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This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment .
Introduction: The seventh interview with Peter Levenda , this program sets forth the historical and ideological foundation  for the postwar perpetuation and operation of Nazism–“The Hitler Legacy.”  Mr. Emory views this book as one of the most important political volumes ever written. Listeners are emphatically encouraged to purchase it, read it and tell others about it.
The thesis of this remarkable book might be summed up in an excerpt from page 307:
. . . . After World War II, the American people thought that Nazi Germany had been defeated and the “war” was over; this book demonstrates that it never was. Instead, we were told that Communism was the new threat and we had to pull out all the stops to prevent a Communist takeover of the country. And so our military and our intelligence agencies collaborated with surviving Nazis to go after Communists. We refused to pursue worldwide right wing terror groups and assassins. After all, they were killing Communists and leftists; they were doing us a service. Like Hoover and the Mafia, the CIA refused to believe a Nazi Underground existed even as they collaborated with it (via the Gehlen Organization and the like).
The whole thrust of this book has been that American leaders in business, finance, media, and politics collaborated with Nazis before, during, and after the war. The West’s share in the ‘blame” for Al-Qaeda, et al, goes back a long way–before Eisenhower–to a cabal of extremist US Army generals and emigre Eastern Europeans who didn’t have much of a problem with Nazism since they feared Communism more. The Church, the Tibetans, the Japanese, the Germans, the Croatians–and the Americans–all felt that Communism was the greater danger, long before WWII. We enlisted war criminals to fight on our side. We appropriated the idea of global jihad from the Nazis and their WW I predecessors. We amped up their plan to weaponize religion and convinced Muslims, who hated each other, to band together to fight Communism. And when Afghanistan was liberated and the Soviet Union was defeated?
September 11, 2001. . . .
Beginning discussion of the Nazi presence in South Asia, Indonesia in particular, Peter notes the history of the Dutch Nazi Party–the NSB. (Indonesia was a Dutch colony for centuries and provided that tiny country with much of the wealth and natural resources that sustained it.) In addition to oil, rubber and other key industrial raw materials are plentiful in Indonesia.
In addition to the prominent Dutch Nazi (NSB) presence in the Netherlands, there was a very significant German Nazi milieu in that archipelago, exemplified by, and largely initiated by, Walter Hewel. Hewel was a member of Hitler’s inner circle going back to the earliest days of the Nazi party and was very significant in the machinations of the NSDAP leadership.
Next, we note that, as was the case in much of what we today call the Third World, the Third Reich’s conquest of the Netherlands and Japan’s occupation of Indonesia were seized upon by nationalists seeking independence. Among those opportunistically courting Axis support for Indonesia during the war was Sukarno, who became the first leader of independent Indonesia.
Next, Peter highlights the careers and political viewpoints of a number of US generals, all in the orbit of what we called “The MacArthur group” in AFA #10 . Willoughby, MacArthur’s “pet fascist,” saw “weaponized Islam” in Indonesia as a geopolitical barrier against Communist China. He saw Sukarno as being “pro-communist.”
Indonesian president Sukarno initiated the Bandung Conference of non-aligned nations, attended by both the Grand Mufti and Muslim Brotherhood. His behavior in this regard greatly alarmed the anti-Communist crusaders in the west and undoubtedly fed the analytical viewpoint of people like Willoughby.
In the wake of the Bandung conference, Sukarno sought to construct financial institutions to bolster Indonesia and other “emerging nations.” Envisioning Indonesia as an anti-Communist and–perhaps—pro Nazi bulwark, Third Reich finance minister Hjalmar Schacht not only advised Sukarno but appears to have put a large deposit of Nazi gold bullion at his disposal. The gold appears to have been routed through Portugal.
Program Highlights Include:
- A summary of the career and political activities of Lieutenant General Pedro del Valle.
- Del Valle’s work for the Nazi linked ITT.
- Major General Edwin Walker and his links to the far right and Lee Harvey Oswald.
- Major General George Van Horn Moseley and his fascist views and associations.
- The presence in Indonesia of Emil Helferrich, who helped found Standard Oil, which is a German corporation.
- Review of the use of “weaponized Islam.”
- Discussion of Sukarno’s gold, including review of the Seagraves’ remarkable work in Gold Warriors , the focal point of many broadcasts  and posts  and a topic we will explore at greater length next week.
- Lee Harvey Oswald’s participation in an unsuccessful 1958 coup attempt against Sukarno.
. . . . As early as 1931, there had been both fascist and Nazi parties in the Netherlands. The NSB or Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging in Nederland (National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands) was founded in Utrecht in 1931. One of its founders was Anton Mussert (1894–1946), who envisioned a fascist party along the lines of Mussolini’s Black Shirts in Italy. At this early stage of its existence the NSB did not have a policy of anti-Semitism but that would change with the influence of another party member, Meinoud Rost van Tonningen (1894–1945). . . .
. . . . One can compare that number to those of the Nazi Party in Indonesia as a whole, which constituted roughly 29,000 at the time the war broke out, most of whom were Germans. Thus, anywhere from ten to fifteen percent of the total number of Nazi Party members in Indonesia at any given time were Dutch. . . .
2. In addition to the prominent Dutch Nazi (NSB) presence in the Netherlands, there was a very significant German Nazi milieu in that archipelago, exemplified by, and largely initiated by, Walter Hewel. Hewel was a member of Hitler’s inner circle going back to the earliest days of the Nazi party and was very significant in the machinations of the NSDAP leadership.
. . . . At the same time, there wa a German Nazi presence in the Dutch East Indies, one that has been largely missed by historians. This was the Nazi Party aparatus that had been put into place by Walter Hewel, the man who would eome a German amassador without portfolio under the inept (and possibly insane) Nazi Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop. Hewel had been one of Hitler’s closest friends, allies, and confidants going back to the time when Hewel had marched with Hitler and Himmler under the swastika banner during the failed Beer Hall Putsch of 1923. . . .
. . . . He remained in what is now Indonesia for ten years before returning to Germany when Hitler had become Chancellor and had installed Ribbentrop as Foreign Minister. . . . He set up Nazi Party cells in all of Indonesia’s major cities among the expatriate German populations there. . . .
. . . . When SS Obergruppenfuhrer Ernst Kaltenbrunner was being questioned by the Allies in 1945, he told them how important Hewel was: “Hewel belonged to Hitler’s closest circle and was one of his main advisers on questions of foreign policy. K. [Kaltenbrunner] always tried to give important reports to Hewel since he was certin that he was certain that they would reach Hitler. “. . .
3. As was the case in much of what we today call the Third World, the Third Reich’s conquest of the Netherlands and Japan’s occupation of Indonesia were seized upon by nationalists seeking independence. Among those opportunistically courting Axis support for Indonesia during the war was Sukarno, who became the first leader of independent Indonesia.
. . . . In Indonesia, the nationalistswere happy that the Dutch had lost control over their most valuable colony; leaders such as Sukarno made speeches in Tokyo, praising the Japanese and calling for war against the Americans and the British as well as the Dutch; and announcing that the Third Reich would put Germany at the very apex of world nations. . . .
4. Next, Peter highlights the careers and political viewpoints of a number of US generals, all in the orbit of what we called “The MacArthur group” in AFA #10 .
. . . . An entire generation of high-ranking US military officers became embroiled in anti-Communist organizations and intrigues throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Men like Major General Charles A. Willoughby, Major General Edwin Walker, Lieutenant General Pedro del Valle, and Major General George Van Horn Moseley were in the forefront of the anti-Communist crusade in the United States.
Willoughby, (1892–1972) , to whom General Douglas MacArthur referred as his “pet fascist,” had been born Adolf Karl Tscheppe-Weidenbach in Heidelberg, the son of a German baron and an American mother from Baltimore. He became MacArthur’s Chief of Mlitary Intelligence during World War II and the Korean War, and then became involved in a series of pro-Nationalist intrigues in Japan. He was an ardent supporter of Franco in Spain and traveled to Madrid a number of times in the early 1950s as an adviser to the Spanish dictator. He was also involed in a number of anti-Communist Christian crusades, including the International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture, a front organization founded by oil magnate H.L. Hunt.
Edwin Walker (1909–1993) was so right-wing he accused President Harry Truman of being a Communist, and tried to tell the men serving under for whom to vote (in violation of American law). . . .Walker would later become well-known as the first target of alleged John F. Kennedy assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald , in 1963.
Pedro del Valle (1893–1978) was a highly-decorated vetaan World War II and the Pacific theater of operations, the first Latino general of the Marines. . . . . Yet in 1948, he wound up in Cairo as a representative of ITT: That year, the Muslim Brotherhood was implicated in acts of terrorism directed against the Egyptian government after the humiliating defeat of Egypt and its allies by the newly-recognized State of Israel. The atmosphere was poisonous in Cairo, so Del Valle left Egypt and began working for ITT as president of the company’s South American division, this time in Buenos Aires, Argentina during the Peron regime. A dedicated anti-Communist and member of a number of crusade-like committees, he once quoted from the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion at a political rally in order to demonstrate the links between World Jewry and Bolshevism. His involvement with ITT at this time and in those locations is suspicious, as that firm had long-standing ties to the Third Reich before, during, and after the war. As an anti-Semite and anti-Communist, his postings to Cairo and Buenos Aires during periods of great political upheaval in those countries are suggestive–if not indicative–of an intelligence function.
George Van Horn Moseley (1874–1960) retired from military service in 1938 but not before suggesting that European refugees fleeing persecution in Nazi Germany be sterilized before they were allowed to enter the United States so as not to pollute the gene pool. Once out of uniform, he became if anything more vociferous, attacking the New Deal as a form of dictatorship, and praising both fascism and Nazism as the means to innoculate the United States against the Jewish and Communist virus coming from Europe. He believed that the Second World War was a device created by the worldwide Jewish conspiracy, and said the persecution of the Jews in Nazi Germany was payback for their crucifixion of Jesus. . . .
5. Willoughby, MacArthur’s “pet fascist,” saw “weaponized Islam” in Indonesia as a geopolitical barrier against Communist China. He saw Sukarno as being “pro-communist.”
. . . . General Willoughby: Fiscal responsibility is one of the prime requisites of orderly Government. Nationalist aspirations can hardly be made an excuse for practices that are unacc[table under the norms of the free economy. . . . The very recent outbreaks against the Dutch, the seizure of legitimate business by Communist controlled labor unions, and so forth, confirm the fiscal and economic irresponsibility of the Sukarno “Republic.”
Mr. Arens. Are there any counterbalancing influences in the situation?
General Willoughby: There are found within the Mohamedan party, initially called Serika, later Masjumi, ” in the immediate entourage of former Vice President Mohammed Hatta. . . .
. . . . As can be seen from the above citation, our General Willoughby had insinuated himself into the foreign policy situation with regard to Indonesia. This 38-page document is replete with references to Communists in the US Government, and how the US foreign policy reflected that lamentable condition. The only possible way to counteract the influence of Communism in Indonesia was, to use Willoughby’s words, the “Mohammedan party.” As we have seen, this is very much in line with US foreign policy generally under the Eisenhower administration at that time. . . .
6. Indonesian president Sukarno initiated the Bandung Conference of non-aligned nations, attended by both the Grand Mufti and Muslim Brotherhood. His behavior in this regard greatly alarmed the anti-Communist crusaders in the west and undoubtedly fed the analytical viewpoint of people like Willoughby.
. . . . It goes back to a meeting thtat was held in the Indonesian town of Bandung in April of 1955, a meeting that causd a sensaion of fear throughout the Western world–and especially in the United States. It was a conference that had thrown a figurative gauntlet down on the table between the two superpowers–the United States and the Soviet Union–and which threatened to upset the delicate balance of money and influence that had been carefully crafted since the end of the Second World War. This was the Asian-African Conference, sometimes referred to as the Bandung Conference. One of the attendees was the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini.
The purpose of the meeting wa to consolidate what Sukarno had callled the “Newly Emerging Forces,” or the Non-Aligned Forces, of what was then called the “Third World,” and which we now call the Developing Nations. These were countries that formerly had been colonized by the West, and which were now reluctant to side witheither the Soviet Union or the United States; in other words, they represented not only the Third World but also the Third Way. Indonesia was the host of this meeting, and as the most populous Muslim nation in the world, the implications were serious. Attendees included not only the Grand Mufti, but Muslim leaders from the Middle East and Africa as well as the Muslim BNrotherhood. Sukarno had decided to put into play an idea that had germanated within his revolutionary brain ever since a seeries of meetings with a famous financier in Jakarta in 1951: none other than Hjalmar Schacht, “Hitler’s Banker.” . . . .
7. In the wake of the Bandung conference, Sukarno sought to construct financial institutions to bolster Indonesia and other “emerging nations.” Envisioning Indonesia as an anti-Communist and–perhaps—pro Nazi bulwark, Third Reich finance minister Hjalmar Schacht not only advised Sukarno but appears to have put a large deposit of Nazi gold bullion at his disposal. The gold appears to have been routed through Portugal.
Eventually, Sukarno was overthrown by the CIA in 1965 (after some unsuccessful attempts) for his refusal to join the Western anti-communist alliances.
. . . . There was also the idea in the back of Sukarno’s mind of creating an international bank that would be the Non-Aligned Nations’ equivalent of the World Bank or the IMF–both of which Sukarno viewed as puppets of the superpowers and especially of the United States. The creation of such a financial institution–independent of the World Bank and hence independent of Western control–would be viewed by the West with considerable alarm.
Who suggested this course of action to Sukarno? Who would have a vested interest in seeing Indonesia financially strong–it was already the strongest of the undeveloped nations in Asia–and taking on the Western powers at their own game?
If there were a financial mastermind behind this bold idea of Sukarno, one need look no further than the same financial mastermind who helped create the banking structure and economic power of the Third Reich and who allowed Germany to re-arm in spite of the strictures of the Versailles Treaty: Hjalmar Schacht. . . .
. . . . Prior to that, however, he would be found in Jakarta, Indonesia in 1951.
That year, Hjalmar Schacht was interviewed by author William Stevenson at the Hotel Capitol in Jakarta. Schacht had been nervous about the interview, but it had been arranged by a family friend. The fact that Schacht’s friend was Otto Skorzeny, Hitler’s commando, the rescuer of Mussolini, and a leader of the worldwide Nazi underground, meant that Schacht would take the call.
The conversation in Jakarta revolved around the danger that Indonesia was in danger of going communist, and of how men like Schacht–with experience in piloting the ship of state through perilous economic and political times–could help. . . .
. . . . Now, in Jakarta in 1951, Schacht was plotting another major coup. Indonesia’s status as an independent nation had just been achieved the previous year with the end of the National Revolution.There were separatist movements in Maluku, Sumatra, and Sulawesi during this time that threatened the newborn regime. Groups like Darul Islam favored an Islamist state, while others represented vaieties of socialist, communist, and democratic ideals. Schacht was trying to convince Sukarno that he should create a kind of financial and political Maginot Line out of his archipelago that would provide a buffer against the spread of Communism from China and Indochina–one that would then extend “in a vast Islamic crescent from Australasia to the Arab nations of the Mideast.” This is a preview of what later would appear as the khalifa or caliphate dreams of the Islamic fundamentalists of the 1970’s, 1980’s, and down to the present day: Islamists who want to creat just such an “Islamic crescent” from Southern Thailand, through Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines. To start. To think that this might have been suggested–or at least supported in its very early stages–by former Nazi Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht is almost surreal.
It also prefigures exactly what General Willoughby would tell the HUAC members in 1957: that the “Malay Barrier” would be an effective blockade against Communist influence from China. Schacht in 1951 and Willoughby in 1957–the minds of these two devoted anti-Communists and fascists worked remarkably alike. The difference wa that Willoughby thought like a general, and Schacht thought like a banker. . . .
. . . . Ironically, Sukarno would “prime the pump” of his newly-imagined bank with gold that had recently arrived in Jakarta, courtesy of the Bank of Portugal, where it had been held for the account of ODESSA. . . .