­nism from Chi­na and Indochina–one that would then extend “in a vast Islam­ic cres­cent from Aus­trala­sia to the Arab nations of the Mideast.” This is a pre­view of what lat­er would appear as the khal­i­fa or caliphate dreams of the Islam­ic fun­da­men­tal­ists of the 1970’s, 1980’s, and down to the present day: Islamists who want to cre­at just such an “Islam­ic cres­cent” from South­ern Thai­land, through Malaysia, Indone­sia, and the Philip­pines. To start. To think that this might have been suggested–or at least sup­port­ed in its very ear­ly stages–by for­mer Nazi Eco­nom­ics Min­is­ter Hjal­mar Schacht is almost sur­re­al.

It also pre­fig­ures exact­ly what Gen­er­al Willough­by would tell the HUAC mem­bers in 1957: that the “Malay Bar­ri­er” would be an effec­tive block­ade against Com­mu­nist influ­ence from Chi­na. Schacht in 1951 and Willough­by in 1957–the minds of these two devot­ed anti-Com­mu­nists and fas­cists worked remark­ably alike. The dif­fer­ence wa that Willough­by thought like a gen­er­al, and Schacht thought like a banker. . . .

. . . . Iron­i­cal­ly, Sukarno would “prime the pump” of his new­ly-imag­ined bank with gold that had recent­ly arrived in Jakar­ta, cour­tesy of the Bank of Por­tu­gal, where it had been held for the account of ODESSA. . . .