Down­load MP3s: Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4 (Approx. 159 minutes)

With George W. Bush run­ning for Pres­i­dent, this lec­ture sets forth infor­ma­tion about the polit­i­cal her­itage of Bush and the Bush fam­ily. The dis­cus­sion begins with the elite Skull and Bones soci­ety at Yale. Dubya, his father and grand­fa­ther belonged to this elite soci­ety. Two of George H.W. Bush’s fel­low “bones­men (Howard Weaver and Samuel Sloan Walker Jr) both worked with Allen Dulles’ “Free­dom Fight­ers” pro­gram. (The Secret War Against the Jews: How West­ern Espi­onage Betrayed the Jew­ish Peo­ple, by John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; copy­right 1994; ISBN 0–312-11057-X; pp. 592–3.) It should be noted that George H.W. Bush was deeply involved with the “fas­cist free­dom fight­ers” net­work. (For more on Bush’s involve­ment with this milieu, see M-24 and FTR #s 186, 248.)

The pro­gram dis­cusses some of the mythol­ogy about, and sub­stance of, the Skull and Bones soci­ety. (The New York Observer; 3/27/2000; pp. 15–16.) The dis­cus­sion touches on the occult ori­gins of the group’s ini­ti­a­tion rit­u­als, some of the influ­en­tial men who had belonged to the group, the group’s on-going con­tacts with the elder George, and a cir­cu­lar let­ter instruct­ing “bones­men” to avoid dis­cus­sion of the group (pre­sum­ably because of the can­di­dacy of George W. (Idem.) The dis­cus­sion then high­lights alle­ga­tions that Prescott Bush (Sr) helped to rob Geronimo’s grave, as well as related charges that the Apache warrior’s remains were then taken back to the “Tomb” (the insider’s nick­name for the Skull and Bones headquarters.)

Next, the lec­ture answers the ques­tion posed in the title. The “W” in George Junior’s name stands for Walker, the last name of Bush’s great grand­fa­ther, one of Hitler’s most pow­er­ful Amer­i­can finan­cial back­ers.) The lec­ture high­lights the pro­found involve­ment of George Her­bert Walker and his son-in-law Prescott Bush (Senior) in financ­ing of the Ger­man indus­trial con­cerns that financed and pro­pelled the Third Reich. (Prescott Bush Sr. is the father of the for­mer Pres­i­dent and CIA Direc­tor and the grand­fa­ther of “W.”) The dis­cus­sion touches on the Hamburg-Amerika line, one of the Bush-connected com­pa­nies that played a key role in Nazi espi­onage before, and dur­ing, World War II. In addi­tion to help­ing to fund the oper­a­tions of the SS, the Hamburg-Amerika line also played a sig­nif­i­cant role in the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal pro­gram. The dis­cus­sion under­scores the strong con­nec­tions between Walker, Prescott Bush Sr. and Fritz Thyssen, the Ger­man steel­maker and one of Hitler’s ear­li­est and most promi­nent finan­cial back­ers. The Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion was a Bush busi­ness that was, in essence, a front for the Thyssen interests.

The gen­e­sis of the Walker-Thyssen rela­tion­ship was in 1924, the year after Thyssen began to develop the long rela­tion­ship with Mar­tin Bor­mann, a famil­ial rela­tion­ship that has spanned the gen­er­a­tions. (Mr. Emory spec­u­lates that the Bush fam­ily may very well be deeply involved with the Bor­mann group.)

The dis­cus­sion high­lights George Sr.‘s involve­ment with the Nazi emi­gre milieu that spawned the Repub­li­can Eth­nic Her­itage Orga­ni­za­tion, lit­er­ally a Nazi wing of the Repub­li­can party. (This milieu had its gen­e­sis with the Cru­sade For Free­dom, the cen­ter­piece of Allen Dulles’ fas­cist free­dom fight­ers pro­gram, involv­ing Bush’s fel­low bones­men Weaver and Sloan Walker. This was an ille­gal domes­tic intel­li­gence oper­a­tion, which entailed the impor­ta­tion of Nazis and fas­cists into the United States for polit­i­cal pur­poses. A close polit­i­cal ally of Richard Nixon, George Bush mid­wived the for­mal inclu­sion of the Nazi “eth­nics” in the GOP, uti­liz­ing his posi­tion as chair­man of the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee. Bush later used this same Nazi emi­gre net­work in his 1988 pres­i­den­tial campaign.

Another major focal point of the lec­ture is the involve­ment of George H.W. Bush in the assas­si­na­tion of Pres­i­dent Kennedy. The lec­ture doc­u­ments a num­ber of con­nec­tions between the milieu of “vice” Pres­i­dents George Bush Sr., Ger­ald Ford, Richard Nixon and V.P. can­di­date Dick Cheney and the assas­si­na­tion of Pres­i­dent Kennedy. One of the acqui­si­tions of Hal­libur­ton Oil (headed by Dick Cheney) was Dresser indus­tries. (Wall Street Jour­nal, 7/26/2000, p. B4.) (For more on Cheney and Hal­libur­ton, see FTR-236.) The pro­gram reca­pit­u­lates an excerpt from RFA-37, that doc­u­ments Bush Sr.‘s employ­ment with Dresser indus­tries, the firm’s con­nec­tions to the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity and to Prescott Bush Sr. (George Sr.‘s father), the firm’s con­nec­tions to the Skull and Bones soci­ety, to which both Bushes (and George W.) belong; the prob­a­bil­ity that Dresser served as a cover for George Sr.‘s work for the CIA, and George Sr.‘s close con­nec­tions to Oswald han­dler and prob­a­ble Nazi spy George de Mohren­schildt. (“In the Com­pany of Friends”, by Anthony L. Kim­mery, Covert Action Infor­ma­tion Bul­letin, Issue #41, Sum­mer 1992.) The lec­ture high­lights the close rela­tion­ship between Richard Nixon and George Bush, Sr. Nixon appointed Bush Sr. as head of the Repub­li­can National Com­mit­tee dur­ing the Water­gate scan­dal, just as he appointed Ger­ald Ford as Vice-President. Ford then suc­ceeded Nixon, par­doned him, and appointed Bush as direc­tor of the CIA. Bush then helped to obstruct the House Select Com­mit­tee on Assas­si­na­tions’ inves­ti­ga­tion of the Kennedy assas­si­na­tion. (For more on George Sr.‘s role in covering-up Water­gate as head of the RNC, see FTR-186.) It should be noted that George Sr.‘s name crops up in con­nec­tion with the Kennedy assas­si­na­tion in sev­eral dif­fer­ent dif­fer­ent ways.

The talk details the links of George Bush Senior to the shoot­ing of Pres­i­dent Rea­gan. At the time Rea­gan was shot, for­mer Direc­tor of Cen­tral Intel­li­gence Bush was Vice-President.) John Hinck­ley was a for­mer mem­ber of the National Social­ist Party of Amer­ica. (San Fran­cisco Exam­iner, 3/31/81.) He was expelled for being so vio­lent that his fel­low Nazis sus­pected him of being a gov­ern­ment agent. (Idem.) In Octo­ber of 1980, Hinck­ley had been arrested at the Nashville (Ten­nessee) air­port as then Pres­i­dent Jimmy Carter was due to arrive. (Idem.) At the time, he had a .38 cal­iber pis­tol and two .22 cal­iber hand­guns in his pos­ses­sion, along with 50 rounds of ammu­ni­tion. (Idem.) Inter­est­ingly, this for­mer res­i­dent of Dal­las, Texas, had pur­chased the weapons at Rocky’s Pawn Shop, on the very street on which Pres­i­dent Kennedy had been assas­si­nated. (Idem.) One won­ders to what extent some of these “coin­ci­dences” were intended to send a mes­sage. The Nazi party to which Hinck­ley belonged had been founded by George Lin­coln Rock­well, whose Arling­ton (Vir­ginia) name and address were in Lee Har­vey Oswald’s address book at the time of his (Oswald“s) arrest. Hinck­ley had attended a memo­r­ial march to com­mem­o­rate Rock­well. (San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle, 4/1/81.)

The lec­ture sets forth evi­dence that Hinckley’s father, John Hinck­ley Sr., had been a sig­nif­i­cant con­trib­u­tor to George Bush’s pri­mary cam­paign (when Bush Sr. was chal­leng­ing Ronald Rea­gan for the nom­i­na­tion.) (Idem.) The night after the shoot­ing, John Jr.‘s brother, Scott Hinck­ley, was sched­uled to have din­ner with Neil Bush (George W.‘s brother and, like “Dubya” and George Sr, a petro­leum indus­try pro­fes­sional.) (San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle, 4/1/81.) Scott was, at the time, an exec­u­tive with the Hinck­ley family’s inde­pen­dent oil com­pany, Van­der­bilt Energy. (San Jose Mer­cury, 4/1/81, p. 24A, San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle, 4/1/81.) Hinck­ley Sr.‘s par­tic­i­pa­tion in a Chris­t­ian Evan­gel­i­cal orga­ni­za­tion called World Vision is of more than pass­ing inter­est. (San Fran­cisco Exam­iner, 3/31/81.) World Vision had served as a front for U.S. intel­li­gence in Cen­tral Amer­ica, employ­ing for­mer mem­bers of Anas­tazio Somoza’s National Guard to inform on El Sal­vado­rian refugees in Costa Rica. (National Catholic Reporter, 4/23/82.) A num­ber of the refugees were liq­ui­dated, after being iden­ti­fied as guerilla sym­pa­thiz­ers by World Vision oper­a­tives. (Idem.) World Vision had also func­tioned as a front for U.S. intel­li­gence in South­east Asia dring the Viet­nam War. (Chris­t­ian Cen­tury Mag­a­zine, 7/4–7/11/1979.) Hinck­ley Sr.‘s par­tic­i­pa­tion in World Vision, the latter’s con­nec­tions to U.S. intel­li­gence, and the close­ness of the Bush and Hinck­ley fam­i­lies should be eval­u­ated in light of the fact that George Sr. had been head of the CIA. Hinck­ley Jr. was even­tu­ally rep­re­sented by the law firm of Edward Ben­nett Williams, one of the most pow­er­ful law firms in Wash­ing­ton D.C. (San Fran­cisco Exam­iner, 4/1/81, p. A12.) The Williams firm’s pre­vi­ous cli­nents included for­mer CIA direc­tor Richard Helms, Robert Vesco (also con­nected to U.S. intel­li­gence), Jimmy Hoffa and John Con­nally. With the assis­tance of the Williams law firm’s rep­re­sen­ta­tion (and a pli­ant media estab­lish­ment) Hinckley’s doc­u­mented Nazi con­nec­tions were mag­i­cally trans­formed into “delu­sions” of this “lone nut.” (San Fran­cisco Chron­i­cle, 5/18/82.)

The lec­ture high­lights the phony “oil short­age” of the late 1970’s against the back­ground of the allegedly real “oil short­age” of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333–335.) (For an in-depth inter­view with John Lof­tus about this book, see FTR-29.) In this impor­tant and extensively-footnoted vol­ume, the authors draw on vet­eran Amer­i­can and British intel­li­gence offi­cers in order to doc­u­ment col­lu­sion among ele­ments of George Bush’s CIA, the petro­leum indus­try and the gov­ern­ment of Saudi Ara­bia. Together, these ele­ments fab­ri­cated an alleged Soviet petro­leum short­fall, as well as a phony “decline” in Saudi oil pro­duc­tion. Career oil indus­try pro­fes­sional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely main­tained fore­cast a world-wide oil short­age. (Idem.) The report also rumi­nated about the pos­si­bil­ity that the Sovi­ets might invade the Mid­dle East in order to aug­ment allegedly fail­ing domes­tic pro­duc­tion. The goal of the report was to influ­ence Jimmy Carter to increase oil pro­duc­tion and to man­date weapons sales to Saudi Ara­bia in order to “defend against the Soviet men­ace”. (Idem.) Carter and Energy Sec­re­tary James Schlesinger instead responded with a pro­gram of con­ser­va­tion. This enraged the petro­leum inter­ests, which then responded with the phony “gas short­age” of 1979. This gas short­age helped to pro­pel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post ear­lier in Carter’s administration.)

For­mer CIA direc­tor Bush became Vice-President under Rea­gan and (accord­ing to some sources.) became “power behind the throne.” Even­tu­ally, it became evi­dent that the CIA report was false, and that the Mid­dle East was swim­ming in oil. Nonethe­less, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum indus­try fraud was suc­cess­ful in con­ning con­sumers into accept­ing dra­mat­i­cally higher gaso­line prices, desta­bi­liz­ing the Carter admin­is­tra­tion, and per­suad­ing Con­gress and the Pres­i­dent to autho­rize a Saudi mil­i­tary buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the mil­i­tary bal­ance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most impor­tantly, the phony oil short­age set the stage for an unprece­dented mil­i­tary build-up dur­ing the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tions. That mil­i­tary build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.

The talk high­lights the man­ner in which the Reagan-Bush cam­paign con­spired with the Mus­lim fun­da­men­tal­ist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter’s defeat. Mr. Emory spec­u­lates that the rise in petro­leum prices in the year 2000 was delib­er­ately con­trived to drive up oil prices, aggra­vate vot­ers, weaken the econ­omy and pave the way for the acces­sion of George W. Bush. It was dur­ing the phony oil short­age of Î979–80 that George W’s first busi­ness ven­ture took shape.

The gen­e­sis of his first oil com­pany involved many of the con­spir­a­to­r­ial forces that over­lapped his father’s tenure as CIA direc­tor (and, later, as Vice-President.) Bush’s Arbusto Energy com­pany was begun, in part, with money from one James R. Bath. Bath’s reputed asso­ci­a­tions run from the Cen­tral Intel­li­gence Agency to the failed BCCI. The lat­ter was a finan­cial insti­tu­tion involved in drug-dealing, ter­ror­ism and arms traf­fick­ing. (It was used by Oliver North for some of his Iran-Contra machi­na­tions.) Bath was the Texas busi­ness rep­re­sen­ta­tive for Saudi ter­ror­ist Osama Bin Laden’s fam­ily and the money he used to help start Arbusto may very well have come, in part, from the Bin Laden fam­ily. (Bath appears to have had lit­tle or no cap­i­tal of his own at this time.) Bath told a busi­ness asso­ciate that he had been per­son­ally recruited into the CIA by George H.W. Bush, when he was direc­tor of the Agency. Bath also claimed that his involve­ment with his Saudi clients was under­taken at the spe­cific request of the senior Bush. (Pre­sum­ably, this would have included his work on behalf of the Bin Laden family.)

Next, the lec­ture focuses on George H.W. Bush’s piv­otal role in the Iran-Contra and “Iraq­gate” scan­dals. After dis­cus­sion of his par­don­ing of sev­eral key par­tic­i­pants in the affair, the talk turns to his involve­ment in the events them­selves. (The Los Ange­les Times; 8/28/2000; p. A13.) The dis­cus­sion focuses on Bush and the world of “inter­na­tional ter­ror­ism.” (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 407–409; p. 429.) Hav­ing chaired the Vice-President’s Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, George H.W. Bush over­saw and imple­mented rec­om­men­da­tions issue­ing from that Task Force. In a series of National Secu­rity Deci­sion Direc­tives, Bush was given com­mand of what authors John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons describe as “His (Bush’s) own pri­vate spy agency,” and “a White House within the White House.” (See FTR-29.) Osten­si­bly cre­ated to pro­vide a rapid, pro­phy­lac­tic response to “inter­na­tional ter­ror­ism,” these net­works became the pri­mary vehi­cle for the real­iza­tion of the ill-fated, ille­gal and trea­so­nous Iran-Contra and Iraq­gate schemes.

Far from being “out of the loop,” as he claimed, George Bush was the pri­mary player in both affairs. (Idem.) His “pri­vate spy agency” was the most sig­nif­i­cant ele­ment in the both the admin­is­tra­tion and imple­men­ta­tion of the oper­a­tions. (Idem.) The name of George W’s brother Neil also sur­faced in con­nec­tion with the S & L scan­dal. Neil Bush approved many of the bad loans that col­lapsed Denver’s Sil­ver­ado Sav­ings and Loan. (The Hous­ton Post, 2/4/1990.) (It should be noted that George H.W. Bush chaired the task force that crafted the “reforms” under which the loot­ing of the S & L’s took place. It should also be noted that Neil Bush’s name also fig­ures in the sce­nario sur­round­ing the shoot­ing of Pres­i­dent Reagan–see FTR-244.) Neil Bush’s name also sur­faced in con­nec­tion with the Sun-Flo case in Col­orado. (“Dealer’s Choice: A Col­orado Inven­tion Was Sup­posed to End World Hunger, but Instead Left Investors High and Dry” by Bryan Abas; West­word; 7/13–19/1988.) Bush’s name was used to help raise money for a dehy­dra­tion device designed to pre­serve pro­duce in Third World areas. (Idem.) It appears that the enter­prise was a scam to raise money for cocaine traf­fick­ing, pos­si­bly in con­nec­tion with the Con­tra sup­port effort in Cen­tral Amer­ica. (Idem.)

Neil and W’s brother Jeb (cur­rently gov­er­nor of Florida) also assisted with the pros­e­cu­tion of the Con­tra War in Nicaragua. Jeb Bush served as his father’s liai­son to the anti-Castro Cuban com­mu­nity in Florida. (“The Fam­ily That Preys Together” by Jack Cal­houn; Covert Action Infor­ma­tion Bul­letin #41; Sum­mer 1992.) The anti-Castro Cubans were deeply involved in the Con­tra sup­port effort. Jeb Bush also main­tined con­tacts with fig­ures from the Miami under­world milieu. (Idem.)

The dis­cus­sion out­lines forth a Byzan­tine series of machi­na­tions, through which an air­plane pur­chased for smug­gling oper­a­tions by drug smug­gler, DEA infor­mant and Iran-Contra lynch­pin Barry Seal wound up being Texas Gov­er­nor George Bush’s favorite air­craft. Barry Seal’s exper­tise as a drug pilot par excel­lence, his air­craft, as well as his bases of oper­a­tions were tailor-made for the Rea­gan adminsitration’s clan­des­tine wars in Cen­tral Amer­ica, par­tic­u­larly the Con­tra sup­port effort. More­over, the wind­ing path fol­lowed by “Zero-Eight Fox­trot” from Seal to the Governor’s man­sion is an excel­lent van­tage point for exam­in­ing the myr­iad and over­lap­ping crim­i­nal con­spir­a­cies that helped to sup­port the Con­tra war. (The plane’s nick­name is derived from its reg­is­tra­tion num­ber.) Fol­low­ing the aircraft’s trail, one will come across drug-smuggling, the sav­ings and loan scan­dal, insur­ance scams and other “bust-out” oper­a­tions, the pro­ceeds from which went to finance the Contras.

The talk also details the prob­a­ble mur­der of JFK, Jr. and the effect his death may have had on the cam­paign. The avail­able evi­dence sug­gests the dis­tinct pos­si­bil­ity that the crash was not an acci­dent. Con­trary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the vis­i­bil­ity was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four min­utes from the air­port, was within visual con­tact radius of the island and had radioed the air­port to get per­mis­sion to land. He did not broad­cast a “May­day” dis­tress call. Eye­wit­nesses reported Kennedy’s plane aproach­ing the air­port at an alti­tude of less than 100 feet. (This con­trasts markedly with the “radar track” which was leaked to the media, show­ing Kennedy’s plane begin­ning its “grave­yard spi­ral” at an alti­tude of 1800 ft. It is extra­or­di­nar­ily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that alti­tude when com­ing in for a land­ing. Con­trary to press reports at the time of Kennedy’s death, he was an excel­lent pilot with over 300 hours of fly­ing time. Some reports erro­neously said he had as lit­tle as 35 hours.) Eye­wit­nesses reported see­ing a “flash” or explo­sion over the water when Kennedy’s plane dis­ap­peared. Most impor­tantly, numer­ous media polit­i­cal pun­dits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Pres­i­den­tial or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nom­i­na­tion, in an attempt to assure vic­tory for the Democ­rats in the 2000 elec­tion! His death elim­i­nated that pos­si­bil­ity. (For more on this sub­ject, see also: FTR #‘s 175, 247.) (Recorded on 10/14/2000 at the Fort Mason Cen­ter in San Francisco.)