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For The Record  

FTR #892 The So-Called “Kennedy Curse”

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This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment

Introduction: Political comedian Mort Sahl (who worked for New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison) asked in his autobiography; “How many lies can you allow yourself to believe before you belong to the lie?” With RFK assassination patsy Sirhan Sirhan having been denied parole for the fifteenth time, the truth of Mort Sahl’s words resonates.

The violent misfortunes that the Kennedy family has experienced have been characterized by our media establishment as “the Kennedy Curse,” as though some sort of witchcraft or sorcery were responsible for the skullduggery, rather than lethal conspiratorial process on the part of key federal agencies and their associated political and corporate elites in, and outside of, the United States.

Beginning with analysis of the aftermath of Sirhan Sirhan’s latest parole hearing, we note RFK associate Paul Schrade’s testimony and his attempts at getting the case re-opened. (We have covered Schrade’s testimony in numerous past programs, including AFA #9. For more about the RFK assassination, see, among other programs: FTR #’s 582, 789, 809.) Schrade opined that the shot that hit him was fired by Sirhan, but that Sirhan could not have fired the fatal shot that killed RFK.

 “The truth is in the prosecution’s own records and the autopsy, . . . . It says Sirhan couldn’t have shot Robert Kennedy and didn’t. He was out of position. . . . The LAPD and LA DA knew two hours after the fatal shoot­ing of Robert Kennedy that he was shot by a sec­ond gun­man and they had con­clu­sive evi­dence that Sirhan Bishara Sirhan could not and did not do it,” the state­ment said. “The offi­cial record shows that [the pros­e­cu­tion at Sirhan’s trial] never had one wit­ness – and had no phys­i­cal nor bal­lis­tic evi­dence – to prove Sirhan shot Robert Kennedy. . . Evi­dence locked up for 20 years shows that the LAPD destroyed phys­i­cal evi­dence and hid bal­lis­tic evi­dence exon­er­at­ing Sirhan, and cov­ered up con­clu­sive evi­dence that a sec­ond gun­man fatally wounded Robert Kennedy.” . . .

After reviewing some key aspects of the physical evidence in the RFK assassination case, we highlight an illuminating incident that took place shortly before President Kennedy’s assassination. The co-owner of an aviation firm, Wayne January sold a DC-3 to an Air Force colonel, who effected the transaction on behalf of a CIA front company. A pilot and former Cuban air force officer worked with him on the aircraft, preparing it for flight on the afternoon of Friday, November 22nd of 1963. During the course of their efforts, the pilot disclosed to January that:

  • He worked for the CIA on the Bay of Pigs project.
  • That his employers blamed the Kennedys for the failure of the project.
  • That they planed to kill JFK to punish him for what they perceived as his betrayal.
  • That they also planned to kill Robert Kennedy and “any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”

Events bore out the Cuban pilot’s prediction.

Allen Dulles

As we have discussed in numerous past programs, Robert Kennedy was going to reopen the investigation into his brother’s murder after he became President. His assassination, of course, prevented that.

The program concludes with a recap of FTR #175, highlighting the death of JFK’s son.

Apparently fulfilling the prophecy of Wayne January’s Cuban associate, JFK, jr.’s death in the crash of a private plane may well have been an assassination, designed to prevent him from being nominated as a possible Vice-Presidential candidate on the 2000 Democratic ticket.

Program Highlights Include:

  • Review of the case of Thane Eugene Cesar, suspected by many of being the actual assassin of RFK.
  • Review of the CIA/intelligence backgrounds of Manuel “Manny” Pena and Enrique “Hank”Hernandez, who were in charge of Special Unit Senator, the LAPD’s “investigative” unit overseeing the RFK assassination case.
  • Discussion of discrepancies in the “official” version of JFK, jr.’s death and the facts as reported by John Bryan: JFK, jr. was an experienced pilot, the weather was not overcast when he went down, his plane was cleared for landing and witnesses saw an apparent explosion as the aircraft approached Martha’s Vineyard.
  • Discussion of Wayne January’s disclosure of his experience to British author Matthew Smith.

 

1. Beginning with analysis of the aftermath of Sirhan Sirhan’s latest parole hearing, we note RFK associate Paul Schrade’s testimony and his attempts at getting the case re-opened. (We have covered Schrade’s testimony in numerous past programs, including AFA #9.)

Schrade, RFK’s cam­paign labor chair­man who was shot by Sirhan, tes­ti­fied that, yes, Sirhan did shoot Schrade, but he couldn’t have shot Kennedy too and should be released. It’s the kind of tes­ti­mony that may be of lim­ited use at a parole hear­ing (“he shot me, but didn’t shoot the other guy”), but at least Schrade got to once again raise ques­tions about lone-assassin con­clu­sion. Not that Schrade’s tes­ti­mony helped Sirhan at his parole hear­ing, but for the sake of pro­vid­ing key wit­ness tes­ti­mony to impor­tant events in Amer­i­can his­tory that future gen­er­a­tions will use to assess the likely truth of what hap­pened, it was quite help­ful:

“Sirhan Sirhan Denied Parole Despite a Kennedy Confidant’s Call for the Assassin’s Release” by Peter Hol­ley; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 2/11/2016.

 After decades of inves­ti­ga­tion, Paul Schrade has no doubt about the iden­tity of the man who shot him in the head shortly after mid­night on June 5, 1968, in the kitchen of the Ambas­sador Hotel:

It was Sirhan Sirhan, the same gun­man con­victed of assas­si­nat­ing Robert F. Kennedy.

And yet, when Schrade came face to face with Sirhan for the first time in nearly 50 years, at a parole hear­ing in San Diego on Wednes­day, he argued that the noto­ri­ous gun­man wasn’t Kennedy’s killer.

But the panel wasn’t swayed and Sirhan was denied parole for the 15th time, accord­ing to the Asso­ci­ated Press, which noted:

Com­mis­sion­ers con­cluded after more than three hours of intense tes­ti­mony at the Richard J. Dono­van Cor­rec­tional Cen­ter that Sirhan did not show ade­quate remorse or under­stand the enor­mity of his crime.

Still, the AP reported, Schrade for­gave his shooter dur­ing the hear­ing and apol­o­gized to Sirhan not doing more to win his release.

“I should have been here long ago and that’s why I feel guilty for not being here to help you and to help me,” Schrade said.

The AP noted that “Schrade’s voice cracked with emo­tion dur­ing an hour of tes­ti­mony on his efforts to untan­gle mys­ter­ies about the events of June 5, 1968.” He said he believed Sirhan shot him, the AP noted, but that a sec­ond uniden­ti­fied shooter killed Kennedy.

The 91-year-old Schrade, a Kennedy fam­ily friend, was work­ing as the labor chair­man of the senator’s pres­i­den­tial cam­paign in 1968. He was walk­ing behind Kennedy when the Demo­c­ra­tic can­di­date was shot four times.

In part because Kennedy was struck from behind, Schrade has long advanced the argu­ment that Sirhan fired shots that night — but not the ones that killed Kennedy.

The fatal bul­lets, Schrade argued, were fired from a dif­fer­ent shooter’s gun.

The AP reported Wednes­day that Schrade “pro­vided much of the drama” dur­ing Wednesday’s parole hearing.

He angrily ignored the commissioner’s admon­ish­ment to avoid directly address­ing Sirhan and chas­tised the pros­e­cu­tion for a “ven­omous” state­ment advo­cat­ing that Sirhan stay in prison.

Schrade, who long advo­cated the second-gunman the­ory, recalled how he became depressed and upset after the shoot­ing and vividly described his exten­sive efforts to find answers. He stopped occa­sion­ally to apol­o­gize for being ner­vous and emotional.

The com­mis­sioner asked Schrade to wrap up after about an hour, say­ing, “Quite frankly, you’re los­ing us.”

“I think you’ve been lost for a long time,” Schrade shot back.

At one point, the com­mis­sioner asked if any­one wanted a break.

“No, I want to get this over,” Schrade answered from the audi­ence. “I find it very abusive.”

It was the first time the shooter and Schrade had faced each since he tes­ti­fied at Sirhan’s 1969 trial, accord­ing to the AP, and Schrade apol­o­gized for not going to any of Sirhan’s 14 pre­vi­ous parole hearings.

Schrade told the Sarato­gian last year that even all these decades later, each anniver­sary of Kennedy’s death renews his stub­born resolve to seek justice.

“The truth is in the prosecution’s own records and the autopsy,” Schrade told the New York news­pa­per. “It says Sirhan couldn’t have shot Robert Kennedy and didn’t. He was out of position.”

In a state­ment to Shane O’Sullivan, author of “Who Killed Bobby? The Unsolved Mur­der of Robert F. Kennedy,” ahead of Wednesday’s parole hear­ing, Schrade out­lined the scope of his argument.

“The LAPD and LA DA knew two hours after the fatal shoot­ing of Robert Kennedy that he was shot by a sec­ond gun­man and they had con­clu­sive evi­dence that Sirhan Bishara Sirhan could not and did not do it,” the state­ment said. “The offi­cial record shows that [the pros­e­cu­tion at Sirhan’s trial] never had one wit­ness – and had no phys­i­cal nor bal­lis­tic evi­dence – to prove Sirhan shot Robert Kennedy.

“Evi­dence locked up for 20 years shows that the LAPD destroyed phys­i­cal evi­dence and hid bal­lis­tic evi­dence exon­er­at­ing Sirhan, and cov­ered up con­clu­sive evi­dence that a sec­ond gun­man fatally wounded Robert Kennedy.”

Sirhan was sen­tenced to death in 1969, but his sen­tence was com­muted after the Cal­i­for­nia Supreme Court tem­porar­ily out­lawed cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment in 1972.

Now 71, Sirhan has stead­fastly main­tained that he has no mem­ory of the 1968 shoot­ing, while var­i­ous parole boards have asserted that he has not shown remorse for his crime or acknowl­edged the his­toric grav­ity of his actions.

“I don’t remem­ber pulling a gun from my body,” he told board offi­cials in 2011. “I don’t remem­ber aim­ing it at any human being. Every­thing was always hazy in my head. I don’t remem­ber any­thing very clearly.”

He added: “I’m not try­ing to evade anything.”

On Wednes­day, accord­ing to the AP, Sirhan said yet again that he didn’t remem­ber the shoot­ing at the Ambas­sador Hotel.

Sirhan recalled events before the shoot­ing in some detail — going to a shoot­ing range that day, vis­it­ing the hotel in search of a party and return­ing after real­iz­ing he drank too many Tom Collins’ to drive. He drank cof­fee in a hotel pantry with a woman to whom he was attracted.

The next thing he said he remem­bered was being choked and unable to breathe.

“It’s all vague now,” he said. “I’m sure you all have it in your records, I can’t deny it or con­firm it. I just wish this whole thing had never taken place.”

Sirhan may not remem­ber what hap­pened that night, but Schrade says he does, in exquis­ite detail.

Before the shoot­ing began, he recalls walk­ing six to eight feet behind Kennedy through a hotel kitchen as the sen­a­tor stopped to shake hands with sev­eral bus­boys, accord­ing to O’Sullivan.

As Kennedy turned to con­tinue walk­ing, Schrade saw more than one flash and heard “a crack­ling sound like elec­tric­ity,” accord­ing to O’Sullivan’s book, “Who Killed Bobby?

“I got hit with the first shot,” Schrade told the Sarato­gian. “I was right behind Bob. It was meant for him and got me. I thought I had been elec­tro­cuted. I was shak­ing vio­lently on the floor and saw flashes.”

Writ­ing for the Huff­in­g­ton Post in 2013, Schrade described his final moments with Kennedy and noted how close he came to death:

Bob knew I was hit first because he asked “Is every­body OK? Is Paul all right?” as he lay fatally wounded — always more con­cerned about oth­ers than himself.

I was lucky. If the bul­let that hit me in the fore­head had been a frac­tion of an inch lower, I would have been killed instantly. Instead, I sur­vived and, after sev­eral years of recov­ery, I was asked to take part in legal efforts to dis­cover all the facts about the shoot­ings — specif­i­cally seri­ous ques­tions about whether Sirhan Sirhan had acted alone that night. As painful as it was for me to pur­sue, I knew that Amer­i­cans deserved to know the truth about what really hap­pened to Robert Kennedy, whose death — like the death of Pres­i­dent Kennedy — changed the course of Amer­i­can his­tory forever.

For those skep­ti­cal of Sirhan’s guilt, the crux of the argu­ment rests on the num­ber of shots fired that night.

Accord­ing to O’Sullivan, Kennedy’s autopsy revealed that the sen­a­tor was hit four times and that five oth­ers at the scene were wounded. If nine shots were fired, con­spir­acy the­o­rists main­tain, one must have been fired by some­one other than Sirhan, who was car­ry­ing an eight-shot revolver.

Sirhan’s lawyers have also argued that their client was not in the right phys­i­cal posi­tion to fire the shot that killed Kennedy, accord­ing to Reuters.

Schrade told the Sarato­gian that while no live tele­vi­sion footage cap­tured the shoot­ing, he believes that a sec­ond gun­man could have used the chaos to con­ceal a weapon and fire from close range.

The news­pa­per noted that skep­tics’ argu­ments were seem­ingly bol­stered by a 2007 analy­sis of an audio record­ing of the shoot­ing. The analy­sis, the news­pa­per noted, “indi­cates a total of 13 shots fired, fur­ther strength­en­ing the argu­ment of those who believe a sec­ond gun­man was involved, Kennedy’s true assassin.”

“No wit­ness saw Sirhan’s gun close to Robert Kennedy or behind him,” Schrade told the Sarato­gian. “He was three feet in front of Kennedy. We need to take the evi­dence we have in the files and try to find out who the sec­ond gun­man was and if there was a con­nec­tion with Sirhan. If all else fails, I’m going to have to go pub­lic and accuse the jus­tice estab­lish­ment of not bring­ing jus­tice to RFK. He deserves it and the fam­ily deserves it.”

Sirhan will be eli­gi­ble for parole again in five years.

2. Wayne January,  a Dallas flight technician who prepared a DC3 for a flight out of Dallas on 11/22/1963, heard assertions that JFK would be killed, and that his brother Robert and any other Kennedy who aspired to the Presidency would be eliminated. The prediction about JFK came true, as did his foreshadowing of RFK’s killing five years later.

JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters by James W. Douglass; Touchstone Books [SC]; Copyright 2008 by James W. Douglas; ISBN 978-1-4391-9388-4; pp. 369-373.

. . . . The extent to which our national security state was systematically marshaled for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy remains incomprehensible to us.  When we live in a system, we absorb a system and think in a system. We lack the independence needed to judge the system around us. Yet the evidence we have seen points toward our national security state, the systemic bubble in which we all live, as the source of Kennedy’s murder and immediate cover-up.

Intelligence agencies in that state have advantages over us ordinary citizens in controlling our government. The CIA, FBI, and their intelligence affiliates in the armed forces have resources and aspirations, as revealed by the president’s assassination, that go far beyond our moral imagination. In his increasingly isolated presidency, John Kennedy had a diminishing power over them. Partly because of our naivete as citizens, he was killed by covert-action agencies and the conspiracy covered up by them, with relative ease and legal impunity. It was the beginning of a deadly process. Even before his assassination took place, there was evidence that those in command of our security agencies may have already been thinking about whom they might have to kill next for the sake of the nation.

A prime candidate was the president’s brother–his possible successor in the White House in the years to come, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.

On Thursday, November 21, as John and Jacqueline Kennedy were arriving on Air Force One in Houston to begin their Texas tour, Wayne January was at Red Bird Air Field in Dallas preparing a DC-3 aircraft for flight. In this narrative, we have already encountered January, who the day before had refused to charter a flight for November 22 to a suspicious young couple, accompanied by a man January later identified as Lee Harvey Oswald.

Wayne January was working on the DC-3 all day Thursday with the pilot who was scheduled to fly it out of Dallas on Friday afternoon. It was their third day on the job. Working together on a project they both enjoyed—preparing an extraordinary machine for flight—the two men had become friends. Wayne had also become curious about the background of his friend, who said he had been born in Cuba, though Wayne could detect no trace of an accent. The man said he had been in the Cuban Air Force, where he achieved a high rank.

Except for his work with January, the pilot kept totally to himself, refusing Wayne’s invitations to eat out with him. The pilot confined himself to eating sandwiches with Wayne by the plane.

Wayne became more curious. He asked the pilot about the well-dressed man who had bought the plane from a company January co-owned. The man had carried out the transaction with January’s partner by phone. The buyer had made only one appearance at the airfield, when he came with the pilot on Monday.

The pilot described his boss as “an Air Force colonel who deals with planes of this category.” The colonel had bought the plane on behalf of a company known as the “Houston Air Center.” January would learn later that the Houston Air Center was a front for the CIA. As revealed by the plane’s archived papers, the aircraft had originally been a troop transport version of the DC-3, also known as a C-47, made in the Second World War and sold by the government to a private airline after the war. It was now being sold back to the government for use as a covert CIA aircraft.

As Wayne and the pilot continued talking during their lunch break Thursday, Wayne suddenly found himself in a twilight zone, learning more about secret government operations than he ever wanted to know. The moment of transition came after a pause in the conversation. The other man sat leaning against a wheel of the plane, eating his sandwich. He was silent for a time, mulling over something in his mind.

Then he looked up and said, “Wayne, they are going to kill your president.”

As Wayne January described this scene three decades later in a remarkable faxed letter to British author Matthew Smith, he tried to convey his utter incomprehension of the man’s words. When Wayne asked the pilot what he meant, the man repeated, “They are going to kill your president.”

Wayne stared at him.

“You mean President Kennedy?”

The man said yes.

While Wayne kept trying to make sense of his words, his co-worker revealed that he had been a pilot for the CIA. He was with the CIA in the planning of the Bay of Pigs. When many of his friends died there, the planners and survivors of the operation bitterly blamed John and Robert Kennedy for not providing the air cover the CIA claimed they had promised.

Wayne asked if that was why he thought they were going to kill the president.

The man said, “They are not only going to kill the President, they are going to kill Robert Kennedy and any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”

Wayne thought he was beginning to catch on. His friend had gone off the deep end. Wayne tried to say so in a polite, circumspect way.

The pilot looked at him. “You will see,” he said.

The two men went back to work. They were behind schedule, with less than twenty-four hours left to complete the task. “My boss wants to return to Florida,” the pilot said. There was room in the plane for more passengers than his boss. Wayne and the pilot were reinstalling twenty-five seats in it.

The DC-3 had to be ready to take off from Dallas by early afternoon the next day, Friday, November 22.

In the course of their work, the pilot made another memorable remark. “They want Robert Kennedy real bad,” he said.

“But what for?” Wayne asked.

“Never mind,” the man said, “You don’t need to know.” Thanks to the two men’s joint efforts, they succeeded in having the plane ready to go early Friday afternoon. By 12:30 p.m., all the DC-3 lacked was fuel—and whoever would soon get aboard it to depart from Dallas.

As they finished their work, there was a commotion by the terminal. A police car took off at high speed. Wondering what was up, Wayne walked back to the terminal building. The driver of a passing car slowed down and shouted at him, “The President has been shot!”

Wayne went into the building. He listened to a radio until he heard the announcement that President John F. Kennedy was dead.

He walked back to the DC-3. It had received its fuel. The pilot was putting luggage on the plane. Wayne asked him if he had heard what had happened. Without pausing from his loading, the pilot said he had, the man on the fuel truck had told him.

Then he said, “It’s all going to happen just like I told you.”

Wayne said goodbye to the pilot. With a sense of profound sickness, he left work to find a television set where he could watch news of the president’s assassination unfold.

Until 1992, Wayne January lived alone with the nightmare of what the pilot had told him. Because of what he knew, he feared for his life and the lives of his wife and family. When the FBI and a few researchers asked him questions related to the assassination, he told them only about the couple with Oswald whom he had turned down when they tried to charter a plane for Friday the 22nd. Without his knowledge, the FBI then discredited him by dating the incident four months earlier, minimizing its importance and making a more delayed Oswald identification seem less plausible.

However, Wayne remained silent about the CIA pilot who knew the president was going to be killed, the colonel representing “Houston Air Center,” and the newly purchased CIA plane that took off from Red Bird Air Field the afternoon of November 22. He also kept secret the pilot’s prediction of what would happen to Robert Kennedy, as fulfilled by his murder in June 1968, “and any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”

In 1992, Wayne January broke his silence about the pilot’s revelation. As we have seen, author Matthew Smith had already interviewed him the year before about the couple with Oswald. After Smith showed him the FBI report that claimed falsely the incident occurred the previous July, the two men became good friends. January realized he had finally found someone he could trust with his long-held secret. He faxed to Smith at his home in Sheffield, England, a complete account of what the CIA pilot had said to him. Smith had been puzzled in Dallas at how January could be so sure in saying the CIA was behind the Kennedy assassination. Now he knew.

January told Smith that sending his faxed statement after thirty years of silence “seems to be a release of some kind that I don’t understand,” “a relief that seems to make me more relaxed.” He gave the British author permission to publish the story on the condition that he not be identified because “he still feared for his life and for that of his wife.” Smith agreed. He used a pseudonym for January’s name and changed a few details to avoid identifying him.

The story of “Hank Gordon’s” experience with the CIA pilot at Red Bird Air Field subsequently appeared in Matthew Smith’s books Vendetta: The Kennedys (1993) and Say to Goodbye to America (2001). After Wayne January died in 2002, Smith obtained permission from his widow to reveal his name. He did so at a November 2003 conference in Dallas and in his book, Conspiracy–the Plot to Stop the Kennedys (2005.)

Thanks to Wayne January’s friendship with a CIA pilot who risked confiding in him, and to January’s deeper friendship with Matthew Smith, in whom he risked confiding, we can now see more than we may want to see. We can see a possible commitment to a chain of covert-action murders that would extend from JFK to RFK and any other Kennedy liable to become president: “They are not only going to kill the President, they are going to kill Robert Kennedy and any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”

The Kennedy family has been well aware since John F. Kennedy’s murder as president, mirrored by Senator Robert F. Kennedy’s murder as a presidential candidate, how dangerous it is for one of them to aspire to the presidency. . . .

3. As we have discussed in numerous past programs, Robert Kennedy was going to reopen the investigation into his brother’s murder after he became President. His assassination, of course, prevented that.

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; p. 608.

. . . . The Garrison camp implored Kennedy to speak out about the conspiracy, arguing that such a public stand might even protect his own life by putting the conspirators on notice. But RFK preferred to play such deeply crucial matters close to the chest. He would reopen the case on his own terms, Kennedy confided to his closest aides–suggesting that day would come only if he won the executive powers of the White House. . . .

4. The conclusion of the show is FTR #175, about the death (and probable murder) of JFK, jr.

The description of the program:

When John F. Kennedy, Jr. died in the crash of a private plane in July of 1999, media pundits ruminated at length about the recklessness of the Kennedys and “the Kennedy curse”. This program explores the striking contradictions between the official version of JFK, Jr.’s death and the facts concerning his demise. The available data suggest that JFK, Jr. may have been the victim of foul play.

The program consists of an interview with veteran journalist John Bryan, who worked for the San Francisco Examiner (among other papers). John’s experience with the Examiner led him to begin questioning the official version of the story. Familiar with the Examiner’s weekend publishing practices, John became convinced that the Examiner (for whatever reason) was deliberately withholding the story. (Kennedy’s plane crashed on a Friday evening.) Sensing a possible cover-up, Bryan religiously combed the print and electronic media for the truth about the deaths of Kennedy, his wife and sister-in-law.

Beginning with discussion of Kyle Brady (a veteran pilot who flew from the same airport Kennedy departed from), Bryan relates Brady’s observation that JFK, Jr.’s preflight actions indicated that Kennedy seemed to feel that something was wrong with the plane.

Next, Bryan discusses the reality of the conditions around Martha’s Vineyard at the time of Kennedy’s disappearance. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a “Mayday” distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy’s plane approaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the “radar track” which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy’s plane beginning its “graveyard spiral” at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy’s death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.)

Mr. Bryan also reports eyewitness reports of seeing a “flash” or explosion over the water when Kennedy’s plane disappeared. Most importantly, John recounts numerous observations by media political pundits that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or, more likely, the Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the election of 2000. His death eliminated that possibility. In addition, Mr. Bryan discusses the extraordinary secrecy that surrounded the retrieval and disposal of the plane’s wreckage and the bodies of the deceased. Reporters were not allowed to view the wreckage or the autopsy. No autopsy photographs were taken, in direct contravention of Massachusetts law. The bodies were cremated within 10 hours of discovery and buried at sea. John points out that the Kennedys are Catholic and Catholics traditionally bury their dead. Cremation was completely forbidden by the Catholic Church until 1963, and since then only under certain extraordinary circumstances. Scattering ashes at sea is strictly forbidden. Bryan questions this extraordinary secrecy and departure from accepted procedure and points out that the tail section of the plane appears to have disappeared.

The discussion features several observations by Mr. Emory, including the fact that the Kennedy assassination was back on the political front burner after Boris Yeltsin publicly gave President Clinton the KGB files on Oswald (which demonstrated that they felt Oswald was probably an American agent). Mr. Emory also points out that the Kennedy assassination was part of a lawsuit that was proceeding through the courts in 1999.

The program concludes with a reading of the obituary of Anthony Stanislaus Radziwill, JFK, Jr.’s best friend. (They were best men at each others weddings.) Radziwill died of cancer about three weeks after the death of Kennedy. (The intelligence community has been able to assassinate people via cancer for decades.) A broadcast journalist, Radziwill had covered the O.J. Simpson case and had received a Peabody award for his work on the emergence of “neo”-Nazism in America. (There are numerous evidentiary tributaries between the O.J. Simpson case and the intelligence community, including the Kennedy assassination. The killing of Ron Goldman and Nicole Brown Simpson appears to have been the work of Nazi elements.)

 

 

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