With George W. Bush running for President, this lecture sets forth information about the political heritage of Bush and the Bush family. The discussion begins with the elite Skull and Bones society at Yale. Dubya, his father and grandfather belonged to this elite society. Two of George H.W. Bush’s fellow “bonesmen (Howard Weaver and Samuel Sloan Walker Jr) both worked with Allen Dulles’ “Freedom Fighters” program. (The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People, by John Loftus and Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; copyright 1994; ISBN 0–312-11057-X; pp. 592–3.) It should be noted that George H.W. Bush was deeply involved with the “fascist freedom fighters” network.
The program discusses some of the mythology about, and substance of, the Skull and Bones society. (The New York Observer; 3/27/2000; pp. 15–16.) The discussion touches on the occult origins of the group’s initiation rituals, some of the influential men who had belonged to the group, the group’s on-going contacts with the elder George, and a circular letter instructing “bonesmen” to avoid discussion of the group (presumably because of the candidacy of George W. (Idem.) The discussion then highlights allegations that Prescott Bush (Sr) helped to rob Geronimo’s grave, as well as related charges that the Apache warrior’s remains were then taken back to the “Tomb” (the insider’s nickname for the Skull and Bones headquarters.)
Next, the lecture answers the question posed in the title. The “W” in George Junior’s name stands for Walker, the last name of Bush’s great grandfather, one of Hitler’s most powerful American financial backers.) The lecture highlights the profound involvement of George Herbert Walker and his son-in-law Prescott Bush (Senior) in financing of the German industrial concerns that financed and propelled the Third Reich. (Prescott Bush Sr. is the father of the former President and CIA Director and the grandfather of “W.”) The discussion touches on the Hamburg-Amerika line, one of the Bush-connected companies that played a key role in Nazi espionage before, and during, World War II. In addition to helping to fund the operations of the SS, the Hamburg-Amerika line also played a significant role in the Bormann flight capital program. The discussion underscores the strong connections between Walker, Prescott Bush Sr. and Fritz Thyssen, the German steelmaker and one of Hitler’s earliest and most prominent financial backers. The Union Banking Corporation was a Bush business that was, in essence, a front for the Thyssen interests.
The genesis of the Walker-Thyssen relationship was in 1924, the year after Thyssen began to develop the long relationship with Martin Bormann, a familial relationship that has spanned the generations. (Mr. Emory speculates that the Bush family may very well be deeply involved with the Bormann group.)
The discussion highlights George Sr.‘s involvement with the Nazi emigre milieu that spawned the Republican Ethnic Heritage Organization, literally a Nazi wing of the Republican party. (This milieu had its genesis with the Crusade For Freedom, the centerpiece of Allen Dulles’ fascist freedom fighters program, involving Bush’s fellow bonesmen Weaver and Sloan Walker. This was an illegal domestic intelligence operation, which entailed the importation of Nazis and fascists into the United States for political purposes. A close political ally of Richard Nixon, George Bush midwived the formal inclusion of the Nazi “ethnics” in the GOP, utilizing his position as chairman of the Republican National Committee. Bush later used this same Nazi emigre network in his 1988 presidential campaign.
Another major focal point of the lecture is the involvement of George H.W. Bush in the assassination of President Kennedy. The lecture documents a number of connections between the milieu of “vice” Presidents George Bush Sr., Gerald Ford, Richard Nixon and V.P. candidate Dick Cheney and the assassination of President Kennedy. One of the acquisitions of Halliburton Oil (headed by Dick Cheney) was Dresser industries. (Wall Street Journal, 7/26/2000, p. B4.) The program recapitulates an excerpt from RFA-37, that documents Bush Sr.‘s employment with Dresser industries, the firm’s connections to the intelligence community and to Prescott Bush Sr. (George Sr.‘s father), the firm’s connections to the Skull and Bones society, to which both Bushes (and George W.) belong; the probability that Dresser served as a cover for George Sr.‘s work for the CIA, and George Sr.‘s close connections to Oswald handler and probable Nazi spy George de Mohrenschildt. (“In the Company of Friends”, by Anthony L. Kimmery, Covert Action Information Bulletin, Issue #41, Summer 1992.) The lecture highlights the close relationship between Richard Nixon and George Bush, Sr. Nixon appointed Bush Sr. as head of the Republican National Committee during the Watergate scandal, just as he appointed Gerald Ford as Vice-President. Ford then succeeded Nixon, pardoned him, and appointed Bush as director of the CIA. Bush then helped to obstruct the House Select Committee on Assassinations’ investigation of the Kennedy assassination. It should be noted that George Sr.‘s name crops up in connection with the Kennedy assassination in several different different ways.
The talk details the links of George Bush Senior to the shooting of President Reagan. At the time Reagan was shot, former Director of Central Intelligence Bush was Vice-President.) John Hinckley was a former member of the National Socialist Party of America. (San Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) He was expelled for being so violent that his fellow Nazis suspected him of being a government agent. (Idem.) In October of 1980, Hinckley had been arrested at the Nashville (Tennessee) airport as then President Jimmy Carter was due to arrive. (Idem.) At the time, he had a .38 caliber pistol and two .22 caliber handguns in his possession, along with 50 rounds of ammunition. (Idem.) Interestingly, this former resident of Dallas, Texas, had purchased the weapons at Rocky’s Pawn Shop, on the very street on which President Kennedy had been assassinated. (Idem.) One wonders to what extent some of these “coincidences” were intended to send a message. The Nazi party to which Hinckley belonged had been founded by George Lincoln Rockwell, whose Arlington (Virginia) name and address were in Lee Harvey Oswald’s address book at the time of his (Oswald’s) arrest. Hinckley had attended a memorial march to commemorate Rockwell. (San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.)
The lecture sets forth evidence that Hinckley’s father, John Hinckley Sr., had been a significant contributor to George Bush’s primary campaign (when Bush Sr. was challenging Ronald Reagan for the nomination.) (Idem.) The night after the shooting, John Jr.‘s brother, Scott Hinckley, was scheduled to have dinner with Neil Bush (George W.‘s brother and, like “Dubya” and George Sr, a petroleum industry professional.) (San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Scott was, at the time, an executive with the Hinckley family’s independent oil company, Vanderbilt Energy. (San Jose Mercury, 4/1/81, p. 24A, San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Hinckley Sr.‘s participation in a Christian Evangelical organization called World Vision is of more than passing interest. (San Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) World Vision had served as a front for U.S. intelligence in Central America, employing former members of Anastazio Somoza’s National Guard to inform on El Salvadorian refugees in Costa Rica. (National Catholic Reporter, 4/23/82.) A number of the refugees were liquidated, after being identified as guerilla sympathizers by World Vision operatives. (Idem.) World Vision had also functioned as a front for U.S. intelligence in Southeast Asia dring the Vietnam War. (Christian Century Magazine, 7/4–7/11/1979.) Hinckley Sr.‘s participation in World Vision, the latter’s connections to U.S. intelligence, and the closeness of the Bush and Hinckley families should be evaluated in light of the fact that George Sr. had been head of the CIA. Hinckley Jr. was eventually represented by the law firm of Edward Bennett Williams, one of the most powerful law firms in Washington D.C. (San Francisco Examiner, 4/1/81, p. A12.) The Williams firm’s previous clients included former CIA director Richard Helms, Robert Vesco (also connected to U.S. intelligence), Jimmy Hoffa and John Connally. With the assistance of the Williams law firm’s representation (and a pliant media establishment) Hinckley’s documented Nazi connections were magically transformed into “delusions” of this “lone nut.” (San Francisco Chronicle, 5/18/82.)
The lecture highlights the phony “oil shortage” of the late 1970’s against the background of the allegedly real “oil shortage” of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333–335.) In this important and extensively-footnoted volume, the authors draw on veteran American and British intelligence officers in order to document collusion among elements of George Bush’s CIA, the petroleum industry and the government of Saudi Arabia. Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum shortfall, as well as a phony “decline” in Saudi oil production. Career oil industry professional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely maintained forecast a world-wide oil shortage. (Idem.) The report also ruminated about the possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East in order to augment allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the report was to influence Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and to mandate weapons sales to Saudi Arabia in order to “defend against the Soviet menace”. (Idem.) Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger instead responded with a program of conservation. This enraged the petroleum interests, which then responded with the phony “gas shortage” of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post earlier in Carter’s administration.)
Former CIA director Bush became Vice-President under Reagan and (according to some sources.) became “power behind the throne.” Eventually, it became evident that the CIA report was false, and that the Middle East was swimming in oil. Nonetheless, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into accepting dramatically higher gasoline prices, destabilizing the Carter administration, and persuading Congress and the President to authorize a Saudi military buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the military balance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most importantly, the phony oil shortage set the stage for an unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan administrations. That military build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.
The talk highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign conspired with the Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter’s defeat. Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession of George W. Bush. It was during the phony oil shortage of Î979–80 that George W’s first business venture took shape.
The genesis of his first oil company involved many of the conspiratorial forces that overlapped his father’s tenure as CIA director (and, later, as Vice-President.) Bush’s Arbusto Energy company was begun, in part, with money from one James R. Bath. Bath’s reputed associations run from the Central Intelligence Agency to the failed BCCI. The latter was a financial institution involved in drug-dealing, terrorism and arms trafficking. (It was used by Oliver North for some of his Iran-Contra machinations.) Bath was the Texas business representative for Saudi terrorist Osama Bin Laden’s family and the money he used to help start Arbusto may very well have come, in part, from the Bin Laden family. (Bath appears to have had little or no capital of his own at this time.) Bath told a business associate that he had been personally recruited into the CIA by George H.W. Bush, when he was director of the Agency. Bath also claimed that his involvement with his Saudi clients was undertaken at the specific request of the senior Bush. (Presumably, this would have included his work on behalf of the Bin Laden family.)
Next, the lecture focuses on George H.W. Bush’s pivotal role in the Iran-Contra and “Iraqgate” scandals. After discussion of his pardoning of several key participants in the affair, the talk turns to his involvement in the events themselves. (The Los Angeles Times; 8/28/2000; p. A13.) The discussion focuses on Bush and the world of “international terrorism.” (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 407–409; p. 429.) Having chaired the Vice-President’s Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, George H.W. Bush oversaw and implemented recommendations issueing from that Task Force. In a series of National Security Decision Directives, Bush was given command of what authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons describe as “His (Bush’s) own private spy agency,” and “a White House within the White House.” Ostensibly created to provide a rapid, prophylactic response to “international terrorism,” these networks became the primary vehicle for the realization of the ill-fated, illegal and treasonous Iran-Contra and Iraqgate schemes.
Far from being “out of the loop,” as he claimed, George Bush was the primary player in both affairs. (Idem.) His “private spy agency” was the most significant element in the both the administration and implementation of the operations. (Idem.) The name of George W’s brother Neil also surfaced in connection with the S & L scandal. Neil Bush approved many of the bad loans that collapsed Denver’s Silverado Savings and Loan. (The Houston Post, 2/4/1990.) (It should be noted that George H.W. Bush chaired the task force that crafted the “reforms” under which the looting of the S & L’s took place. It should also be noted that Neil Bush’s name also figures in the scenario surrounding the shooting of President Reagan.) Neil Bush’s name also surfaced in connection with the Sun-Flo case in Colorado. (“Dealer’s Choice: A Colorado Invention Was Supposed to End World Hunger, but Instead Left Investors High and Dry” by Bryan Abas; Westword; 7/13–19/1988.) Bush’s name was used to help raise money for a dehydration device designed to preserve produce in Third World areas. (Idem.) It appears that the enterprise was a scam to raise money for cocaine trafficking, possibly in connection with the Contra support effort in Central America. (Idem.)
Neil and W’s brother Jeb (currently governor of Florida) also assisted with the prosecution of the Contra War in Nicaragua. Jeb Bush served as his father’s liaison to the anti-Castro Cuban community in Florida. (“The Family That Preys Together” by Jack Calhoun; Covert Action Information Bulletin #41; Summer 1992.) The anti-Castro Cubans were deeply involved in the Contra support effort. Jeb Bush also maintined contacts with figures from the Miami underworld milieu. (Idem.)
The discussion outlines forth a Byzantine series of machinations, through which an airplane purchased for smuggling operations by drug smuggler, DEA informant and Iran-Contra lynchpin Barry Seal wound up being Texas Governor George Bush’s favorite aircraft. Barry Seal’s expertise as a drug pilot par excellence, his aircraft, as well as his bases of operations were tailor-made for the Reagan adminsitration’s clandestine wars in Central America, particularly the Contra support effort. Moreover, the winding path followed by “Zero-Eight Foxtrot” from Seal to the Governor’s mansion is an excellent vantage point for examining the myriad and overlapping criminal conspiracies that helped to support the Contra war. (The plane’s nickname is derived from its registration number.) Following the aircraft’s trail, one will come across drug-smuggling, the savings and loan scandal, insurance scams and other “bust-out” operations, the proceeds from which went to finance the Contras.
The talk also details the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and the effect his death may have had on the campaign. The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the crash was not an accident. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a “Mayday” distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy’s plane aproaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the “radar track” which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy’s plane beginning its “graveyard spiral” at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy’s death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.) Eyewitnesses reported seeing a “flash” or explosion over the water when Kennedy’s plane disappeared. Most importantly, numerous media political pundits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility. (Recorded on 10/14/2000 at the Fort Mason Center in San Francisco.)