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FTR #856 Libertarianism, White Supremacy and Leaderless Resistance

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [1] The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by late spring of 2015. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #850 [1].  (The pre­vi­ous flash dri­ve was cur­rent through the end of May of 2012 and con­tained FTR #748 [2].)

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This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment [7].


Dylann Roof flies the col­ors

Intro­duc­tion: Crys­tal­liz­ing the polit­i­cal iden­ti­ty unit­ing the forces behind Eddie the Friend­ly Spook (Snow­den) and the “lib­er­tar­i­an” forces to be found behind the Charleston church mas­sacre, an arti­cle by Mark Ames notes the neo-Con­fed­er­ate tem­plate that is to be found in this milieu:  . . .Beyond that, the Lib­er­tar­ian Party’s polit­i­cal solu­tion to African-Amer­i­can pover­ty and injus­tice was to abol­ish all wel­fare pro­grams, pub­lic schools, and anti-dis­crim­i­na­tion laws like the Civ­il Rights Act. This was the solu­tion pro­moted by an up-and-com­ing lib­er­tar­ian, Jacob Hornberger—who this week [May of 2015–D.E.] co-host­ed an event [9] with RON PAUL and GLENN GREENWALD. Horn­berger believes that 19th cen­tury ante­bel­lum slave-era Amer­ica was “the freest soci­ety in his­tory” [10]. . . ”

After review­ing [11] Glenn Green­wald’s legal work run­ning inter­fer­ence for the “lead­er­less resis­tance strat­e­gy” and Snow­den polit­i­cal idol Ron Paul’s work fan­ning the racism under­ly­ing the Charleston mas­sacre and the Trayvon Mar­tin shoot­ing, the pro­gram high­lights Jef­frey Tuck­er [12].

A tech­no­crat­ic-lib­er­tar­i­an [13], Tuck­er was also one of the edi­tors of Ron Paul’s racist newslet­ters and deeply involved with the League of the South, a neo-Con­fed­er­ate orga­ni­za­tion that is joined at the hip with the Lud­wig von Mis­es Insti­tute and the “Paulis­tin­ian Lib­er­tar­i­an Orga­ni­za­tion.” (Julian Assange [14] is a big fan of Ron and Rand Paul.)

Next, the pro­gram high­lights Harold Cov­ing­ton [15], an Amer­i­can Nazi leader whose North­west Aryan repub­lic pro­pa­gan­da and futur­is­tic nov­els (intend­ed as teach­ing tools) appear to have been an influ­ence on Dylann Roof.


Ron Paul show­ing the col­ors

After the Charleston mas­sacre, a num­ber of African-Amer­i­can [17] church­es caught fire, many because of appar­ent arson attacks. The media [18] are down­playin [19]g the inci­dent.

Indeed, “offi­cial­dom” remains will­ful­ly igno­rant (and com­plic­it­ly silent) about some of the broad­er con­nec­tions of Nazi and white-suprema­cist ele­ments. One of the most famous attacks on an African Amer­i­can church was the 16th Street Bap­tist Church bomb­ing [20] in 1963, with evi­den­tiary trib­u­taries run­ning in the direc­tion of the assas­si­na­tions of Mar­tin Luther King and Pres­i­dent Kennedy.

By the same token, a New York Times Op-ed [21] piece that dis­cussed “white suprema­cist” Bob Whitak­er failed to men­tion that he had been a key offi­cial han­dling secu­ri­ty clear­ances [22] and oth­er sen­si­tive mat­ters for the Rea­gan Admin­is­tra­tion.

Much of the rest of the pro­gram high­lights the long-stand­ing Nazi and white suprema­cist goal of gain­ing con­trol of the Pacif­ic North­west as an “Aryan home­land,” a key strate­gic and philo­soph­i­cal ele­ment of Harold Cov­ing­ton’s polit­i­cal out­look.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: 

1a. More details are emerg­ing on the shoot­er [30] in the Lafayette, LA, the­ater shoot­ing: Sur­prise! He’s a neo-Nazi with a his­tory of advo­cat­ing lone-wolf style attacks. The rea­sons behind his selec­tion of the movie the­ater tar­get remain opaque.

“John Rus­sel Houser: What We Know about Louisiana Movie The­ater Shoot­ing Sus­pect” by Michael Walsh; Yahoo News; 7/24/2015.

A gun­man killed two peo­ple and wound­ed at least nine oth­ers dur­ing a show­ing of “Train­wreck” at a movie the­ater in Louisiana.

The 59-year-old “lone white male” opened fire about 20 min­utes into the film Thurs­day evening at the Grand 16 the­ater [31] in Lafayette, rough­ly 60 miles west of Baton Rouge.

Author­i­ties iden­ti­fied the shoot­ing sus­pect as John Rus­sel Houser. It appears that he turned the gun on him­self after unsuc­cess­fully try­ing to flee by blend­ing in with the crowd, accord­ing to police.


Houser is orig­i­nally from Phenix City, Ala., but had bounced around before end­ing up at a local Motel 6, author­i­ties said.

Police searched the room they think he was stay­ing in and found wigs, glass­es and oth­er items that could be used as a dis­guise, they said.

A Colum­bus, Ga., woman, who wished to remain anony­mous, told Yahoo News that she had pur­chased a home that Houser once shared with his wife. The sus­pect even­tu­ally lived in the house alone for two years with­out mak­ing any pay­ments, she said.

“You don’t know crazy. You don’t know what we went through with that house,” she said to Yahoo News over the phone. “He had lots and lots of prob­lems.”

The woman said Houser came from a “fine fam­ily in Colum­bus” — his moth­er was a school­teacher, and his father was tax com­mis­sioner for Colum­bus. He used to attend church ser­vices years ago, she said.

She added that Houser once attend­ed law school but dropped out.

“We’ve been up all night with the FBI,” she said. “He was dan­ger­ous. I’m just so glad that no more peo­ple were hurt than was hurt. It’s sad. We’re sad.”

In 2008, Houser’s wife, Kel­lie Mad­dox Houser, and oth­er fam­ily mem­bers request­ed a pro­tec­tive order from him.

Accord­ing to court doc­u­ments, obtained by the Asso­ci­ated Press, he “exhib­ited extreme errat­ic behav­ior and has made omi­nous as well as dis­turb­ing state­ments.”

The fil­ing said Houser had “a his­tory of men­tal health issues, i.e., man­ic depres­sion and/or bi-polar dis­or­der.”

His wife also removed all weapons from their home because she feared his “volatile men­tal state,” accord­ing to the paper­work.

The pro­tec­tive order was at least tem­porar­ily grant­ed. She lat­er filed for divorce.

Houser had been arrest­ed sev­eral times from 10 to 15 years ago on var­i­ous charges, includ­ing arson, sell­ing alco­hol to a minor and speed­ing, accord­ing to the AP.

Jim Mus­t­ian, a jour­nal­ist for the New Orleans Advo­cate, cit­ing a local sher­iff [32], said that Houser was denied a pis­tol per­mit in 2006 in Rus­sell Coun­ty, Ala.

The suspect’s Linkedin pro­file describes [33] him as an entre­pre­neur in “invest­ment man­age­ment.” He claimed to have owned two pubs in Geor­gia and to have tried his hand at real estate devel­op­ment in 2006.

He pur­sued a bach­e­lor of busi­ness admin­is­tra­tion at Colum­bus State Uni­ver­sity from 1985 until 1988 and a juris doc­tor­ate (law degree) at Faulkn­er Uni­ver­sity in Mont­gomery, Ala., his pro­file said.

Houser list­ed “God’s Busi­ness” as one of his skills.

He appeared on “Calvin Floyd Live,” pre­vi­ously called “Rise and Shine,” on WLTZ NBC 38 in more than 60 episodes, accord­ing to the LinkedIn page.

“Invit­ed polit­i­cal con­tro­versy on every one of them, and loved every minute of it,” he said.

The show’s host, Floyd, told Yahoo News that he invit­ed Houser on his show many times to dis­cuss his rad­i­cal views because it was enter­tain­ing and caused tremen­dous buzz.

“He was a guest because he was good TV enter­tain­ment, not because it was a respect­ed opin­ion that he had to say. But he was very enter­tain­ing all the time,” Floyd said in a phone inter­view with Yahoo news. “He had Tea Par­ty-rad­i­cal Repub­li­can views on every­thing. I’d have a Demo­c­ra­tic spokesper­son on [for the oppos­ing per­spec­tive]. He gen­er­ated a lot of phone calls.”

Houser was a mem­ber of Tea Par­ty Nation, accord­ing to the group’s web­site [34].

The Hate­watch Blog [35], which is run by the Intel­li­gence Project of the South­ern Pover­ty Law Cen­ter, uncov­ered that Houser post­ed about his fond­ness for Hitler, neo-Nazis and lone wolves on sev­eral online forums.

“Do not mis­take your­selves for one minute, the ene­my sees all post­ed on this web­site,” he wrote on a site ded­i­cated to the New York chap­ter of Greece’s far-right Gold­en Dawn [36], which espous­es fas­cist and neo-Nazi ide­olo­gies.

“I do not want to dis­cour­age the last hope for the best, but you must real­ize the pow­er of the lone wolf, is the pow­er that can come forth in ALL situations.Look with­in your­selves,” he con­tin­ued.

Else­where, on the U.S. Mes­sage Board [37], a polit­i­cal dis­cus­sion forum, he wrote, “Hitler accom­plished far more than any oth­er through ‘prag­mat­i­cally form­ing.’”

Author­i­ties iden­ti­fied the young women he mur­dered as Macy Breaux, 21, and Jil­lian John­son, 33, and said anoth­er per­son is in crit­i­cal con­di­tion.


Houser’s appar­ent get­away vehi­cle had switched license plates on it and was parked near a cin­ema exit door, Craft said.

“It is appar­ent that he was intent on shoot­ing and then escap­ing,” he added.

[38]1b.  . . .Beyond that, the Lib­er­tar­ian Party’s polit­i­cal solu­tion to African-Amer­i­can pover­ty and injus­tice was to abol­ish all wel­fare pro­grams, pub­lic schools, and anti-dis­crim­i­na­tion laws like the Civ­il Rights Act. This was the solu­tion pro­moted by an up-and-com­ing lib­er­tar­ian, Jacob Hornberger—who this week [May of 2015–D.E.] co-host­ed an event [9] with RON PAUL and GLENN GREENWALD. Horn­berger believes that 19th cen­tury ante­bel­lum slave-era Amer­ica was “the freest soci­ety in his­tory” [10]. . . ”

With the Bay Area still cross-eyed with delir­i­um over the cham­pi­onship of the NBA Gold­en State War­riors, we might say “Assist, Green­wald, Paul” with regard to the Charleston shoot­ings.

Recent news has offered up a grim­ly instruc­tive jux­ta­po­si­tion. As Glenn Green­wald and his asso­ciates in the Snow­den “op” con­tin­ue to bask in the glow of pro­fes­sion­al awards grant­ed them, Dylann Roof has put into action the type of behav­ior advo­cat­ed by Green­wald’s legal clients.

(A big sup­port­er of George W. Bush in the ear­ly part of the last decade, Green­wald became an attor­ney for, and a fel­low-trav­el­er of, some of the most mur­der­ous Nazis in the coun­try.)

As we have seen in FTR #754 [39] and sev­er­al posts [40], Green­wald defend­ed Matthew Hale against solic­i­ta­tion of mur­der [41] charges. Green­wald ran inter­fer­ence [42] for the “lead­er­less resis­tance strat­e­gy.” [43]

In par­tic­u­lar, Green­wald pro­vid­ed appo­site legal assis­tance for the Nation­al Alliance. Lead­er­less resis­tance is an oper­a­tional doc­trine through which indi­vid­ual Nazis and white suprema­cists per­form acts of vio­lence against their per­ceived ene­mies, indi­vid­u­al­ly, or in very small groups. Act­ing in accor­dance with doc­trine espoused by lumi­nar­ies and lead­ers in their move­ment, they avoid infil­tra­tion by law enforce­ment by virtue of their “lone wolf” oper­a­tional strat­e­gy.

What Roof [alleged­ly] did is pre­cisely the sort of thing advo­cated by the “Lead­er­less Resis­tance” strategy.The advo­cates of this sort of thing, such as Cit­i­zen Greenwald’s client The Nation­al Alliance (pub­lisher of  The Turn­er Diaries,” which pro­vided the oper­a­tional tem­plate for David Lane’s asso­ciates The Order) have been shield­ed (to an extent) from civ­il suits hold­ing them to account for their mur­der­ous advo­cacy.

Nation­al Alliance’s books are specif­i­cal­ly intend­ed as instruc­tion­al vehi­cles. Hunter is ded­i­cat­ed to con­vict­ed mur­der­er Joseph Paul Franklin and was specif­i­cal­ly designed as a “How To” man­u­al for lone-wolf, white suprema­cist killers like Roof.

Note, also, that the “four­teen words” of Order mem­ber David Lane are the inspi­ra­tion [44] for “Com­bat 14,” the para­mil­i­tary wing of the Ukrain­ian fas­cist group Svo­bo­da [45], one of the OUN/B heirs that came to pow­er as a result of the Maid­an coup of 2014. Lane drove the get­away car when “The Order”–explicitly inspired by “The Turn­er Diaries”–murdered Den­ver talk show host Alan Berg.

The “four­teen words” were also an influ­ence on Roof.

We should note that what Green­wald did is NOT a ques­tion of out­law­ing free speech, as he implied. When the ACLU defend­ed the Amer­i­can Nazi Par­ty against an injunc­tion against march­ing in Skok­ie, Illi­nois (a Chica­go sub­urb with a con­sid­er­able Jew­ish pop­u­la­tion), it did so on the grounds of con­sti­tu­tion­ally pro­tected free speech.

Pre-Green­wald, advo­cat­ing vio­lence along the lines of what Nation­al Van­guard Books (the NA’s pub­lish­ing arm) does was still legal.

How­ever, IF some­one was advo­cat­ing vio­lence against minori­ties, “racial ene­mies,” etc. and some­one can be demon­strated to have act­ed on the basis of such exhor­ta­tions, the author of the exhor­ta­tion to vio­lence could be held respon­si­ble for the con­se­quences of their actions.

The con­se­quences were con­sid­er­able legal dam­ages.

This is sound law. It doesn’t say you can’t say such things, how­ever if you do, and that caus­es harm or death to oth­ers, you ARE RESPONSIBLE.

If some­one leaves a rake on their prop­erty with the teeth fac­ing upward and some­one steps on it and is injured, the prop­erty own­er bears civ­il lia­bil­ity for their actions.

That is the legal prin­ci­ple under which the Nation­al Ali­iance, et al were being sued.

In con­nec­tion with “L’Af­faire Snow­den,” we not­ed that in the back­ground [46] of The Peach­fuzz Fas­cist (Snow­den), one finds ele­ments that advo­cate slav­ery, includ­ing the League of the South and oth­er ele­ments of the neo-Con­fed­er­ate move­ment, which appar­ent­ly inspired Dylann Roof.

Snow­den was an admir­er of Ron Paul, to whose cam­paign he con­tributed and whose views he par­rots. Ron Paul is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the neo-Con­fed­er­ate move­ment. Jack Hunter–a for­mer head of the League of the South and a cur­rent aide to his son Rand Paul–was the chief blog­ger for Ron Paul’s 2012 Pres­i­den­tial cam­paign.

Bruce Fein, the top legal coun­sel for Paul’s 2012 cam­paign was the first attor­ney for Eddie the Friend­ly Spook and is the attor­ney for the Snow­den fam­i­ly.

In a 1992 edi­tion of his newslet­ter, Snow­den’s polit­i­cal idol Ron Paul advo­cat­ed that whites arm them­selves and shoot black men. In so doing, he helped to set the tem­plate for George Zim­mer­man’s shoot­ing of Trayvon Mar­tin. That killing appears to have been a major influ­ence on Dylann Roof.

The above polit­i­cal ele­ments loom large in the appar­ent devel­op­ment of Dylann Roof’s moti­va­tion­al ide­ol­o­gy.

“Bal­ti­more & The Walk­ing Dead” by Mark Ames; Pan­do Dai­ly; 5/1/2015. [11]

. . . . So when Rand Paul went on Lau­ra Ingraham’s radio pro­gram to blame Bal­ti­more on black cul­ture and val­ues and “lack of fathers,” [47] the lib­er­tar­ian whom Time [48] called “the most inter­est­ing man in pol­i­tics” was mere­ly rehash­ing 25-year-old main­stream Repub­l­i­crat big­otries, the very same big­oted, wrong assump­tions that led to all the dis­as­trous poli­cies we’re now pay­ing for today.

Which brings me to the Lib­er­tar­i­ans of 1992.

After Fer­gu­son explod­ed last year, Lib­er­tar­i­ans posi­tioned them­selves as the only polit­i­cal force that had no blood on their hands, the only polit­i­cal force that was “prin­ci­pled” enough through­out the past few decades to offer the right analy­ses — and the right solu­tions — to the prob­lems faced by peo­ple now ris­ing up in Bal­ti­more.

In 1992, the most famous lib­er­tar­ian of all, Ron Paul, was still between Con­gres­sional stints when [the riots in] Los Ange­les erupt­ed, but he did run a prof­itable lib­er­tar­ian newslet­ter, “The Ron Paul Polit­i­cal Report,” to keep his ideas alive. Short­ly after the LA riots, Ron Paul put out a “Spe­cial Issue on Racial Ter­ror­ism” [49]offer­ing his lib­er­tar­ian analy­sis of what he termed black “ter­ror­ism”:

“The crim­i­nals who ter­ror­ize our cities—in riots and on every non-riot day—are not exclu­sively young black males, but they large­ly are. As chil­dren, they are trained to hate whites, to believe that white oppres­sion is respon­si­ble for all black ills, to ‘fight the pow­er,’ to steal and loot as much mon­ey from the white ene­my as pos­si­ble.

“The cause of the riots is plain: bar­barism. If the bar­bar­ians can­not loot suf­fi­ciently through legal chan­nels (i.e., the riots being the wel­fare-state minus the mid­dle-man), they resort to ille­gal ones, to ter­ror­ism. Trou­ble is, few seem will­ing to stop them. The cops have been hand­cuffed. . . .

. . . .“We are con­stantly told that it is evil to be afraid of black men, but it is hard­ly irra­tional. Black men com­mit mur­ders, rapes, rob­beries, mug­gings, and bur­glar­ies all out of pro­por­tion to their num­bers.”

“I think we can safe­ly assume that 95% of the black males in [major U.S. cities] are semi-crim­i­nal or entire­ly crim­i­nal.”A few months lat­er, in Octo­ber 1992 [50], Dr. Paul explained how he taught his own family—presumably includ­ing his favorite son, Rand Paul—how to defend them­selves and even mur­der what Dr. Paul called “hip-hop” car­jack­ers, “the urban youth who play unsus­pect­ing whites like pianos”:

“What can you do? More and more Amer­i­cans are car­ry­ing a gun in the car. An ex-cop I know advis­es that if you have to use a gun on a youth, you should leave the scene imme­di­ately, dis­pos­ing of the wiped off gun as soon as pos­si­ble. Such a gun can­not, of course, be reg­is­tered to you, but one bought pri­vately (through the clas­si­fieds, for exam­ple.).

Beyond that, the Lib­er­tar­ian Party’s polit­i­cal solu­tion to African-Amer­i­can pover­ty and injus­tice was to abol­ish all wel­fare pro­grams, pub­lic schools, and anti-dis­crim­i­na­tion laws like the Civ­il Rights Act. This was the solu­tion pro­moted by an up-and-com­ing lib­er­tar­ian, Jacob Horn­berg­er—who this week co-host­ed an event [9] with Ron Paul and Glenn Green­wald. Horn­berger believes that 19th cen­tury ante­bel­lum slave-era Amer­ica was “the freest soci­ety in his­tory” [10]. . . and after the LA riots, he offered this solu­tion [51]:

“the repeal of: (1) every law that takes mon­ey from some peo­ple and gives it to oth­ers; (2) all reg­u­la­tions that inter­fere with peace­ful exchanges between con­sent­ing adults; (3) all drug laws; and (4) all com­pul­so­ry-atten­dance laws and school tax­es.”

And then there’s lib­er­tar­ian philoso­pher Mur­ray Rothbard’s response to the LA riots. Rand Paul cred­its Roth­bard as “a great influ­ence on my think­ing”; and Roth­bard blamed the LA riots not on racism and black griev­ances, but rather on slow and insuf­fi­cient police response and “the moral and esthet­ic nihilism cre­ated by many decades of cul­tural lib­er­al­ism.” . . . .

2a. Pan­do’s Paul Carr  gives us a clos­er peek at the indi­vid­ual, pub­lisher Jef­frey Tuck­er. Let’s just say Big Tech prob­a­bly doesn’t share Carr’s ter­ror about Tucker’s views on tech­nol­ogy and reg­u­la­tions, although they should prob­a­bly be a lit­tle con­cerned about almost every­thing else he says [12]. In addi­tion to being one of the authors of Ron Paul’s racist newslet­ters, Tuck­er is a found­ing mem­ber of The League of the South.

“Imag­ine If the “Uber Is a Good Start” Guy Turned out to Be a Crazy Racist Homo­phobe” by Paul Carr; Pan­do Dai­ly [12]; 7/16/2015. [12]

Or don’t, because he is.

Ear­lier this week, I described the most ter­ri­fy­ing moment of my vis­it to the Free­dom­Fest lib­er­tar­ian con­fer­ence.

It came dur­ing a pan­el about “hack­ing the state” where a pub­lisher named Jef­frey Tuck­er described his vision for a world where tech­nol­ogy has dis­rupted away all reg­u­la­tions and laws. Uber, argued Tuck­er, was a good “first step” down that road, but was held back by Travis Kalanick’s insis­tence on reg­u­lat­ing the behav­ior of his dri­vers.

Tuck­er also said that the only vic­tims he felt sor­ry for were those who had been jailed for cre­at­ing lib­er­tar­ian trad­ing plat­forms for drugs and oth­er ille­gal prod­ucts and ser­vices:

“I cry about… my friend [Silk Road founder] Ross Ulbricht…. There is so much injus­tice in the world… If any of you want to min­is­ter to pris­on­ers, now is a good time.”

As I wrote, Tuck­er came across as a ful­ly-fledged sociopath; some­one who would see the world burn and call it progress. I sug­gested that Tuck­er rep­re­sents a new breed of mod­ern tech-savvy lib­er­tar­i­ans, the old racist guard of lib­er­tar­i­ans hav­ing with­ered away.

It turns out I was wrong. Not about Tuck­er being a fuck­ing nut — in fact, as you’ll see, he’s far more crazy than I could pos­si­bly have imag­ined — but rather about him being a new breed.

In fact, Tuck­er alleged­ly had a star­ring role in the most vile, most racist, most infa­mous episode in the pre­vi­ous incar­na­tion of lib­er­tar­i­an­ism: Ron Paul’s racist newslet­ters [52].

You’ll like­ly already know the newslet­ters I’m refer­ring to. They were sent to Ron Paul sup­port­ers in the ear­ly 90s and, as the New Repub­lic put it [53]:

What they reveal are decades worth of obses­sion with con­spir­a­cies, sym­pa­thy for the right-wing mili­tia move­ment, and deeply held big­otry against blacks, Jews, and gays. In short, they sug­gest that Ron Paul is not the plain-speak­ing anti­war activist his sup­port­ers believe they are backing–but rather a mem­ber in good stand­ing of some of the old­est and ugli­est tra­di­tions in Amer­i­can pol­i­tics.

Mark Ames has a clas­sic exam­ple here on Pan­do [52], in which African Amer­i­cans were described as “ter­ror­ists,” “ani­mals” and worse:

I think we can safe­ly assume that 95% of the black males in [major U.S. cities] are semi-crim­i­nal or entire­ly crim­i­nal...

What can you do? More and more Amer­i­cans are car­ry­ing a gun in the car. An ex-cop I know advis­es that if you have to use a gun on a youth, you should leave the scene imme­di­ately, dis­pos­ing of the wiped off gun as soon as pos­si­ble. Such a gun can­not, of course, be reg­is­tered to you, but one bought pri­vately (through the clas­si­fieds, for exam­ple.).

I frankly don’t know what to make of such advice; but even in my lit­tle town of Lake Jack­son, Texas, I’ve urged every­one in my fam­ily to know how to use a gun in self defense. For the ani­mals are com­ing.

When the newslet­ters came to light dur­ing Ron Paul’s last unsuc­cess­ful pres­i­den­tial run, the lib­er­tar­ian hero was quick to insist that he hadn’t actu­ally writ­ten the words attrib­uted to him. Instead, he and his defend­ers said, the newslet­ters were most­ly writ­ten by unnamed ghosts on his staff.

Accord­ing to none oth­er than Rea­son Mag­a­zine [54]— the house pub­li­ca­tion of mod­ern lib­er­tar­i­an­ism — one of those ghosts was… Jeff[rey] Tuck­er:

Tim­o­thy Wirk­man Virkkala, for­merly the man­ag­ing edi­tor of the lib­er­tar­ian mag­a­zine Lib­erty, told Rea­son that the names behind the Polit­i­cal Report were wide­ly known in his magazine’s offices as well, because Liberty’s late edi­tor-in-chief, Bill Brad­ford, had dis­cussed the newslet­ters with the prin­ci­pals, and then with his staff.

“I under­stood that Bur­ton S. Blumert was the mon­ey­bags that got all this start­ed, that he was the pub­lisher,” Virkkala said. “Lew Rock­well, edi­tor and chief writer; Jeff Tuck­er, assis­tant, prob­a­bly a writer; Mur­ray Roth­bard, cheer­ing from the side­lines, prob­a­bly ghost­ing now and then.” (Virkkala has offered his own reac­tion to the con­tro­versy at his Web site.) Blumert, Paul’s 1988 cam­paign chair­man and a pri­vate sup­porter this year, did not respond to a request for an inter­view; Roth­bard died in 1995. We reached Tuck­er, now edi­to­r­ial vice pres­i­dent of Rockwell’s Mises.org, at his office, and were told: “I just real­ly am not going to make a state­ment, I’m sor­ry. I’ll take all respon­si­bil­ity for being the edi­tor of Mises.org, OK?”

It gets worse. Accord­ing to the South­ern Pover­ty Law Cen­ter [55], Tuck­er is a full-on neo-Con­fed­er­ate:

Both [Lew] Rock­well [the oth­er alleged author of the racist Ron Paul newslet­ters] and insti­tute research direc­tor Jef­frey Tuck­er are list­ed on the racist League of the South’s Web page as found­ing mem­bers — and both men deny their mem­ber­ship. Tuck­er has writ­ten for League pub­li­ca­tions, and many League mem­bers have taught at the institute’s sem­i­nars and giv­en pre­sen­ta­tions at its con­fer­ences.

If Tuck­er denies his mem­ber­ship then, of course, we have to take him at his word. Hope­fully Tuck­er was able to clear up the mis­un­der­stand­ing when he co-host­ed a ses­sion [56]at the Young Amer­i­cans for Lib­erty con­fer­ence with for­mer League of the South chair­man (and Ron Paul staffer) Jack “South­ern Avenger” Hunter.

Mean­while there’s no short­age of writ­ing that we know for cer­tain was pro­duced by Jef­frey Tuck­er, because he actu­ally had the, uh, courage to put his name on it.

For exam­ple, this essay about hate crime against gay Amer­i­cans called “The Love That Nev­er Shuts Up [57]” in which he argued that gay peo­ple should not be pro­tected by anti-hate crime laws:

[I]ncluding gays among those pro­tected by hate-crime laws is a way of grant­ing a statu­tory priv­i­lege that non-gays do not enjoy. It cod­i­fies the expe­ri­ence of vic­tim­hood and pro­vides an aura of sanc­tity that the present polit­i­cal cul­ture grants to offi­cial vic­tims. A law that pre­sumes that gays are con­stantly threat­ened with vio­lence makes them mar­tyrs to a cause even before they expe­ri­ence mar­tyr­dom.


And that’s just the stuff read­ily avail­able online. If the Ron Paul newslet­ters taught us any­thing — and, boy, did they — it’s that to find the real­ly dark, dis­gust­ing shit you have to look back to before the Inter­net taught peo­ple like Tuck­er that you’re smarter not to put some things in writ­ing.

Take, for exam­ple, the 1995 “Let­ter From Alaba­ma” (embed­ded below) in which Tuck­er expressed dis­may that fif­teen year old black chil­dren are inel­i­gi­ble for the death penal­ty:

Appar­ently, it’s con­sid­ered too sen­si­tive a sub­ject when a black boy (who is too young to be eli­gi­ble for the death penal­ty) kills three old­er white women. Peo­ple might get upset. Three days after the triple mur­der, even the local news­pa­per stopped report­ing the details.

Receiv­ing exten­sive cov­er­age instead, thanks to rov­ing reporters from the Asso­ci­ated Press, were the lat­est goings on in Wedowee, Alaba­ma. A for­mer high school prin­ci­pal accused of being impo­lite to a mixed-race girl was hired for an admin­is­tra­tive job by the school dis­trict, over the objec­tions of out­siders demand­ing ever more minor­ity “rights.”

Or the fol­low-up arti­cle, a year lat­er, in which Tuck­er was still furi­ous that the boy — who, he appar­ently had since dis­cov­ered was in fact four­teen — was still alive:

The jurors who tried the 14-year-old black boy who shot and killed three wid– ows last year, one of them my own dear neigh­bor, found him guilty and gave him sev­eral life terms. By law, he got the max­i­mum. He is too young for the death penal­ty. It is beyond me. If you are old enough to mur­der, you are old enough to pay the ulti­mate price.

Still, absent the elec­tric chair or per­haps the noose, Tuck­er, who you will remem­ber calls him­self a “Chief Lib­erty Offi­cer [58]” and told the audi­ence at Free­dom­Fest that “I cry a lit­tle bit about the pris­on­ers” has anoth­er idea for pun­ish­ing the poor and the black: A return to chain gangs.

Instead of loung­ing around prison, crim­i­nals clean up the roads, linked with thick and unbreak­able cords. It keeps the high­ways clean, pro­vides prox­i­mate social resti­tu­tion, and the humil­i­at­ing sight itself deters future crim­i­nals. What’s wrong with that? Right on cue, lib­er­als denounced it as cru­el, reac­tionary, unwork­able, and all the rest. But accord­ing to real peo­ple in Alaba­ma, seri­ous crime deserves a swift and seri­ous response.

2b. Next, we re-exam­ine one of the most impor­tant ana­lyt­i­cal arti­cles in a long time, David Golumbi­a’s arti­cle in Uncomputing.org about tech­nocrats and their fun­da­men­tal­ly unde­mo­c­ra­t­ic out­look.

“Tor, Tech­noc­racy, Democ­ra­cy”  [29]by David Golum­bia; Uncomputing.org [29]; 4/23/2015. [29]

” . . . . Such tech­no­cratic beliefs are wide­spread in our world today, espe­cially in the enclaves of dig­i­tal enthu­si­asts, whether or not they are part of the giant cor­po­rate-dig­i­tal leviathanHack­ers (“civic,” “eth­i­cal,” “white” and “black” hat alike), hack­tivists, Wik­iLeaks fans [and Julian Assange et al–D. E.], Anony­mous “mem­bers,” even Edward Snow­den him­self [59] walk hand-in-hand with Face­book and Google in telling us that coders don’t just have good things to con­tribute to the polit­i­cal world, but that the polit­i­cal world is theirs to do with what they want, and the rest of us should stay out of it: the polit­i­cal world is bro­ken, they appear to think (right­ly, at least in part), and the solu­tion to that, they think (wrong­ly, at least for the most part), is for pro­gram­mers to take polit­i­cal mat­ters into their own hands. . . First, [Tor co-cre­ator] Din­gle­dine claimed that Tor must be sup­ported because it fol­lows direct­ly from a fun­da­men­tal “right to pri­vacy.” Yet when pressed—and not that hard—he admits that what he means by “right to pri­vacy” is not what any human rights body or “par­tic­u­lar legal regime” has meant by it. Instead of talk­ing about how human rights are pro­tected, he asserts that human rights are nat­ural rights and that these nat­ural rights cre­ate nat­ural law that is prop­erly enforced by enti­ties above and out­side of demo­c­ra­tic poli­tiesWhere the UN’s Uni­ver­sal Dec­la­ra­tion on Human Rights [60] of 1948 is very clear that states and bod­ies like the UN to which states belong are the exclu­sive guar­an­tors of human rights, what­ever the ori­gin of those rights, Din­gle­dine asserts that a small group of soft­ware devel­op­ers can assign to them­selves that role, and that mem­bers of demo­c­ra­tic poli­ties have no choice but to accept them hav­ing that role. . . Fur­ther, it is hard not to notice that the appeal to nat­ural rights is today most often asso­ci­ated with the polit­i­cal right, for a vari­ety of rea­sons (ur-neo­con Leo Strauss was one of the most promi­nent 20th cen­tury pro­po­nents of these views [61]). We aren’t sup­posed to endorse Tor because we endorse the right: it’s sup­posed to be above the left/right dis­tinc­tion. But it isn’t. . . .

 3. The Guardian has an inter­view of one of Dylann Roof’s inspi­ra­tions: Harold Cov­ing­ton, a neo-Nazi author of a string of fic­tional books about vio­lent white suprema­cist rev­o­lu­tions–books that Covington’s web­site char­ac­ter­izes as “not meant to be mere entertainment...They are meant to be self-ful­fill­ing prophe­cies. The author wish­es to inspire the cre­ation of a real North­west Amer­i­can Repub­lic, and his nov­els are filled with a great deal of sound prac­ti­cal advice about how to do it.”

This is pre­cise­ly the type of endeav­or for which Glenn Green­wald ran legal inter­fer­ence when he rep­re­sent­ed the Nation­al Alliance.

Note that, in addi­tion to his involve­ment with the Greens­boro shoot­ing (dis­cussed in AFA #13 [62]) Cov­ing­ton was a Nazi asso­ciate of John Hinck­ley, as dis­cussed in FTR #244 [63].

“White Suprema­cist Calls Charleston ‘a Pre­view of Com­ing Attrac­tions’” by  [15]Sam Thiel­man; The Guardian [15]; 6/28/2015. [15]

Dylann Roof refers to Harold Covington’s white sep­a­ratist group, the North­west Front, in his alleged man­i­festo. The rightwing sci-fi writer dis­tances him­self from the shoot­ing, but his fol­low­ers spec­u­late if his work influ­enced Roof’s actions.

One of the shad­owy fig­ures who appears to have influ­enced alleged Charleston killer Dylann Roof is Harold Cov­ing­ton, the founder of a white sep­a­ratist move­ment and, with­in suprema­cist cir­cles, an influ­en­tial sci-fi author. Cov­ing­ton, the lat­est in a long line of rightwing sci-fi writ­ers, has been linked to racist crimes in the past and this week called the mas­sacre “a pre­view of com­ing attrac­tions”.

The racist man­i­festo and pho­tos appar­ently post­ed by Roof makes men­tion of the North­west Front, cre­ated by Cov­ing­ton, a for­mer mem­ber of the Amer­i­can Nazi par­ty who trav­eled to South Africa and Rhode­sia in order to agi­tate for white pow­er. In the accom­pa­ny­ing pho­tos, Roof wore patch­es with Rhode­sian and apartheid-era South African flags on them.

Cov­ing­ton, if you believe his web­site, runs a grow­ing enclave of white suprema­cists near Seat­tle called the North­west Front. The non-prof­it group is reflect­ed in a series of sci-fi nov­els, authored by Cov­ing­ton, about a dystopi­an future in which a white nation is the only answer to US eco­nomic and racial woes.

Amer­i­can sci­ence fic­tion has long had a right­ward tilt, from the con­tem­po­rary strain of small-press sci-fi Tea Par­ty fan­tasias swarm­ing the Hugo Awards nom­i­na­tions all the way back to lib­er­tar­ian deity Ayn Rand. But Covington’s nov­els are a breed apart.

His fol­low­ers see con­spir­acy in Covington’s con­nec­tions to Roof. “And why did this young man have a flight jack­et with flag patch­es from the old White ruled south­ern African coun­tries, which is where HAC spent part of his ear­ly days in the Cause, hmmm,” wrote a com­menter called Wingnut under a recent pod­cast on the North­west web­site. “Won­der if they’ll ‘find’ a pile of NF-HAC stuff in this young man’s home? Then they can pull one of those ‘the dev­il made me do it’ num­bers on HAC.”

Cov­ing­ton doesn’t advo­cate for ran­dom­ized vio­lence; he wants rev­o­lu­tion, to the extent that he calls his fol­low­ers “com­rades” and lec­tures them on “the pur­pose of rev­o­lu­tion” among oth­er phras­es more char­ac­ter­is­tic of the left than the right. While it was clear Roof knew about the North­west Front and seemed famil­iar with it, Cov­ing­ton con­demned Roof’s shoot­ing on his Tues­day pod­cast because “it doesn’t work.”

“Peo­ple, don’t do this shit, this flip­ping out with a gun luna­cy,” he said. “No, this is not just rit­ual dis­claimer, Harold try­ing to cov­er is ass, this is what Harold real­ly thinks.”

The Roof killings are not the first time Covington’s name has come up in con­nec­tion with an alleged­ly racist mur­der. Cov­ing­ton was part of a group of white suprema­cists in the 1970s who mas­sa­cred black peo­ple at a ral­ly in Greens­boro (Cov­ing­ton didn’t kill any­one and wasn’t in atten­dance on the day of the vio­lence). He was also at one time close with Fra­zier Glenn Miller [64], who is charged with killing a woman, a 69-year-old man and that man’s 14-year-old grand­son near Jew­ish insti­tu­tions last year.

Eliz­a­beth Wheaton wrote about Cov­ing­ton in her book Code­name Greenkil: The 1979 Greens­boro Killings. “Cov­ing­ton was pret­ty much a minor play­er,” she told The Guardian. “He liked the Nazi image on the white pow­er kinds of things, but he was kind of nerdy. Most of [the oth­ers] were coun­try peo­ple or ex-mil­i­tary.”

“For all of his lacks, he does not lack the abil­ity to turn a phrase,” said Wheaton. “He’s very artic­u­late in pre­sent­ing his mes­sage.”

Cov­ing­ton said he’d nev­er heard of Roof before the mas­sacre and told The Guardian to “try Storm­front. That’s usu­ally where new­bies in the Move­ment end up leav­ing their first elec­tronic foot­print.”

Much of Covington’s influ­ence on his fol­low­ers comes from his nov­els, which are writ­ten in a style that reads like some­one spilled a 50-gal­lon bar­rel of eth­nic slurs all over a stack of ear­ly-draft Robert Hein­lein nov­els. His choice of cul­tural icons dates his books con­sid­er­ably, even the recent ones, which are filled with up-to-the-minute ref­er­ences to Jane Fon­da and Gilligan’s Island, but the author prob­a­bly doesn’t care about these crit­i­cisms. The books are not pri­mar­ily nov­els, any­way.

The North­west nov­els “are not meant to be mere enter­tain­ment”, accord­ing to Covington’s web­site Northwest.org. “They are meant to be self-ful­fill­ing prophe­cies. The author wish­es to inspire the cre­ation of a real North­west Amer­i­can Repub­lic, and his nov­els are filled with a great deal of sound prac­ti­cal advice about how to do it.”

There are five North­west nov­els are all pop­u­lated with sim­i­larly brave and hero­ic white men (“domes­tic ter­ror­ist-type dudes” in the words of Shane Ryan, the nar­ra­tor of Covington’s A Dis­tant Thun­der), cru­el, DW Grif­fith-style black peo­ple whose speech is writ­ten in dialect, and hand-wring­ing lib­er­als who want noth­ing more than to sti­fle the right to free speech of (white) peo­ple who just want to secede from the US.

“As the NVA [North­west Vol­un­teer Army, Covington’s heroes] vise had slow­ly clamped down on the North­west over the past five years, Capi­tol Hill had lost much of its left-wing cachet, as those art­sy-fart­sy habitue´s who were dusky of skin or sex­u­ally invert­ed either fled to more hos­pitable climes or got well and tru­ly wast­ed, shot dead on the pave­ment by the NVA gun­ners,” Cov­ing­ton explains in 2004’s A Mighty Fortress.

Shane Ryan, hero of the pur­ported oral-his­to­ry-of-the-rev­o­lu­tion vol­ume A Dis­tant Thun­der, recalls the hero­ism of his white broth­ers and sis­ters up to and includ­ing teams “spe­cialty snipers” who pick off inter­ra­cial cou­ples and, of course, Con­rad Baum­garten, who “came all the way from Ger­many with his SS offi­cer grandfather’s scoped ’98 Mauser to hunt Jews”.


Covington’s prophe­cy

In an email exchange with the Guardian, Cov­ing­ton said he was urg­ing fol­low­ers not to talk about Roof until “all the facts were out”.

What did he mean by that? “I mean that a lot of times these things are not as adver­tised and peo­ple like you have a ten­dency to try to use us as props and aids to sup­port the Offi­cial Ver­sion. Okla­homa City being a prime exam­ple; there is a com­pelling case to be made that was a gov­ern­ment sting oper­a­tion gone very wrong, but I long ago gave up any hope of ever get­ting any­body to lis­ten; any­thing we say is sim­ply shout­ed down or kicked aside, we are treat­ed as cranks at best, and facts are nev­er allowed to inter­fere with the Received Wis­dom from on high.

“For anoth­er exam­ple, I am well aware of the ide­o­log­i­cal ori­en­ta­tion of the Guardian (I lived in the British Isles for a num­ber of years [Cov­ing­ton spent time among skin­heads in the UK – “a lot of them were great guys,” he said on a recent pod­cast]) and I under­stand that I have not a snowball’s chance in hell of get­ting our view­point rep­re­sented hon­estly and fair­ly there.”

A few hours lat­er, a new install­ment of his radio show went up on the Radio Free North­west web­site, in which he did not advo­cate for vio­lence, but did fan­ta­size for a lit­tle while, say­ing that lib­er­als were afraid of Charleston because it was “a pre­view of com­ing attrac­tions”.

“They’ve been giv­en a vision of a time in some imag­ined but pos­si­bly not too-far dis­tant future when all of a sud­den, on the street or in their office, or in some trendy fern bar, or Star­bucks, or wine-and-cheese bou­tique on the Upper East Side or in San Fran­cisco, they will look up, pos­si­bly from the lap­top, where they are typ­ing up their day’s quo­ta of left­wing, lib­eral horse­shit, and they will see a young white man like Dylann Roof stand­ing in front of them with no steroid-pumped police­men in blue to pro­tect their lib­eral can­dy ass­es from the con­se­quences of years of their own behav­ior,” he said. “They will see in that young white man’s eyes, that he rec­og­nizes them. That he is now beyond decep­tion or bul­ly­ing or brow­beat­ing or Twit­ter-sham­ing or intim­i­da­tion, that he knows them for what they are. And they will look down and see that he has some­thing in his hand.”

[65]5. A black church just burned down in Hous­ton. We can add one more to the list of sud­denly high­ly flam­ma­ble black church­es.

Is this sud­den surge in black church burn­ings fol­low­ing the Charleston Mas­sacre part of a wave of racial­ly moti­vated hate crimes?

Well, as the ol’ say­ing goes, where there’s smoke, there’s fire...unless it’s smoke asso­ci­ated with the burn­ing a black church [18], in which case it’s just a ran­dom tragedy [19].

“Black Church Burn­ings: Houston’s Fifth Ward Mis­sion­ary Bap­tist Lat­est To Catch Fire”  [17]by Julia Glum; Inter­na­tional Busi­ness Times [17]; 7/15/2015. [17]

Author­i­ties respond­ed ear­ly Wednes­day morn­ing to a fire at Houston’s Fifth Ward Mis­sion­ary Bap­tist Church, the lat­est in a rash of burn­ings at pre­dom­i­nantly black reli­gious insti­tu­tions. Nobody was injured in Wednes­day fire, but the Texas church was “sig­nif­i­cantly dam­aged,” KHOU report­ed [66]. It took fire­fight­ers about 30 min­utes to extin­guish the flames.

The Hous­ton Chron­i­cle report­ed [67] that offi­cials were inves­ti­gat­ing what caused the fire, which was first report­ed at 7:34 a.m. News of the blaze came as police in oth­er states were look­ing into sim­i­lar inci­dents at oth­er church­es across the South over the past month. The FBI and Bureau of Alco­hol, Tobac­co, Firearms and Explo­sives were report­edly [68] work­ing with local agen­cies to deter­mine whether the fires were con­nect­ed.

At least six church­es have been burned since a white shoot­er killed nine black peo­ple dur­ing a June 17 mas­sacre at the his­tor­i­cally black Emanuel African Methodist Epis­co­pal Church in Charleston, South Car­olina. The fatal shoot­ing set off a nation­wide dis­cus­sion about race rela­tions in the Unit­ed States.

Recent church burn­ings include:
* On June 21, a per­son lit hay bales at Col­lege Hill Sev­enth-Day Adven­tist in Knoxville, Ten­nessee. The build­ing wasn’t harmed, but a van was destroyed.
* On June 23, a sus­pected arson­ist burned down God’s Pow­er Church of Christ in Macon, Geor­gia. Author­i­ties said they hadn’t found evi­dence the fire was a hate crime.
* On June 24, Bri­ar Creek Road Bap­tist Church in Char­lotte, North Car­olina, suf­fered more than $250,000 in dam­ages after a sus­pected arson­ist set fire to the build­ing. It was unclear whether the fire was racial­ly moti­vated.
* On June 26, the Greater Mir­a­cle Tem­ple in Tal­la­has­see caught fire when a tree fell on elec­tric wires. Fire mar­shals ruled the inci­dent acci­den­tal.
* On June 26, Glover Grove Bap­tist Church in War­renville, South Car­olina burned down. State law enforce­ment were unable to deter­mine what caused the fire.
* On June 30, Mount Zion African Methodist Epis­co­pal Church in Gree­leyville, South Car­olina, caught fire like­ly due to light­ning strikes.


6. Ignor­ing the “Lead­er­less Resis­tance Strat­e­gy” for which Green­wald ran inter­fer­ence and which Dylan Roof (alleged­ly), Glenn Fra­zier Miller (alleged­ly) and John Houser (alleged­ly) man­i­fest­ed, main­stream media sources dis­miss the notion that the burn­ings of black church­es might be ide­o­log­i­cal­ly linked.

“Why ‘Uncon­nect­ed’ Church Burn­ings Can Still Be Racist” by Jack Jenk­ins; Think Progress; 7/1/2015. [18]

When news broke [69] late Tues­day evening that yet anoth­er black church — Mount Zion A.M.E. Church in Greelyville, South Car­oli­na — was on fire, the Inter­net erupt­ed with out­rage. Peo­ple on Twit­ter not­ed that Mount Zion, which was also burned in the 1990s by mem­bers of the KKK, is the sev­enth [70] pre­dom­i­nant­ly African Amer­i­can church to burn to the ground in the past few weeks, and began vent­ing their frus­tra­tion using the hash­tag #WhoIs­Burn­ing­BlackChurch­es.

In response to the anger over church burn­ings that has been build­ing for weeks, some media out­lets, such as the Wash­ing­ton Post’s The Fix blog [71], have con­tend­ed that attacks on black church­es are not actu­al­ly on the rise, sug­gest­ing the media is giv­ing unwar­rant­ed cov­er­age to the fires in after­math of the recent shoot­ing of nine black church goers in Charleston, South Car­oli­na.

Along sim­i­lar lines, the New York Times pub­lished a sto­ry [72] on Tues­day pur­port­ing that there was no evi­dence that the arsons were hate crimes, cit­ing inves­ti­ga­tors who said that even the inten­tion­al fires were mere­ly acts of “van­dal­ism.” The Times sto­ry also includ­ed quotes from inspec­tors claim­ing most of the fires are not believed to be “con­nect­ed,” inso­far as they aren’t thought to be part of a orga­nized cam­paign of hate by one indi­vid­ual or group.

Grant­ed, some of the fires do appear to be acci­dents, and the cause of the inci­dent in Greelyville is still unclear. But the need to find an explic­it “con­nec­tion” between the fires may be mis­guid­ed: When it comes to church burn­ings, many African Amer­i­cans see the dif­fer­ence between an offi­cial hate crime and an act of “van­dal­ism” as an issue of seman­tics, espe­cial­ly giv­en the long, painful his­to­ry of racists [73] inten­tion­al­ly — and large­ly inde­pen­dent­ly — set­ting fire to black church­es all over the coun­try. This con­text is the lived expe­ri­ence of many black Amer­i­cans, and helps shed light on why — regard­less of whether these fires are set acci­den­tal­ly or inten­tion­al­ly — so many are express­ing dis­may at the appar­ent rash of burn­ings, which prompt­ed the NAACP to call on church­es to beef up their secu­ri­ty [74]. . . .

7. Media have long neglect­ed to cov­er vio­lence used to ter­ror­ize African-Amer­i­cans.

“Why the Media Refuse to Con­nect those Church Fires with Race” by Car­olyn J. Davis; TPM Café: Opin­ion; 7/13/2015. [19]

In recent weeks, inves­ti­ga­tors have been exam­in­ing [75] the cir­cum­stances sur­round­ing a series of fires at pre­dom­i­nant­ly black, south­ern church­es. While some of the more recent fires were ruled acci­den­tal, author­i­ties found evi­dence for arson in at least three cas­es. Burn­ing black church­es has a long, well-doc­u­ment­ed his­to­ry [76] as a white tac­tic for intim­i­da­tion, par­tic­u­lar­ly in the days of the Civ­il Rights Move­ment. More recent­ly, a mid-1990s series of racial­ly-moti­vat­ed church burn­ings prompt­ed the 1996 Church Arson Pre­ven­tion Act [77].

And yet, the seem­ing reluc­tance of sev­er­al media outlets—including The New York Times [72], The Wash­ing­ton Post [71], and CNN.com [78]—to seek a racial con­text for cov­er­ing the fires has led some com­men­ta­tors [18] to ques­tion what might be at stake in avoid­ing call­ing the church fires any­thing oth­er than “iso­lat­ed inci­dents” or “van­dal­ism,” espe­cial­ly in light of the recent shoot­ing in Charleston, South Car­oli­na.

An abun­dance of cau­tion in report­ing should not be fault­ed, but the fact is that the main­stream has a long his­to­ry and a short mem­o­ry when it comes to report­ing on anti-black vio­lence. This might seem some­what sur­pris­ing, giv­en the media’s pro­cliv­i­ty for spec­u­lat­ing about ter­ror con­spir­a­cies [79]. But our large­ly white media machine—in which I myself am an occa­sion­al participant—suffers not only from fre­quent bouts of para­noia, but also a ten­den­cy towards col­lec­tive amne­sia. If “the con­di­tion of black life is one of mourn­ing,” as Clau­dia Rank­ine recent­ly wrote for the New York Times [80], the con­di­tion of white life is one of for­get­ful­ness.

The ten­den­cy to under­re­port racial­ly-moti­vat­ed vio­lence against black com­mu­ni­ties has a long, trou­bling his­to­ry. Along with church burn­ings, black Amer­i­cans car­ry the col­lec­tive mem­o­ry of anoth­er kind of ter­ror: lynch­ings. A hor­rif­ic strat­e­gy of pub­lic, wan­ton vio­lence met­ed out across the South, lynch­ings were a promi­nent part of the effort to sup­press black social upris­ing and main­tain white dom­i­nance. And the white press has a com­pli­cat­ed his­to­ry when it came to how lynch­ings and race-relat­ed mur­ders were cov­ered.

From Eman­ci­pa­tion to the end of Jim Crow, lynch­ings erased the val­ue of black lives by keep­ing the threat of vio­lence per­pet­u­al­ly in the air. Black men, women and chil­dren were lynched with a vicious impuni­ty. Lynch­ings were gen­er­al­ly pub­lic, with bod­ies stripped, hung, burned or muti­lat­ed and left on dis­play. Post­cards with pic­tures of the deceased were avail­able for pur­chase and trad­ing. How­ev­er, as civ­il rights slow­ly advanced across the South, vio­lence went under­ground, but it did not stop. In turn, the white press, par­tic­u­lar­ly in the South, gen­er­al­ly played down or ignored how the ongo­ing killings of black Amer­i­cans helped to main­tain the ethos of seg­re­ga­tion, even as laws began to change. . . .

8. One of the sig­na­ture inci­dents in the civ­il rights move­ment of the 1960’s was the bomb­ing of the 16th Street Bap­tist Church in Birm­ing­ham, Alaba­ma. The bomb­ing was one of the events depict­ed in the film “Sel­ma.”

In AFA #8 [81], we not­ed the evi­den­tiary trib­u­taries between that bomb­ing and the assas­si­na­tion of Dr. Mar­tin Luther King.  Some points made about Dr. King’s slay­ing in our archives:

8. A recent New York Times Op-ed piece men­tioned that Robert (Bob) Whitak­er was run­ning for Vice Pres­i­dent on a white suprema­cist plat­form in 2016. What the piece (pre­dictably) failed to note was that Robert (Bob) Whitak­er held a sen­si­tive posi­tion in the Rea­gan White House [83].

This coun­try’s Nazis are enabled by its “Not-Sees.”

“White Suprema­cists with­out Bor­ders” by Mor­ris Dees and Richard Cohen; The New York Times; 6/22/2015. [21]

. . . . In recent years, extrem­ists have dis­tilled the notion of white geno­cide to “the mantra,” parts of which show up on bill­boards through­out the South, as well as in Inter­net chat rooms. It pro­claims “Diver­si­ty = White Geno­cide” and “Diver­si­ty Means Chas­ing Down the Last White Per­son,” blam­ing mul­ti­cul­tur­al­ism for under­min­ing the “white race.” The white nation­al­ist Amer­i­can Free­dom Par­ty has made the mantra’s author, a seg­re­ga­tion­ist from South Car­oli­na named Robert Whitak­er, its vice-pres­i­den­tial can­di­date in 2016. . . . 

9. Again, what The New York Times does NOT tell us about Whitak­er is that he was in charge of secu­ri­ty clear­ances and oth­er sen­si­tive func­tions for the Rea­gan White House. 

“A White Future is Com­ing: an Inter­view with Bob Whitak­er” by Kevin Alfred Strom; Amer­i­can Dis­si­dent Voic­es; 7/3/2004. [22]

 . . . KAS: When we intro­duced you for the first time to our read­ers in Nation­al Van­guard, we gave a cap­sule biog­ra­phy of you as fol­lows:

‘Mr. Whitak­er was born and raised in South Car­olina, and attend­ed the Uni­ver­sity of South Car­olina and the Uni­ver­sity of Vir­ginia Grad­u­ate School. He has been a col­lege pro­fes­sor, an inter­na­tional avi­a­tion nego­tia­tor, a Capi­tol Hill senior staffer, a Rea­gan Admin­is­tra­tion appointee, and a writer for the Voice of Amer­i­ca.”

So you’re a Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion appointee — what’s the sto­ry behind that?

BW: I was Spe­cial Assis­tant to the Direc­tor of the Office of Per­son­nel Man­age­ment, in charge of secu­rity clear­ances, staffing, and that sort of thing. . . .

10. A Port­land police cap­tain was dis­ci­plined for a num­ber of things, includ­ing the pub­lic hon­or­ing of five Third Reich sol­diers. Was Mark Kruger part of the Aryan North­west project?

“Port­land Police Capt. Mark Kruger’s Past Dis­ci­pline to Be Erased–Including Trib­ute to Nazi-Era Soldiers–Under City Set­tle­ment” by Max­ine Bern­stein; The Port­land Ore­gon­ian; 7/16/2014. [24]

To set­tle a legal claim, the city of Port­land has agreed to pay $5,000 to Port­land police Capt. Mark Kruger and erase two dis­ci­pli­nary actions from his per­son­nel record: a sus­pen­sion for his pub­lic trib­ute to five Nazi-era Ger­man sol­diers at a city park and a rep­ri­mand for retal­i­at­ing against a female lieu­tenant.

The steps are part of a nego­ti­at­ed set­tle­ment reached after Kruger, now in charge of the Drugs and Vice Divi­sion, filed a notice of his intent to sue the city in Jan­u­ary 2013.

Kruger, through his attor­ney, argued that the city and the police bureau’s Direc­tor of Ser­vices Mike Kuyk­endall slan­dered him in a series of text mes­sages. Kuyk­endall repeat­ed­ly referred to Kruger as a Nazi in an exchange of texts with Lt. Kristy Gal­van. . . . .

. . . . As part of the unusu­al set­tle­ment with Kruger [84], the city agreed to pay him back for the 80 hours sus­pen­sion with­out pay he received in 2010 for nail­ing “memo­r­i­al plaques” of five Nazi sol­diers to a tree on the east side of Rocky Butte Park some­time between 1999 and 2001. Kruger was a Port­land offi­cer at the time, but was­n’t on duty when he erect­ed the plaques as a shrine he called “Ehren­baum” or “Hon­or Tree.” . . . .

11. Daim­ler’s truck plant in Port­land was alleged to have been a hotbed of offi­cial­ly-sanc­tioned Nazi and white-suprema­cist activ­i­ty.

“Daim­ler Under Inves­ti­ga­tion after Racist, Vio­lent Alle­ga­tions” by Sara Roth; KGW.com; 10/01/2014. [25]

Daim­ler Trucks North Amer­i­ca is under inves­ti­ga­tion after alle­ga­tions of racist lan­guage and vio­lent threats were made by at least five employ­ees in North Port­land, the Bureau of Labor and Indus­tries announced Wednes­day.

Ore­gon Labor Com­mis­sion­er Brad Avakian filed a com­plaint against Daim­ler Sep­tem­ber 25. It alleges that the com­pa­ny failed to take appro­pri­ate action after black and African Amer­i­can employ­ees were called racist names includ­ing “nig­ger,” “boy,” “Toby” and “buck­wheat.”

A white cowork­er is also accused of threat­en­ing an African Amer­i­can Daim­ler employ­ee with a noose and say­ing he would drag the employ­ee behind his car.

When the threat­ened employ­ee report­ed the inci­dent to Daim­ler, Avakian alleges the com­pa­ny “failed to take appro­pri­ate dis­ci­pli­nary action against the cowork­er pri­or to his retire­ment.”

In addi­tion, a swasti­ka dis­played in a Daim­ler bath­room was­n’t tak­en down in a time­ly man­ner, the com­plaint said.

Accord­ing to the BOLI spokesman Char­lie Burr, five Daim­ler employ­ees have said they expe­ri­enced unlaw­ful dis­crim­i­na­tion at the North Port­land facil­i­ty this year. Avakian said that includ­ed black, African Amer­i­can, Egypt­ian and Viet­namese employ­ees. . . .

12. Return­ing to a sub­ject cov­ered in—among oth­er pro­grams—FTR#s 477 [85], 761 [86] the broad­cast flesh­es out Atta and company’s Ger­man con­nec­tions. Through­out the milieu through which the 9/11 hijack­ers infil­trat­ed, one finds Ger­mans. Hilliard’s and Dekkers’ part­ner (in Flori­da Air) Rick Boehlke worked for a wealthy Ger­man indus­tri­al­ist who was buy­ing large amounts of prop­er­ty in the Pacif­ic North­west. (It is worth not­ing in this regard that White Suprema­cists have long focused on the Pacif­ic North­west as an area that could be turned into “an Aryan home­land.” Is it pos­si­ble that Boehlke’s Ger­man bene­fac­tor was involved with such a scheme?) Note, also, that an acquain­tance of Dekkers alleged that he told her he was Ger­man, not Dutch.

Wel­come to Ter­ror­land: Mohammed Atta & the 9–11 Cov­er-Up in Flori­da by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Trine Day [HC]; pp. 233–234.  [28]

. . . . Who had Rudi Dekkers and co. been work­ing for? We didn’t know any­one you could just walk up to and ask. We maybe got a clue from Mike Pick­ett, the avi­a­tion exec­u­tive who had watched Rick Boehlke with the same amaze­ment with which avi­a­tion pro­fes­sion­als in Flori­da watched Dekkers. ‘When Boehlke came in he was just a restau­ra­teur at the Gig Har­bor air­port,’ he said. Then he became the Gen­er­al Man­ag­er for a Ger­man named Folk­er, a Ger­man indus­tri­al­ist buy­ing up all the land in that area.’ [Empha­sis added.] More Ger­mans. Jes­si­ca Daley, an attrac­tive air­line pro­fes­sion­al in her late twen­ties, worked for Rick Boehlke at Har­bor Air and lat­er trans­ferred and worked for Rudi Dekkers at Flori­da Air. While Har­bor Air was going under, Boehlke told Jes­si­ca to fly down to Flori­da and see Rudi. ‘When I walked into his (Rudi’s) office he was yelling and scream­ing at peo­ple,’ she recalled. ‘He said, ‘Peo­ple call me a bas­tard Nazi because I’m loud and I’m Ger­man. And I’m very demand­ing.’ Dekkers told her he was Ger­man, not Dutch, Jes­si­ca said. . . .

13. In FTR #483 [26], we not­ed that Boehlke’s Air­line was part of the infra­struc­ture and mar­ket­ing scheme of Rudi Dekkers’ oper­a­tions in Flori­da. “Boehlke, Inc.” was linked to Flori­da Air (for which Katharine Har­ris flacked) and appears to have been part of how Dekkers attract­ed Ger­man and Arab pilots to his South Flori­da oper­a­tion.

Note that, accord­ing to the BKA (the Ger­man Fed­er­al Police), key asso­ciates of Atta in Flori­da were the chil­dren of promi­nent Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists [86]!

Wel­come to Ter­ror­land: Mohammed Atta & the 9–11 Cov­er-Up in Flori­da by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Trine Day [HC]; pp. 213–217.  [28]

. . . .In the spring of 2001—while Mohamed Atta was at his school—Rudi Dekkers did some­thing so incred­i­ble that we spent over a year exam­in­ing it in befud­dled amaze­ment. At the same time he was receiv­ing the most painful kind of humil­i­at­ing cov­er­age in the local press (‘Huff­man Rent Is Late, Again’), Rudi Dekkers and Wal­ly Hilliard blithe­ly launched an air­line. They called it Flori­da Air, or FLAIR. . . .

. . . . We were not sur­prised to dis­cov­er no one in the local avi­a­tion com­mu­ni­ty thought the move made any busi­ness sense. All agreed that FLAIR was a doomed ven­ture from day one. Once again, the ques­tion was why were they doing it. If both had not had busi­ness with Mohamed Atta, it might not have mat­tered. But they had. They chose, as part­ner, a man named Rick Boehlke, who owned an air car­ri­er called Har­bor Air, in Gig Har­bor, Wash­ing­ton. Boehlke was also, just then, a par­tic­i­pant in Port­land, OR., in the $340 mil­lion loot­ing of pen­sion funds of most­ly Mob-led unions, like the Labor­ers Union. . . . .

. . . . What were the odds that Rudi Dekkers and Wal­ly Hilliard would go look­ing for a busi­ness part­ner and come up with a guy with Mob ties [Bor­mann ties?–D.E.] who’s help­ing pull off a spec­tac­u­lar $300 mil­lion heist? . . . Flori­da Air, the new air­line, used Rick Boehlke’s Har­bor Air’s license to fly. Boehlke also end­ed up sup­ply­ing the new air­line with both planes and pilots. What Dekkers and Hilliard were bring­ing to the par­ty was an open ques­tion. Mean­while, Mohamed Atta was still at Huff­man Avi­a­tion, doing no one knows quite what. Was it out­side the realm of pos­si­bil­i­ty that all three men—Dekkers, Boehlke, and Hilliard worked for the same com­pa­ny? A com­pa­ny, or net­work, spe­cial­iz­ing in ‘nich­es’ like loot­ing pen­sion funds and train­ing ter­ror­ists to fly? Or . . . was this just anoth­er freak coin­ci­dence? What are the odds, that the men who helped ter­ror­ist ring­leader Mohamed Atta estab­lish his Amer­i­can beach­head would be in busi­ness with a part­ner who robs banks . . . from the inside. . . .

. . . . How­ev­er it played out, our under­stand­ing of what the ter­ror­ist con­spir­a­cy was doing in Flori­da would be shaped by what it was Rudi Dekkers and Wal­ly Hilliard were dis­cov­ered to have been doing—and with whom—while Mohamed Atta prac­ticed touch and go’s at their facil­i­ties in Venice and Naples. Flori­da Air launched with great fan­fare in the Spring of 2001. Dekkers and Hilliard had start­ed anoth­er avi­a­tion busi­ness that did not make busi­ness sense. . . . .

. . . . Dur­ing its brief two-month exis­tence, Mohamed Atta may well have flown for the air­line as a co-pilot. No one will admit it, but there were ter­ror­ists inside the cock­pit of an Amer­i­can air­line plane dur­ing the year 2001 who didn’t need box-cut­ters to get there. We dis­cov­ered that the chance to fly as a com­mer­cial pilot with Flori­da Air, after tak­ing flight train­ing at ‘sis­ter com­pa­ny’ Huff­man Avi­a­tion, had been a big part of Rudi Dekkers Euro­pean sales pitch, and was played up in the company’s adver­tis­ing. . . .

. . . . ‘I kept ads from fly­ing mag­a­zines from 2000,’ said Bill Bersch, a for­mer man­ag­er at Huff­man. ‘Come to Huff­man to train, and then fly with our Flori­da Air air­line.’ The flight school was adver­tised as a feed into Flori­da Air as future employ­er of Huffman’s flight school stu­dents. Flori­da Air put the ads in every­where, but when it came down to it they couldn’t offer fly­ing jobs, because there wasn’t an air­line for very long.’ While this would seem to be a pret­ty seri­ous crime, there had been no FAA inves­ti­ga­tion, which isn’t sur­pris­ing. Dur­ing the course of his ‘avi­a­tion career’ in Flori­da, Rudi Dekkers received so many free ‘pass­es’ from the FAA that they should enshrine it with an exhib­it at the Air & Space Muse­um. . . .

. . . We need­ed to take a clos­er look at Rick Boehlke, at Flori­da Air, and at Rudi Dekkers and Wal­ly Hilliard’s moti­va­tions for start­ing it. How many busi­ness­men behind on their rent for six month in a row have the gall, or chutz­pah, to at the same time start a new air­line? Was it not enough for Rudi and Wal­ly that they were already los­ing mon­ey hand-over-fist in their flight school ven­ture, they decid­ed they might as well be los­ing mil­lions in an air­line as well?. . . .

14. Among the cap­i­tal-gen­er­at­ing oper­a­tions of Rick Boehlke was an appar­ent scheme to use retire­ment homes. Again, note the endorse­ment of Boehlke’s Flori­da Air by Katharine Har­ris.

Wel­come to Ter­ror­land: Mohammed Atta & the 9–11 Cov­er-Up in Flori­da by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Trine Day [HC]; p. 239.  [28]

. . . . The chief and, indeed, only accom­plish­ment of Boehlke and Dekkers’ unsuc­cess­ful air­line was that it pro­vid­ed a ratio­nale for the pres­ence on the tar­mac of the Venice Air­port of a half dozen British Aero­space Jet­streams poised with­in easy reach of Caribbean hot spots. Well the air­line did have one oth­er accom­plish­ment: it was pub­licly endorsed by then-Flori­da Sec­re­tary of State Kather­ine Har­ris. . . .

15. More about Rick Boehlke:

Wel­come to Ter­ror­land: Mohammed Atta & the 9–11 Cov­er-Up in Flori­da by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Trine Day [HC]; pp. 225–241.  [28]

. . . Boehlke and Dekkers seemed too sim­i­lar for it to be just a coin­ci­dence.

For exam­ple, Boehlke’s avi­a­tion com­pa­ny was evict­ed from its ter­mi­nal at Sea-Tac Inter­na­tion­al for fail­ure to pay back rent. And Boehlke’s avi­a­tion-relat­ed busi­ness­es didn’t make busi­ness sense, either. ‘Richard Boehlke’s for­mer employ­ees always won­dered what the avi­a­tion busi­ness was real­ly doing,’ reporter Mason told us. ‘From the begin­ning they felt that the finances flowed from the real estate hold­ings and the retire­ment home into this avi­a­tion com­pa­ny, and that there was real­ly no way this avi­a­tion com­pa­ny was real­ly mak­ing mon­ey. So the ques­tion about what this avi­a­tion com­pa­ny was real­ly all about still remains to be seen.’ . . . .

. . . . Boehlke’s Har­bor Air had invest­ed $8 mil­lion in new planes to accom­mo­date more pas­sen­gers in 1999, for exam­ple, and com­pa­ny offi­cials said 2000 was a prof­itable year. But the firm’s debts had already mount­ed to the point where man­age­ment just cashed out and split. A Har­bor Air employ­ee could only spec­u­late as to why the air­line was going under. ‘Mis­man­age­ment of funds,’ said the employ­ee. ‘[Pas­sen­ger] loads have picked up tremen­dous­ly. We have five or six flights in and out a day.’” . . . .

. . . .Was Rick Boehlke an inno­cent busi­ness­man hav­ing a hor­ri­ble string of bad luck? Or had he been feath­er­ing a bank account in the Cay­mans? Like Rudi Dekkers, all his com­pa­nies were losers. . . even his ‘flag­ship’ assist­ed liv­ing com­pa­ny. ‘Even Boehlke’s Alter­ra Health Care went side­ways,’ said an avi­a­tion observ­er in Taco­ma. ‘The stock went from $38 three years ago to 22 cents.’ The ‘cov­er’ sto­ry we heard was: Boehlke lost $40 mil­lion in the stock mar­ket. . . .

. . . ‘For the 53 year-old Boehlke, the sun-drenched par­ties aboard his per­son­al Grum­man Alba­tross with friends in the San Juan Islands were sup­pos­ed­ly over,’ report­ed the local paper in the San Juan Islands. ‘His huge fly­ing boat sits for sale at the Taco­ma Nar­rows Air­port in Gig Har­bor, along with oth­er assets from his bank­rupt avi­a­tion com­pa­ny. Observers in Wash­ing­ton not­ed that he was not, how­ev­er, run­ning notice­ably short of cash.’ . . . .

. . . Eric Mason explained. ‘Richard Boehlke start­ed in busi­ness cre­at­ing free­stand­ing retire­ment homes, and he at one point had the largest com­pa­ny, the largest hold­ing of these free­stand­ing retire­ment homes in the coun­try. One of the retire­ment homes that belongs to the com­pa­ny that Richard Boehlke once held was just a stone’s throw from the air­port where Mohamed Atta was trained. You have to ask your­self, there’s a lot of coin­ci­dences here. Are they just coin­ci­dences, or is there some­thing more to it?’ . . . .

. . . But, just a few hun­dred feet down the block from Huff­man Avi­a­tion in Venice, Boehlke’s com­pa­ny, Alter­ra, built a gleam­ing new assist­ed liv­ing facil­i­ty dur­ing the 1990’s. Sure­ly there couldn’t be any con­nec­tion between the assist­ed liv­ing indus­try and covert oper­a­tions? Could there? There could. We need­ed to look no fur­ther than a round-up of the usu­al sus­pects. A block away from the Venice Air­port, on the oppo­site side of the street from Boehlke’s assist­ed liv­ing home facil­i­ty, is a large and state­ly colo­nial build­ing which looks eeri­ly like the plush digs of the law firm in the Tom Cruise movie ‘The Firm.’ . . . .