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For The Record  

FTR #894 Physicians, Heal Thyselves: Hypocrisy and the Trump Campaign

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This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.

Reinhard Gehlen: Nazi head of postwar German intelligence

Allen Dulles

Introduction: Much press ink and broadcast time have been devoted to decrying the Presidential campaign of Donald Trump. Wringing their hands over the substantively accurate view that Trump is a fascist and his candidacy is a major turn toward the Dark Side, the institutions and the individuals decrying the Trump phenomenon are hypocritical. Far from being an aberration, Trump’s candidacy is a direct outgrowth of powerful forces that have been at work for the better part of a century and that are the embodiment of fundamental elements of American and Western society.

The program begins with two op-ed columns from The New York Times. Timothy Egan highlights the awareness on the part of Trump supporters that race hatred, support for slavery and the neo-Confederate movement, xenophobia and reaction are the substance of what he is about and what they want. Egan notes, correctly, that “beast is us.”  Richard Cohen sets forth the apprehension that Europeans feel about the Trump candidacy, underscoring their experience with the descent of a society into fascism.

Europeans are consummately hypocritical in their condemnation of Trump, although the insights that Cohen has noted are accurate. They are hardly in a position to look down on Trump–European politics are experiencing the same “Perfect Sturm.” Not only are fascist parties riding a crest of popularity in Europe over the “anti-immigrant” gambit, but fascism was never expunged from Europe, due to Cold War politics which will be highlighted below. We note that Slovakia is among the countries witnessing the ascent of fascist parties.

The “Troika” (read “Germany”) mandated the installation of the fascist LAOS Party as part of the provisional Greek government in the late fall of 2011. The Greek citizenry had NO say in this, whatsoever.

Perhaps even more hypocritical than Europe’s bemoaning of the “Trumpfverbande” is the so-called “progressive sector” in the U.S., whose misty-eyed embrace of Snowden, Greenwald, Assange et al constitutes an alignment with PRECISELY the same political forces that are embodied in the Trump candidacy. The so-called “progressives” have allied themselves with the milieu of WikiLeaksEddie the Friendly Spook and Glenn Greenwald, who are part and parcel to the politics of David Duke, the neo-Confederate movement and apologists for slavery. The political forces that Tim Egan correctly identifies as being “Trumpers” are precisely the forces that are behind the Snowdenistas and Assangeholes.

London Calling [David Duke

Martin Bormann (right) with Himmler

Much of the program consists of excerpts from an important new book: The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot. Although virtually none of the material will be new to veteran listeners–we’ve been covering the relevant subject material exhaustively and for decades–it is important and refreshing to have a current book of this magnitude and relatively high profile available.

Some of the points discussed in the book:

  • The Dulles brothers, Sullivan and Cromwell and their roles in the capitalization of Germany and the rise of Hitler’s cartels: ” . . . Foster Dulles became so deeply enmeshed in the lucrative revitalization of Germany that he found it difficult to separate his firm’s interests from those of the rising economic and military power–even after Hitler consolidated control over the country in the 1930s. Foster continued to represent German cartels like IG Farben as they were integrated into the Nazis’ growing war machine, helping the industrial giants secure access to key war materials. . . . . Foster refused to shut down the Berlin office of Sullivan and Cromwell . . . .”
  • The Dulles brothers active and treasonous role in blocking Safehaven, the Roosevelt administration’s effort at blocking the Nazi flight capital program that was to coalesce into the Bormann network: ” . . . . Dulles and [Thomas] McKittrick [of the Bank of International Settlemnts] continued to work closely together for the rest of the war. In the final months of the conflict, the two men collaborated against a Roosevelt operation called Project Safehaven that sought to track down and confiscate Nazi assets that were stashed in neutral countries. . . . . Dulles and McKittrick were more inclined to protect their clients’ interests. Moreover, like many in the upper echelons of U.S. finance and national security, Dulles believed that a good number of these powerful German figures should be returned to power, to ensure that Germany would be a strong bulwark against the Soviet Union. And during the Cold War, he would be more intent on using Nazi loot to finance covert anti-Soviet operations than on returning it to the families of Hitler’s victims. . . . While Allen Dulles was using his OSS post in Switzerland to protect the interests of Sullivan and Cromwell’s German clients, his brother was doing the same in New York. By playing an intricate corporate shell game, Foster was able to hide the U.S. assets of major German cartels like IG Farben and Merck KGaA, the chemical and pharmaceutical giant, and protect these subsidiaries from being confiscated by the federal government as alien property. . . . By the end of the war, many of Foster’s clients were under investigation by the Justice Department’s antitrust division. And Foster himself was under scrutiny for collaboration with the enemy. . . . But Foster’s brother was guarding his back. From his frontline position in Europe, Allen was well-placed to destroy incriminating evidence and to block any investigations that threatened the two brothers and their law firm. “Shredding of captured Nazi records was the favorite tactic of Dulles and his [associates] who stayed behind to help run the occupation of postwar Germany,” observed Nazi hunter John Loftus . . . .”
  • Dulles collaborated closely with Nazi general Reinhard Gehlen, whose work for CIA (and later BND) constituted a continuation of the Third Reich’s war against the Soviet Union–a war in which he collaborated with Dulles: “. . . . The Gehlen Organization saw the Cold War as the final act of the Reich’s interrupted offensive against the Soviet Union. . . . The covert Cold War in the West was, to an unsettling extent, a joint operation between the Dulles regime and that of Reinhard Gehlen. The German spy chief’s pathological fear and hatred of Russia, which had its roots in Hitler’s Third Reich, meshed smoothly with the Dulles brothers’ anti-Soviet absolutism. In fact, the Dulles policy of massive nuclear retaliation bore a disturbing resemblance to the Nazis’ eterminationist philosophy. . . . We live “in an age in which war is a paramount activity of man,” Gehlen announced in his memoir [prefaced by Holocaust-denier David Irving–D.E.], “with the total annihilation of the enemy as its primary aim.” There could be no more succinct a statement of the fascist ethos. . . .”
  • Dulles and Gehlen’s collaboration on the “Stay Behind/Gladio” project:. . . . He [Gehlen] was prepared to take drastic action to prevent such a political scenario from unfolding in Bonn–going so far as to overthrow democracy in West Germany if necessary. . . . It is unlikely that Dulles was shocked by Gehlen’s proposal to reinstitute fascism in Germany, since CIA officials had long ben discussing such authoritarian contingency plans with the Gehlen Organization other right-wing elements in Germany. In 1952, West German police discovered that the CIA was supporting a two-thousand-member fascist youth group led by ex-Nazi officers who had their own alarming plans for terminating democracy. . . . These authoritarian plans were part of a sweeping covert strategy developed in the earliest days of the Cold War by U.S. intelligence officials, including Dulles, to counter a possible Soviet invasion of Western Europe by creating a “stay-behind network” of armed resisters to fight the Red Army. Code-named Operation Gladio, these secret CIA-funded networks attracted fascist and criminal elements, some of which later played subversive roles in West Germany, France, and Italy, disrupting democratic rule in those countries by staging terrorist acts and plotting coups and assassinations. . . .”
  • Dulles’s liaison with the Senate was Prescott Bush, Sr.: “. . . . Dulles’s CIA operated with virtually no congressional oversight. In the Senate, Dulles relied on Wall Street friends like Prescott Bush of Connecticut–the father and grandfather of two future presidents–to protect the CIA’s interests. According to CIA veteran Robert Crowley, who rose to become second-in-command of the CIA’s action arm, Bush “was the day-to-day contact man for the CIA. . . .”

Ronald Reagan and William Casey

Nixon and Kissinger

The program concludes with review of the role of Allen Dulles in hammering together the Crusade For Freedom, a covert operation that had its culminationwith the Reagan administration:

  • . . . . Frustration over Truman’s 1948 election victory over Dewey (which they blamed on the “Jewish vote”) impelled Dulles and his protégé Richard Nixon to work toward the realization of the fascist freedom fighter presence in the Republican Party’s ethnic outreach organization. As a young congressman, Nixon had been Allen Dulles’s confidant. They both blamed Governor Dewey’s razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When he became Eisenhower’s vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base. . . .
  • . . . . Vice President Nixon’s secret political war of Nazis against Jews in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatians and other Fascist émigré groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist ‘freedom fighters’ during the 1950’s and the leadership of the Republican Party’s ethnic campaign groups. The motive for the under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats. . . . In 1952, Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. Displaced fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon ‘liberation’ policy signed on with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As Vice President, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. . . . .
  • . . . . As a young movie actor in the early 1950s, Reagan was employed as the public spokesperson for an OPC front named the ‘Crusade for Freedom.’ Reagan may not have known it, but 99 percent for the Crusade’s funds came from clandestine accounts, which were then laundered through the Crusade to various organizations such as Radio Liberty, which employed Dulles’s Fascists. Bill Casey, who later became CIA director under Ronald Reagan, also worked in Germany after World War II on Dulles’ Nazi ‘freedom fighters’ program. When he returned to New York, Casey headed up another OPC front, the International Rescue Committee, which sponsored the immigration of these Fascists to the United States. Casey’s committee replaced the International Red Cross as the sponsor for Dulles’s recruits. . . . .
  • . . .  It was [George H.W.] Bush who fulfilled Nixon’s promise to make the ‘ethnic emigres’ a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972, Nixon’s State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key states. Bush’s tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor’s 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party’s official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush’s campaign allies were the émigré Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .  

Program Highlights Include: 

  • Review of the Bush family’s links to the Thyssens.
  • Review of the Thyssen participation in the Bormann flight capital network.
  • Review of the Bormann group’s collaboration with the CIA.
  • Collaboration of the New York Times with Dulles’s CIA, including the paper’s own incorporation of Nazis. Like the GOP, they are “shocked, shocked” at the Trump candidacy.
1. We begin with the first of two New York Times op-ed columns bemoaning the Trump ascendancy, highlighting the GOP establishment’s laments over “the Donald,” and the vicious awareness that Trump’s supporters manifest.

“The Beast Is Us” by Timothy Egan; The New York Times; 3/04/2016.

You heard the word “scary” used a lot this week, that and much more. Not from the usual scolds. Or Democrats. The loudest alarms came from desperate, panicked Republicans, warning of the man who is destroying the Party of Lincoln before our eyes.

“The man is evil,” said Stuart Stevens, a chief strategist for Mitt Romney in 2012. Romney himself called Donald Trump a fraud on Thursday.

But as much as these “too little, too late” wake-up calls are appreciated, it’s time to place the blame for the elevation of a tyrant as the presumptive Republican presidential nominee where it belongs — with the people. Yes, you. Donald Trump’s supporters know exactly what he stands for: hatred of immigrants, racial superiority, a sneering disregard of the basic civility that binds a society. Educated and poorly educated alike, men and women — they know what they’re getting from him.

This idea that people are following Trump only for the celebrity joy ride, that if they just understood the kind of radical, anti-American ideas he advocates they would drop him, is garbage. If the pope couldn’t dent Trump, Romney surely will not.

For Trump’s voters were not surprised at his hesitancy to disavow the hearty approval of a former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. They certainly weren’t shocked when neo-Nazis hailed Trump a savior months ago, so a little added backing from hooded haters was not going to throw them.

They aren’t upset that he’s attacked one of the foundations of an open society — free speech — with his recent call to “open up” the libel laws. Nor does it bother them in the least that he wants to apply a religious test for entry into a country whose founders were against any such thing. A majority of his Super Tuesday backers, in fact, support just that.

And recent kudos from a pro-slavery radio host will certainly not dampen his legions. That support came from James Edwards. “For blacks in America,” he has said, “slavery is the best thing that ever happened to them.”

Yes, Trump cannot choose his allies. But it’s certainly no coincidence that the race haters, immigrant bashers and religious hucksters who’ve been at the fringe for some time are all in for Donald Trump.

With media complicity, Trump has unleashed the beast that has long resided not far from the American hearth, from those who started a Civil War to preserve the right to enslave a fellow human to the Know-Nothing mobs who burned Irish-Catholic churches out of fear of immigrants.

When high school kids waved a picture of Trump while shouting “Build a wall” at students from a heavily Hispanic school during a basketball game in Indiana last week, they were exhaling Trump’s sulfurous vapors. They know exactly what he stands for.

Granted, a huge portion of the population is woefully ignorant; nearly a third of Americans didn’t know who Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia was in a Gallup poll last year. But ignorance is not the problem with Trump’s people. They’re sick and tired of tolerance. In Super Tuesday exit polls, Trump dominated among those who want someone to “tell it like it is.” And that translates to an explicit “play to our worst fears,” as Meg Whitman, the prominent Republican business leader, said.

“He’s saying how the people really feel,” one Trump supporter from Massachusetts, Janet Aguilar, told The Times. “We’re all afraid to say it.”

They’re saying it now. So more than a third of Trump supporters in South Carolina wish the South had won the Civil War, and 70 percent think the Confederate flag should be flying over the state capital. And 32 percent believe internment of Japanese-American citizens was a good thing — something that the sainted Ronald Reagan apologized for.

Judge him by his followers, who’ve thrown away the dog whistle. “Voting against Donald Trump at this point is really treason to your heritage,” said David Duke, the former Klansman. And judge him by those who enabled his rise, out of cowardice or opportunism, two words that will follow Chris Christie to his grave.

“To support Trump is to support a bigot,” wrote Stevens, the former Romney strategist. “It’s really that simple.”

Now that the nomination is nearly his, Trump will start to tone it down and take it back. Just kidding, he’s going to imply. “I hate to say it, but I’m becoming mainstream,” he said.

But it’s not mainstream to toss aside longstanding American policy against war crimes, advocating torture “even if it doesn’t work.” It’s not mainstream to approvingly pass on quotes from the Fascist Benito Mussolini. It’s not mainstream to be “everything we teach our kids not to do in kindergarten,” as Gov. Nikki Haley, the Republican governor of South Carolina, said.

The German magazine Der Spiegel called Trump “the world’s most dangerous man.” The Germans know a thing or two about the topic.

I would like to think our better angels always prevail. But there are also dark episodes, when the beast is loose, and what stares back at us from the mirror is something ugly and frightful. Now is one of those times.

2. The second Times op-ed piece discusses Europe’s fears of a Trump presidency as the coming of fascism to America.

“Trump’s Il Duce Routine” by Richard Cohen; The New York Times; 2/29/2016.

Europe, the soil on which Fascism took root, is watching the rise of Donald Trump with dismay. Contempt for the excesses of America is a European reflex, but when the United States seems tempted by a latter-day Mussolini, smugness in London, Paris and Berlin gives way to alarm. Europe knows that democracies can collapse.

It’s not just that Trump retweets to his six million followers a quote attributed to Mussolini: “It is better to live one day as a lion than 100 years as a sheep.” It’s not just that Trump refuses to condemn David Duke, the former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, who has expressed support for him. It’s not just that violence is woven into Trump’s language as indelibly as the snarl woven into his features — the talk of shooting somebody or punching a protester in the face, the insulting of the disabled, the macho mockery of women, the anti-Muslim and anti-Mexican tirades. It’s not just that he could become Silvio Berlusconi with nukes.

It’s the echoes, now unmistakable, of times when the skies darkened. Europe knows how democracies collapse, after lost wars, in times of fear and anger and economic hardship, when the pouting demagogue appears with his pageantry and promises. America’s Weimar-lite democratic dysfunction is plain to see. A corrupted polity tends toward collapse.

Trump is telling people something is rotten in the state of America. The message resonates because the rot is there.

He has emerged from a political system corrupted by money, locked in an echo chamber of insults, reduced to the show business of an endless campaign, blocked by a kind of partisanship run amok that leads Republican members of Congress to declare they will not meet with President Obama’s eventual nominee for the Supreme Court, let alone listen to him or her. This is an outrage! The public interest has become less than an afterthought. Trump is telling people something is rotten in the state of America. The message resonates because the rot is there.

Enter the smart, savvy, scowling showman. He is self-financed and promises restored greatness. He has a bully’s instinct for the jugular and a sense of how sick an angry America is of politics as usual and political correctness. He hijacks a Republican Party that has paved the way for him with years of ranting, bigotry, bellicosity and what Robert Kagan, in The Washington Post, has rightly called “racially tinged derangement syndrome” with respect to President Obama. Trump is a man repeatedly underestimated by the very elites who made Trumpism possible. He’s smarter than most of his belittlers, and quicker on his feet, which makes him only more dangerous.

He’s the anti-Obama, all theater where the president is all prudence, the mouth-that-spews to the presidential teleprompter, rage against reason, the backslapper against the maestro of aloofness, the rabble-rouser to the cerebral law professor, the deal maker to the diligent observer. If Obama in another life could have been a successful European social democrat, Trump is only and absolutely of America.

Part of the Trump danger is that he’s captured an American irredentism, a desire to reclaim something — power, confidence, rising incomes — that many people feel is lost. Trump is a late harvest of 9/11 and the fears that took hold that day. He’s the focus of vague hopes and dim resentments that have turned him into a savior in waiting. As with Ronald Reagan, it’s not the specifics with Trump, it’s a feeling, a vibration — and no matter how much he dissembles, reveals himself as a thug, traffics in contradictions, the raptness persists. Europe is transfixed. The German newsweekly “Der Spiegel” has called Trump “the world’s most dangerous man” and even waxed nostalgic for President George W. Bush, which for a European publication is like suddenly discovering a soft spot for Dracula. The French prime minister, Manuel Valls, has tweeted that Trump “fuels hatred.” In Britain, Prime Minister David Cameron has attacked Trump’s proposed ban on non-American Muslims entering the United States, and more than half a million people have signed a petition urging that he be kept out of Britain. This weekend Britain’s Sunday Times ran a page-size photo of Trump in Lord Kitchener pose with a blaring headline: “America Wants Me.”

So do a few Europeans, among them the French rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen. Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, is a fan, as are some Russian oligarchs. Judge a man by the company he keeps.

This disoriented America just might want Trump — and that possibility should be taken very seriously, before it is too late, by every believer in American government of the people, by the people, for the people. The power of the Oval Office and the temperament of a bully make for an explosive combination, especially when he has shown contempt for the press, a taste for violence, a consistent inhumanity, a devouring ego and an above-the-law swagger.

As Europe knows, democracies do die. Often, they are the midwives of their own demise. Once lost, the cost of recovery is high.

3. Europeans are hardly in a position to look down on Trump–European politics are experiencing the same “Perfect Sturm.” Not only are fascist parties riding a crest of popularity in Europe over the “anti-immigrant” gambit, but fascism was never expunged from Europe, due to Cold War politics which will be highlighted below. We note that Slovakia is among the countries witnessing the ascent of fascist parties.

The “Troika” (read “Germany”) mandated the installation of the fascist LAOS Party as part of the provisional Greek government in the late fall of 2011. The Greek citizenry had NO say in this, whatsoever.

“In Slovakia, A ‘Fascist’-Led Party Gains Seats” by Ben Thompson; The Christian Science Monitor; 3/6/2016.

. . . . The extreme-right People’s Party took in 8 percent of the votes and 14 seats in parliament. Despite the electoral split, Fico said he would work to rebuild a coalition that could take control going forward, possibly with the Slovak National Party, which took in 8.6 percent of the votes cast.

“As the party that won the election we have the obligation to try build a meaningful and stable government,” Fico said, per The Guardian. “It will not be easy, I am saying that very clearly.”

In order to win back the majority government, Fico’s party could need to form an alliance with multiple groups, which the prime minister had hoped to avoid. Fico’s party entered the election with a platform that included strong anti-migrant and anti-Muslim sentiments, despite Slovakia’s absence from the main migrant routes through Europe and relative disconnect from the ongoing crisis related to that issue.

As other countries in the Balkan region and Central Europe are caught in the midst of a migration surge, Fico’s opposition to allowing refugee quotas backed by the EU and his resistance to the “fiction” of multiculturalism makes Slovakia one of the European nations not open to the migrant flow.

Despite that Smer-Social Democracy position, issues in Slovakia including teacher strikes, unemployment, and corruption in the healthcare system may have diverted votes from Fico’s migrant-heavy platform to the other parties’ greater focus on domestic issues, including the People’s Party, chaired by Marian Kotleba.

Mr. Kotleba, a former leader of a now-banned neo-Nazi party, gained notoriety in 2013 during a successful campaign for regional governor in which he praised the Slovak Nazi collaborationist government during World War II. The Economist describes him as “once fond of wearing uniforms in the 1930s and 40s fascist style.” . . . .

4. The so-called “progressive sector” is in no position to intelligently criticize Trump, because they have allied themselves with the milieu of WikiLeaks, Eddie the Friendly Spook and Glenn Greenwald, who are part and parcel to the politics of David Duke, the neo-Confederate movement and apologists for slavery. The political forces that Tim Egan correctly identifies as being “Trumpers” are precisely the forces that are behind the Snowdenistas and Assangeholes.

5.The Dulles brothers, as we have seen so often, were part and parcel to the establishment of the German corporate and cartel structure that spawned Hitler. For background on this, we recommend–among other sources–the old anti-fascist books available for download on this website. We have done numerous shows on the subject, beginning with Miscellaneous Archive Show M11.

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; pp. 18-19.

. . . . Sullivan and Cromwell, the Dulles brothers’ Wall Street law firm, was at the center of an intricate international network of banks, investment firms, and industrial conglomerates that rebuilt Germany after World War 1. Foster, the law firm’s top executive, grew skilled at structuring the complex merry-go-round of transactions that funneled massive U.S. investments into German industrial giants like the IG Farben chemical conglomerate and Krupp Steel. The profits generated by these investments then flowed to France and Britain in the form of war reparations, and then back to the United States to pay off war loans.

Foster Dulles became so deeply enmeshed in the lucrative revitalization of Germany that he found it difficult to separate his firm’s interests from those of the rising economic and military power–even after Hitler consolidated control over the country in the 1930s. Foster continued to represent German cartels like IG Farben as they were integrated into the Nazis’ growing war machine, helping the industrial giants secure access to key war materials. He donated money to America First, the campaign to keep the United States out of the gathering tempest in Europe, and helped sponsor a rally honoring Charles Lindbergh, the fair-haired aviation hero who had become enchanted by Hitler’s miraculous revival of Germany. Foster refused to shut down the Berlin office of Sullivan and Cromwell–whose attorneys were [allegedly] forced to sign their correspondence “Heil Hitler”–until his partners (including Allen), fearful of a public relations disaster, insisted he do so. When Foster finally gave in–at an extremely tense 1935 partners’ meeting in the firm’s lavish offices at 48 Wall Street–he broke down in tears. . . .

6. Both Dulles brothers conspired to shut down Operation Safehaven, safeguarding their corporate relationships with Third Reich industry and paving the way for the rise of the Bormann capital network. “. . . . Moreover, like many in the upper echelons of U.S. finance and national security, Dulles believed that a good number of these powerful German figures should be returned to power, to ensure that Germany would be a strong bulwark against the Soviet Union. And during the Cold War, he would be more intent on using Nazi loot to finance covert anti-Soviet operations than on returning it to the families of Hitler’s victims. .  . .”

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; pp. 27-29.

. . . . Dulles and [Thomas] McKittrick [of the Bank of International Settlemnts] continued to work closely together for the rest of the war. In the final months of the conflict, the two men collaborated against a Roosevelt operation called Project Safehaven that sought to track down and confiscate Nazi assets that were stashed in neutral countries. Administration officials feared that, by hiding their ill-gotten wealth, members of the German elite planned to bide their time after the war and would then try to regain power. Morgenthau’s Treasury Department team, which spearheaded Project Safehaven, reached out to the OSS and BIS for assistance. But Dulles and McKittrick were more inclined to protect their clients’ interests. Moreover, like many in the upper echelons of U.S. finance and national security, Dulles believed that a good number of these powerful German figures should be returned to power, to ensure that Germany would be a strong bulwark against the Soviet Union. And during the Cold War, he would be more intent on using Nazi loot to finance covert anti-Soviet operations than on returning it to the families of Hitler’s victims.

Dulles realized that none of his arguments against Project Safehaven would be well received by Morgenthau. So he resorted to time-honored methods of bureaucratic stalling and sabotage to help sink the operation, explaining in a December 1944 memo to his OSS superiors that his Bern office lacked “adequate personnel to do [an] effective job in this field and meet other demands.” . . . .

. . . . While Allen Dulles was using his OSS post in Switzerland to protect the interests of Sullivan and Cromwell’s German clients, his brother was doing the same in New York. By playing an intricate corporate shell game, Foster was able to hide the U.S. assets of major German cartels like IG Farben and Merck KGaA, the chemical and pharmaceutical giant, and protect these subsidiaries from being confiscated by the federal government as alien property. Some of Foster’s legal origami allowed the Nazi regime to create bottlenecks in the production of essential war materials–such as diesel-fuel injection motors that the U.S. military needed for trucks, submarines, and airplanes. By the end of the war, many of Foster’s clients were under investigation by the Justice Department’s antitrust division. And Foster himself was under scrutiny for collaboration with the enemy.

But Foster’s brother was guarding his back. From his frontline position in Europe, Allen was well-placed to destroy incriminating evidence and to block any investigations that threatened the two brothers and their law firm. “Shredding of captured Nazi records was the favorite tactic of Dulles and his [associates] who stayed behind to help run the occupation of postwar Germany,” observed Nazi hunter John Loftus, who pored through numerous war documents related to the Dulles brothers when he served as a U.S. prosecutor in the Justice Department under President Jimmy Carter.

If their powerful enemy in the White House had survived the war, the Dulles brothers would likely have faced serious criminal charges for their wartime activities. Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg, who as a young man served with Allen in the OSS, later declared that both Dulleses were guilty of treason. . . .

7a. In FTR #’s 278, 370, 435 and 475, we discussed the Bush family, their links to Nazi industry and Mr. Emory’s belief that the Bush family is the point element of the Bormann network in the U.S. FTR #370, in particular, highlights the violent cover-up of the Bush family/Thyssen link. Note that Bormann saw Fritz Thyssen as a pipeline to Allen Dulles.

Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0-8184-0309-8; p. 254.

. . . . Also, Bormann felt [Fritz] Thyssen was his ace in the hole if he ever needed a pipeline to Allen W. Dulles. . . .

7b. Much of the discussion that follows concerns Dulles’s collaboration with Reinhard Gehlen. Note that Gehlen cleared his actions with Admiral Doenitz (Hitler’s successor) and General Franz Halder, indicating that the German chain of command was still in effect even after Gehlen began working with the U.S.

“The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt” by Carl Oglesby; Covert Action Information Bulletin;  #35 (Fall of 1990.)

Gehlen met with Admiral Karl Doenitz, who had been appointed by Hitler as his successor during the last days of the Third Reich. Gehlen and the Admiral were now in a U.S. Army VIP prison camp in Wiesbaden; Gehlen sought and received approval from Doenitz too! . . .44 

. . . . As Gehlen was about to leave for the United States, he left a mes­sage for Baun with another of his top aides, Ger­hard Wes­sel: “I am to tell you from Gehlen that he has dis­cussed with [Hitler’s suc­ces­sor Admi­ral Karl] Doenitz and [Gehlen’s supe­rior and chief of staff Gen­eral Franz] Halder the ques­tion of con­tin­u­ing his work with the Amer­i­cans. Both were in agree­ment.”

In other words, the German chain of command was still in effect, and it approved of what Gehlen was doing with the Americans.

7c. Bormann’s FBI file revealed that he had been banking under his own name in New York for some time. As we have seen in FTR #305, the CIA actively collaborated with the Bormann network. Note that, in the passage below, Bormann wrote three checks drawn from demand accounts in three U.S. commercial banks in August of 1967. In April and June of the following year, Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy were assassinated.

Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0-8184-0309-8; p. 205.

. . . . The file revealed that he had been banking under his own name from his office in Germany in Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires since 1941; that he held one joint account with the Argentinian dictator Juan Peron, and on August 4, 5 and 14, 1967, had written checks on demand accounts in first National City Bank (Overseas Division) of New York, The Chase Manhattan Bank, and Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., all cleared through Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires. . . .

8. Prescott Bush, Sr. was the Senate’s liaison with Dulles’s CIA.

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; pp. 249-250.

 . . . . Dulles’s CIA operated with virtually no congressional oversight. In the Senate, Dulles relied on Wall Street friends like Prescott Bush of Connecticut–the father and grandfather of two future presidents–to protect the CIA’s interests. According to CIA veteran Robert Crowley, who rose to become second-in-command of the CIA’s action arm, Bush “was the day-to-day contact man for the CIA. It was very bipartisan and friendly. Dulles felt that he had the Senate just where he wanted them.” . . . .

9a. With the connivance of Dules’s CIA, Gehlen pursued the Cold War as an extension of the Third Reich’s war against the Soviet Union.

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; pp. 277-278.

. . . . The Gehlen Organization saw the Cold War as the final act of the Reich’s interrupted offensive against the Soviet Union. . . .

The covert Cold War in the West was, to an unsettling extent, a joint operation between the Dulles regime and that of Reinhard Gehlen. The German spy chief’s pathological fear and hatred of Russia, which had its roots in Hitler’s Third Reich, meshed smoothly with the Dulles brothers’ anti-Soviet absolutism. In fact, the Dulles policy of massive nuclear retaliation bore a disturbing resemblance to the Nazis’ eterminationist philosophy. . . . We live “in an age in which war is a paramount activity of man,” Gehlen announced in his memoir [prefaced by Holocaust-denier David Irving–D.E.], “with the total annihilation of the enemy as its primary aim.” There could be no more succinct a statement of the fascist ethos. . . .

9b. Next, the program details the Gehlen/Dulles authorship of the “Stay Behind/Gladio” networks. “. . . . He [Gehlen] was prepared to take drastic action to prevent such a political scenario from unfolding in Bonn–going so far as to overthrow democracy in West Germany if necessary. . . . It is unlikely that Dulles was shocked by Gehlen’s proposal to reinstitute fascism in Germany, since CIA officials had long ben discussing such authoritarian contingency plans with the Gehlen Organization other right-wing elements in Germany. . . .”

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; pp. 281-283.

. . . . He [Gehlen] was prepared to take drastic action to prevent such a political scenario from unfolding in Bonn–going so far as to overthrow democracy in West Germany if necessary. . . . It is unlikely that Dulles was shocked by Gehlen’s proposal to reinstitute fascism in Germany, since CIA officials had long ben discussing such authoritarian contingency plans with the Gehlen Organization other right-wing elements in Germany. In 1952, West German police discovered that the CIA was supporting a two-thousand-member fascist youth group led by ex-Nazi officers who had their own alarming plans for terminating democracy. Police investigators revealed that the CIA-backed group had compiled a blacklist of people to be “liquidated” as “unreliable” in case of a conflict with the Soviet Union. Included on the list were not just West German Communists but leaders of the Social Democratic Party serving in the Bundestag, as well as other left-leaning government officials. There were cries of outrage in the German parliament over the revelations, but the State Department worked strenuously behind the scenes to suppress the story, and similar alarming measures continued to be quietly contemplated throughout the Cold War.

These authoritarian plans were part of a sweeping covert strategy developed in the earliest days of the Cold War by U.S. intelligence officials, including Dulles, to counter a possible Soviet invasion of Western Europe by creating a “stay-behind network” of armed resisters to fight the Red Army. Code-named Operation Gladio, these secret CIA-funded networks attracted fascist and criminal elements, some of which later played subversive roles in West Germany, France, and Italy, disrupting democratic rule in those countries by staging terrorist acts and plotting coups and assassinations.

In the end, Gehlen didn’t feel the need to overthrow democracy in Bonn, but his organization did undertake a variety of secret activities over the years that seriously undermined democratic institutions in Germany. Backed by U.S. intelligence, Hitler’s former spymaster implemented wide-ranging surveillance of West German officials and citizens, including opening private mail and tapping phones. Gehlen defended the snooping as an internal security measure aimed at ferreting out Soviet and East German spies, but his net grew wider and wider until it was cast across an increasingly broad spectrum of population, including opposition party leaders, labor union officials, journalists and schoolteachers. Gehlen even used his spy apparatus to investigate survivors of the Valkyrie plot against Hitler . . . .

. . . . Gehlen was acting not just on behalf of his U.S. patrons, but his clients in Bonn. Even some CIA officials worried that Gehlen was being improperly used by Hans Globke to gather information on political opponents and fortify the Adenauer administration’s power. . . . On one occasion in the 1950s, the savvy Globke paid a visit to Gehlen’s Pullach headquarters, poring over the dossiers of various German political figures–and taking the opportunity to remove his own file. . . .

9c. As we have seen, Hans Globke was Adenauer’s eminence grise and the architect of the Nuremburg laws.

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; p. 279.

. . . . High among those [former Third Reich] officials was Chancellor Adenauer’s right-hand man Hans Globke, who had helped draft the notorious Nuremberg Laws, the racial identification system that served as the basis for the extermination of German Jews. . . .

10a. We review analysis of the Crusade For Freedom–the covert operation that brought Third Reich alumni into the country and also supported their guerilla warfare in Eastern Europe, conducted up until the early 1950’s. Conceived by Allen Dulles, overseen by Richard Nixon, publicly represented by Ronald Reagan and realized in considerable measure by William Casey, the CFF ultimately evolved into a Nazi wing of the GOP.

The Secret War Against the Jews; by John Loftus and Mark Aarons; Copyright 1994 by Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; [HC] ISBN 0-312-11057-X; pp. 122-123.

. . . . Frustration over Truman’s 1948 election victory over Dewey (which they blamed on the “Jewish vote”) impelled Dulles and his protégé Richard Nixon to work toward the realization of the fascist freedom fighter presence in the Republican Party’s ethnic outreach organization. As a young congressman, Nixon had been Allen Dulles’s confidant. They both blamed Governor Dewey’s razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When he became Eisenhower’s vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base. . . .

. . . . Vice President Nixon’s secret political war of Nazis against Jews in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatians and other Fascist émigré groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist ‘freedom fighters’ during the 1950’s and the leadership of the Republican Party’s ethnic campaign groups. The motive for the under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats. . . .

. . . . In 1952, Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. Displaced fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon ‘liberation’ policy signed on with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As Vice President, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. . .

10b. More about the composition of the cast of the CFF: Note that the ascension of the Reagan administration was essentially the ascension of the Nazified GOP, embodied in the CFF milieu. Reagan (spokesman for CFF) was President; George H.W. Bush (for whom CIA headquarters is named) was the Vice President; William Casey (who handled the State Department machinations to bring these people into the United States) was Reagan’s campaign manager and later his CIA director.

The Secret War Against the Jews; by John Loftus and Mark Aarons; Copyright 1994 by Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; [HC] ISBN 0-312-11057-X; p. 605.

. . . . As a young movie actor in the early 1950s, Reagan was employed as the public spokesperson for an OPC front named the ‘Crusade for Freedom.’ Reagan may not have known it, but 99 percent for the Crusade’s funds came from clandestine accounts, which were then laundered through the Crusade to various organizations such as Radio Liberty, which employed Dulles’s Fascists. Bill Casey, who later became CIA director under Ronald Reagan, also worked in Germany after World War II on Dulles’ Nazi ‘freedom fighters’ program. When he returned to New York, Casey headed up another OPC front, the International Rescue Committee, which sponsored the immigration of these Fascists to the United States. Casey’s committee replaced the International Red Cross as the sponsor for Dulles’s recruits. Confidential interviews, former members, OPC; former members, British foreign and Commonwealth Office. . . .

10c. While serving as chairman of the Republican National Committee, the elder George Bush shepherded the Nazi émigré community into position as a permanent branch of the Republican Party.
. . . . .It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon’s promise to make the ‘ethnic emigres’ a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972, Nixon’s State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key states. Bush’s tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor’s 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party’s official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush’s campaign allies were the émigré Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . . 

12. We conclude with a look at The New York Times’ use of a Third Reich alumnus named Paul Hofmann as a foreign correspondent, beginning with the Gray Lady’s coverage of the CIA’s participation in the overthrow of Patrice Lumumba.

The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978-0-06-227616-2; pp. 383-384.

 . . . . As the Congo crisis reached its climax, a new correspondent for The New York Times showed up in Leopoldville with a distinctly anti-Lumumba bias. Paul Hofmann was a diminutive, sophisticated Austrian with a colorful past. During the war, he served in Rome as a top aide to the notorious Nazi general Kurt Malzer, who was later convicted of the mass murder of Italian partisans. At some point, Hofmann became an informer for the Allies, and after the war he became closely associated with Jim Angleton. The Angleton family helped place Hofmann in the Rome bureau of The New York Times, where he continued to be of use to his friends in U.S. intelligence, translating reports from confidential sources inside the Vatican and passing them along to Angleton. Hofmann became one of the Times’s leading foreign correspondents, eventually taking over the newspaper’s Rome bureau and parachuting from time to time into international hot spots like the Congo. . . .

Discussion

52 comments for “FTR #894 Physicians, Heal Thyselves: Hypocrisy and the Trump Campaign”

  1. Housekeeping Note: Comments 1-50 available here.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 4, 2017, 4:15 pm
  2. Check out the next head of the Securities and Exchange Commission: a Wall Street defense lawyer from Sullivan & Cromwell:

    The Washington Post

    Trump to tap Wall Street lawyer, Jay Clayton, to head SEC

    By Renae Merle
    January 4, 2017 at 11:45 AM

    NEW YORK — President-elect Donald Trump announced on Wednesday that he will nominate Wall Street lawyer, Jay Clayton, to head the Securities and Exchange Commission.

    As chair of the SEC, which polices Wall Street and the financial markets, Clayton would play a key role in Trump’s efforts to usher in a period of deregulation, including undoing parts of 2010’s financial reform legislation, known as the Dodd-Frank Act.

    “Jay Clayton is a highly talented expert on many aspects of financial and regulatory law, and he will ensure our financial institutions can thrive and create jobs while playing by the rules at the same time,” Trump said in a statement.

    If confirmed by the Senate, Clayton would replace Mary Jo White, who announced shortly after the election that she would step down.

    White, a former federal prosecutor, is known for a no-nonsense style and beefed up the agency’s enforcement efforts over the last three years, pushing for more companies to admit guilt and taking more cases to trial. And during her term, the SEC has been a central player part of the Obama administration’s effort to rein in big banks following the 2008 financial crisis and prevent future taxpayer bailouts of the industry. The agency has pushed for more oversight of hedge funds and other asset managers and has established rules that make it more difficult for big banks to make risky bets on the markets.

    But Trump is widely expected to roll back some of the banking industry regulations the Obama administration put in place.

    “We need to undo many regulations which have stifled investment in American businesses, and restore oversight of the financial industry in a way that does not harm American workers,” Trump said.

    Clayton is a partner at Sullivan & Cromwell, a well-known law firm, and has represented some of the biggest names on Wall Street, including Goldman Sachs and Barclays, and helped them weather regulatory scrutiny. He has also helped large companies raise money through an initial public offering, including Alibaba, the Chinese retail giant. But, according to the biography on the Sullivan & Cromwell website has not held any government positions and has never served as a prosecutor.

    “Mr. Clayton’s background is as a Wall Street defense lawyer — and while that’s hardly unprecedented in these kind of nominations, we believe it’s not the appropriate background for a top position policing Wall Street,” said Marcus Stanley, policy director for Americans for Financial Reform. “We look forward to tough questioning from the Senate regarding his positions on specific issues”

    His nomination drew a quick Twitter response from Hillary Clinton’s former campaign deputy press secretary.

    I'm sure Trump campaigned on appointing a Wall Street attorney who represented Goldman Sachs to oversee Wall Street at SEC, right? https://t.co/0Gki9nxqg5— Jesse Ferguson (@JesseFFerguson) January 4, 2017

    In addition to replacing White, Trump will be able to fill two openings on the five-member SEC commission. Also, Thomas Curry, the head of the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, another important Wall Street regulator, has less than six months on his term and Timothy Massad, chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, announced earlier this week that he would step down. Together, the openings should give the Trump administration wide latitude to change the way Wall Street is regulated.

    Clayton is a partner at Sullivan & Cromwell, a well-known law firm, and has represented some of the biggest names on Wall Street, including Goldman Sachs and Barclays, and helped them weather regulatory scrutiny. He has also helped large companies raise money through an initial public offering, including Alibaba, the Chinese retail giant. But, according to the biography on the Sullivan & Cromwell website has not held any government positions and has never served as a prosecutor.”

    A Wall Street defense lawyer with no prosecutorial or government experience. Sounds super qualified.

    And if you’re wondering how the Trump team decided upon someone like Clayton, just take a look at the Trump transition team’s point man on financial regulation: Paul Atkins, board member of George W. Bush’s SEC from 2002-2008:

    The Wall Street Journal

    Donald Trump’s Point Man on Financial Regulation: A Former Regulator Who Favors a Light Touch
    As an SEC commissioner, Paul Atkins protested large fines against companies and sweeping stock-trading requirements

    By Andrew Ackerman and Dave Michaels
    Updated Nov. 11, 2016 1:16 p.m. ET

    WASHINGTON—Donald Trump has tapped a longtime critic of heavy regulation to flesh out his new administration’s plans for remaking the financial rule book, including the potential dismantling of much of the Dodd-Frank financial overhaul.

    Paul Atkins served as a Republican member of the Securities and Exchange Commission from 2002 to 2008, where he spoke out against big fines for companies, arguing they punish shareholders. Now Mr. Atkins, 58 years old, is the member of the president-elect’s transition team charged with recommending policies on financial regulation, according to current and former regulators briefed on the matter.

    Mr. Trump has detailed little about his views on financial regulation beyond his vow to dismantle the 2010 Dodd-Frank law—a campaign promise on which his transition team privately has sought to temper expectations, saying the focus was on rescinding or scaling back individual provisions of the law that Republicans find most objectionable.

    The fact that Mr. Trump has turned to Mr. Atkins for recommendations provides an additional window into how the president-elect is likely to govern. Mr. Atkins, too, has repeatedly assailed Dodd-Frank, targeting provisions such as the creation of a systemic-risk council that has the power to designate large financial firms for banklike regulation from the Federal Reserve. Mr. Atkins has said the council will “substitute government judgments for investor judgments, deciding for investors whether a product merits investment.”

    An aide to Mr. Atkins referred requests for comment to the Trump transition team, which didn’t immediately comment.

    Mr. Atkins, who grew up in Tampa, Fla. and attended Vanderbilt Law School, is a staunch libertarian. He first worked at the SEC in 1990 as an aide to Richard Breeden, then the Republican chairman. His work impressed Arthur Levitt, a Democrat who took over the agency in 1993 and who asked Mr. Atkins to stay as part of a small group of advisers to the new chairman. “I said, ‘I don’t care what party you came from,’ ” Mr. Levitt said in an interview.

    A decade later, during his time as an SEC commissioner, Mr. Atkins became an outspoken critic of the agency’s approach to cracking down on corporate misdeeds through large penalties against firms that agreed to settle fraud charges. For instance, he dissented when the agency levied a $250 million fine against Qwest Communications in 2004 for what it described as pervasive accounting fraud throughout the now-defunct telecommunications firm.

    Proponents argue that large financial penalties deter companies from engaging in illegal behavior. But Mr. Atkins maintains they punish shareholders who already have been victimized by a company’s fraud, further damaging the value of corporate shares.

    “Are we just sort of headline-grabbing?” he asked in a 2005 interview with Business Week. “Is that really the best way to deter bad conduct, by hurting the people that we’re supposedly helping? No. The best solution is to hold individuals accountable because someone in the company cooked the books.”

    Richard Ketchum, a former head of the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, said in an interview that Mr. Atkins’s “basic judgments are questioning regulation and being very pro” deregulation.

    At the SEC, Mr. Atkins repeatedly criticized the scope of financial regulation, which he warned often came at the expense of market competition and could lead to unforeseen consequences.

    “Paul Atkins served as a Republican member of the Securities and Exchange Commission from 2002 to 2008, where he spoke out against big fines for companies, arguing they punish shareholders. Now Mr. Atkins, 58 years old, is the member of the president-elect’s transition team charged with recommending policies on financial regulation, according to current and former regulators briefed on the matter.”

    Well, at least it looks like the Trump administration will create an abundance of new jobs in the field of bankruptcy law. But note what Mr. Atkins said he would prefer to see instead of large fines back in 2005: holding individuals accountable at the companies:


    “Are we just sort of headline-grabbing?” he asked in a 2005 interview with Business Week. “Is that really the best way to deter bad conduct, by hurting the people that we’re supposedly helping? No. The best solution is to hold individuals accountable because someone in the company cooked the books.

    “The best solution is to hold individuals accountable because someone in the company cooked the books.”

    Well, while it would be nice to think that Atkins was referring to jailing the CEOs of banks caught in a mega-scandal or something, the CEOs probably aren’t the “individuals” he and his bankster ilk would prefer to see held accountable. And certainly not with a jail sentence. But it does remind us of something that should become a public demand as the Trump administration basically does what it can to repeat the mistakes that led up to the financial crisis: If the Trump administration is going to deregulate Wall Street and things predictably go bad due to predictable bankster malfeasance, bankers need to actually go to jail this time around. Top bankers. Not some low-level fall guy.

    Sure, it’s a fruitless dream that Trump would ever do anything to harm his billionaire buddies but it’s still important to raise the issue. Perhaps even urgent.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 4, 2017, 4:17 pm

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