Dave Emory’s entire lifetime of work is available on a flash drive that can be obtained here.  (The flash drive includes the anti-fascist books available on this site.)
Updated on 5/22/2013
COMMENT: It’s a good bet that a large percentage of listeners/readers either snort in derision or scratch their heads in bewilderment when we use the term “The Underground Reich.”  This is not only understandable but, perhaps, to be taken for granted. (Readers/listeners who wish to be grounded in the information presented here should be sure to read The Nazis Go Underground , Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile  and The New Germany and the Old Nazis , all of which are available for free instant download on this website.)
In this regard, analysis is presented in this post which should help to clarify the matter. We are focusing on the activities of the German government and the “vertriebene groups”–organizations of ethnic Germans relocated to Germany in the wake of the conclusion of hostilities in World War II as mandated by agreements forged by the Allies at Yalta and Potsdam.
The main groups of ethnic German “expellees” were the Sudeten Germans (former inhabitants of the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia) and the Volksdeutsche from Poland. Both groups functioned as Fifth Columnists , aiding in a decisive way the German conquest of Czechoslovakia and Poland in World War II. (Volksdeutsche is a term generally applied to ethnic Germans living outside of Germany proper. This post focuses primarily on those in Poland and the former Czechoslovakia.)
In addition to providing the Third Reich with intelligence vital to the impending conquest of both countries, the Sudeten Germans and Volksdeutsche formed as combatant cadres, fleshing out the Nazi battalions on the battlefield.
Of greater significance in the Allies’ decision to expel both groups from their countries of origin was the pivotal role the Sudeten Germans and Volksdeutsche played in the brutal extermination programs realized by the Nazis’ in both countries.
Intimately familiar with the people and institutions central to civic life in Poland and Czechoslovakia, both groups fingered those slated for death by the Nazis, in addition to enthusiastically participating in the liquidations and deportations as members of the SS and collaborators of the Gestapo.
In passing, we should note that the Nazi decimation of the nations they referred to as “the Eastern Territories” was conducted with an eye to the theoretical principles of von Clausewitz . Considering the realities of what von Clausewitz referred to as “the postwar,” the Third Reich leadership understood that decimating the population, ruining the industrial infrastructure, looting the liquid wealth, scorching the arable land and leveling residential and governmental architecture of the conquered lands would leave them in no position to effectively resist occupation.
More importantly, if the Third Reich were to have their military success reversed (as was the case), the ruin visited upon those countries during the occupation would leave them in a subordinate and inferior position in the international postwar order.
Of paramount importance in this regard was the Nazi policy of exterminating the intelligentsia of the occupied countries. So brutally effective was this program that, within several months of the German invasion of Poland (for example), there was almost no one left alive with a college education! Under such circumstances, how is one to rebuild a countryside destroyed by modern armies pitted against one another in unrestrained industrial warfare?
Although the failures of the Soviet-style command economy certainly further retarded the industrial development of Eastern Europe, the Nazi holocaust had much to do with keeping that part of the world down.
Openly and institutionally espousing the cause of the Sudeten Germans, the Polish Volksdeutsche and the other expellees, the German government has a ministry to administer their situation and further their goals. It is, and always has been, the official position of the German government that the expulsion of German populations mandated by the Yalta and Potsdam agreements was wrong. This constitutes a fundamental rejection by the government of the “new” Germany of the peace settlement of World War II!
Below, we present two articles from the vitally important german-foreign-policy.com newsletter, which feeds along the bottom of the front page of this website. The first story discusses the latest exhibition staged by the BdV, the League of Expellees. Attended by chancellor Angela Merkel and endorsed by the new president of Germany Joachim Gauck, the exhibit presents the case of the Volksdeutsche and the Sudeten Germans. The head of the BdV, Erika Steinbach, stated that the blame for starting World War II  belonged to Poland!
The second excerpt from german-foreign-policy.com documents the proprietary claims being made by right-wing extremists associated with the BdV in Poland. They are attempting to realize the restitution of property in Poland that, they claim, had belonged to the Volksdeutsche.
In an update from May of 2013, we note that the German/Bavarian government is commemorating a “memorial day” for the “resettled” Sudeten Germans, in order to sustain the political sensitivity of the issue for future generations.
We then examine excerpts from The New Germany and the Old Nazis . The first presents part of the Nazi government-in-exile’s Madrid circular letter from 1950, discussing the expellees’ importance to the Underground Reich  and analyzing the future importance of the groups for German foreign policy.
What we see here is the synthesis of policy developed and articulated by The Underground Reich in 1950 with policy pursued by the “new” Germany today. In turn, this policy is at one with the activities and goals of right-wing extremists in the expellee milieu!
The last excerpts from the T.H. Tetens text document the role of the Sudeten Germans and the Polish Volksdeutsche in the military conquest, ethnic cleansing and decimation of Czechoslovakia and Poland. Do not fail to recognize the fundamental revisionist nature of the current German government’s stance toward the history of the Sudeten Germans and the Volksdeutsche!
Supplementing this post is, of course, the volume of information presented on this website about the Bormann capital network, the corporate/economic foundation of the Underground Reich.
EXCERPT: In the run-up to this weekend’s annual “Sudeten German Convention,” the Bavarian regional government has announced the introduction of a memorial day in commemoration of German resettlement. Beginning 2014, the second Sunday in September will annually be dedicated to the commemoration of the German victims of “flight, expulsion and deportation” as a result of the Second World War. The designation of this memorial day is one of the German political establishment’s measures, to seek to embed the notion that the resettlement was “an injustice” in the mindset of future generations. Based on this — historically erroneous — opinion, Germany can raise advantageous political claims vis à vis Eastern and Southeastern European countries. Besides the creation of a memorial day, Bavaria is also supporting, with 20 million Euros, the establishment of a “Sudeten German Museum” in Munich. The German Bundestag has earmarked another 10 million Euros to the project. An exposition, which could serve as the centerpiece of the museum, put the legitimacy of the founding of Czechoslovakia into question, using controversial quotes from Nazi sources. The Bavarian prime minister will be honored, with a Sudeten German Homeland Association award at Sunday’s events for his support of the “expellees.”
Memorial Day for the Resettled
As was announced, last Wednesday, by the Bavarian state chancellery, the government of Bavaria has decided to declare a state-wide memorial day in commemoration of German resettlement. Beginning in 2014, the annual memorial day in commemoration “of German suffering caused by flight, expulsion and deportation”  as a result of the Second World War, will be the second Sunday in September. This initiative has been jubilantly welcomed by resettlement associations. Bavaria has always been “exemplary” toward the “expellees,” declared the President of the German League of Expellees (BdV), Erika Steinbach. There is no doubt that the BdV would like to see a similar memorial day established nationwide. Ultimately, a “non-partisan consensus” on this question must be reached in the German capital, demanded BdV Chairman Bernd Fabritius.
On the Injustice of Expulsion
The memorial day’s political thrust can also be surmised from its scheduling, in direct connection to the “Homeland Day.” Since 1950, “Homeland Day” has been annually commemorated by the BdV and other associations of the resettled as a means of keeping the memory alive of a German past in their regions of origin. Originally, this had been commemorated on the first weekend in August, a deliberate juxtaposition to the date of the signing of the Potsdam Agreements (August 2, 1945). This date was chosen in “protest against the decisions taken at the Potsdam Conference in 1945,” explains the BdV. This is referring to passages in the Potsdam Agreements that legally justify the resettlement of Germans — as a consequence of Nazi crimes in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. The government of Bavaria openly aligns itself with this protest. Prime Minister Horst Seehofer explains that, with this new memorial day, “we are sending out the message that expulsion is and remains an injustice.” The fact that the memorial day will not be held on the first weekend in August, but rather in September — like the “Homeland Day” — has a practical reason. In Bavaria, school summer vacation lasts throughout August, usually only ending on the second weekend in September. To establish a memorial day during the summer vacation would predestine it to fizzle out without effect.
The Younger Generation
As can be seen in Bavaria’s prime minister’s statements, the institution of a memorial day is also aimed at influencing future debates. Until recently, it had always been claimed — for example in the controversies surrounding a “Center against Expulsions” or the Foundation Flight, Expulsion, Reconciliation  — that personal satisfaction must be given to those who fled or were resettled since 1944. This is viewed as necessary, even though the majority of those concerned have died. The Bavarian prime minister, on the other hand, even proclaims that “the memory of flight and expulsion must be kept alive, particularly for the younger generation.” In fact there is an upsurge in government activities around resettlement in the field of collective memory policies, because those, who had been resettled are either no longer alive or they are very old — and their associations, which had kept the memory of resettlement alive, proclaiming it an injustice, are steadily losing influence, due to their decline in membership. For Prime Minister Seehofer, the resettlement must be embedded in the memory of the “younger generation,” because it will be they, who “will configurate the European house of tomorrow.” The memory of resettlement and its classification as “injustice,” permit Germany to uphold its political demands vis à vis Eastern and Southeastern European countries. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.)
Plans to establish a “Sudeten German Museum” in Munich are among the measures of collective memory, aimed at keeping the alleged “injustice of the resettlement” on the European agenda for a long time to come. . . .
EXCERPT: Yesterday the League of Expellees (BdV) opened a new exhibition right in the heart of Berlin with the German Chancellor in attendance. The project combines three exhibitions created by the BdV over the past few years for its “Center against Expulsions” Foundation. This exhibition depicts the history of “German ethnic minorities” (deutsche Volksgruppen) in numerous regions of Eastern Europe and their resettlement in the Federal Republic of Germany. This provides political support for official “Deutschtum” (Germandom) activities in eastern and southeastern Europe, instrumentalizing German-speaking minorities for Berlin’s foreign policy. This is also a manifestation of Germany’s official position concerning Germans’ resettlement in the aftermath of the Second World War as “unjust,” which is why the eastern neighboring countries can still be considered “guilty.” In its presentation of the exhibition, the BdV refers to the many years of support from the new German President Joachim Gauck. One member of the scientific advisory panel of the “Center against Expulsions” Foundation, which uses Gauck’s name in its publicity, is a international jurist, described in the rightwing press as “associated with rightwing extremist circles.”. . .
. . . . “Homeland Sick” combines the BdV’s predecessor exhibitions “Compulsory Routes,” “The Called” and “Arrived,” recounting the histories of the German-speaking minorities (“deutsche Volksgruppen”) in eastern and southeastern Europe from the beginning of their migrations, their resettlement during and following the Second World War up to their integration in the Federal Republic of Germany. The exhibition “The Called” is dedicated to Germandom in regions of eastern and southeastern Europe, where Germany is systematically reinforcing the resident German-speaking minorities. The Federal Republic of Germany uses these minorities to enhance its political and economic influence in foreign countries. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.) The BdV’s “Center against Expulsions” Foundation’s “Compulsory Routes” exhibition depicts the resettlement of Germans in the aftermath of the Second World War — inscribed, in accordance with international law, in the 1945 Potsdam Agreements — as an alleged injustice and thereby expressing the official West German position that the resettlement had been a crime. This implicates that the countries overrun by Nazi Germany are “indebted.” Interested circles are today still raising demands for reparations. . . .
. . . . The German government’s support for the BdV and its exhibition projects disregards the fact that the league and its president have been sharply criticized for historical revisionist declarations and strong attacks on neighboring countries to the east and southeast. For example, on several occasions, BdV functionaries have suggested that Poland could share the blame for the beginning of the Second World War. BdV President Steinbach came to their defense in the ensuing controversy. . . .
EXCERPT: Extreme rightwing German militants have announced new lawsuits against Poland to have former property of “expelled” Germans returned. The newly formed “Property Owners Association — East (EBO)” announced that it is demanding not only the transfer of property rights to resettled Germans for real estate and buildings in Poland, but are also demanding that a “use compensation” be paid by the so-called expelling country. According to a report broadcast on Swiss television, already in the past, the association’s president has forced his way into a house in southern Poland, he claimed belonged to him. The association has also announced its intention to wage a political campaign this spring in several Polish cities. EBO’s president is the national executive director of the extreme rightwing “pro-Deutschland” party, affiliated with an extreme rightwing splinter group of the German League of Expellees (BdV). Its honorary president would like to transform a large segment of Polish territory into a neutral country: “Zentropa.” The fact that the Federal Republic of Germany has, since 1949, consistently declared the resettlement of Germans “unjust” and the “question of reparations open” is encouragement for the lawsuits demanding reparations for the resettled. . . .
COMMENT: The contemporary German government is pursuing a foreign policy dynamic that is the extension of that advocated by the Nazi government in exile in Madrid, as can be seen from the following excerpt. (For discussion of Dr. Werner Naumann, the coup attempt he led in 1953 and the fuehrungsring serving as a shadow government of Germany, see the text excerpt in the description for the Tetens book.)
EXCERPT . . . There is little doubt that the expellees played an important part in the calculations of Dr. [Werner] Naumann and his associates in Madrid. A secret circular letter issued by the Nazi headquarters in Madrid stated: “The millions of expellees must be regarded as an important valuable trump card in our policy toward the restoration of German power . . . The expulsion of 10 million racial comrades was a blessing for the Reich. The expellees strengthened the biological substance of our race, and from the beginning, they became a valuable asset to our propaganda. The expellees, discontented with their fate, infused a strong political dynamism in our demands. Very soon, we were able to drown out noisy propaganda about German ‘crimes’ with our own counteraccusation about the heinous misdeeds committed against 10 million of our racial comrades. . . . The distress of the refugees has created a common political ground among all Germans, regardless of political affiliation. The demand for the restitution of the stolen German territories keeps our agitation alive. The militant elements among the refugees are working in the best traditions of National Socialism, whereas the broad masses of expellees are kept together in well-disciplined homeland organizations . . . The expulsion of millions of our racial comrades provides us with a heaven-sent opportunity to exacerbate the problem of the bleeding border and to hammer constantly for its revision.” (pp. 129–130.)
COMMENT: The fundamental revision of history inherent in the German policy toward the expellees can be seen in the following account of the role of the Sudeten Germans and Polish Volksdeutsche in the Nazi conquest and murderous occupation of Czechoslovakia and Poland.
EXCERPT: . . . The 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans lived in a truly democratic country and enjoyed the same political, cultural and social freedoms as all the other citizens of Czechoslovakia. Yet 92 percent rallied behind Hitler, embarked on a policy of treason and voted “Ein reich, Ein Volk, Ein Fuehrer.” According to captured German documents, in 1937, Hitler decided that Czechoslovakia must be “wiped off the map.” A year later, at the height of the crisis, the Sudeten Germans revolted, helping to undermine the republic and on March 15, 1939, Hitler occupied Prague and made the tiny remainder “a German protectorate.” Subsequently, the sudeten Germans participated in the “Germanization” of the country by driving the Czechs and their neighbors from their homes and by killing the slavic intelligentsia by the thousands. Only recently, a conservative Catholic paper in Austria printed the number of death sentences handed down in Prague and Bruenn alone from June 8 to June 21, 1942. Altogether 340 teachers, lawyers, officials and Catholic priests were executed in the short span of two weeks, not counting the hundreds who found death in the Gestapo torture chambers and concentration camps. From 1939 to 1945, several hundred thousand Czechs were murdered by the SS. It was for these crimes that the Sudeten Germans, the chief perpetrators of the terror regime were expelled from the soil of Czechoslovakia. . . . (p.126.)
. . . Originally a Slavic city, Danzig [now Gdansk in Poland] was given to Prussia during the second partition of Poland in 1793. After 1918, the huge port on the Baltic Sea became an independent “Free City” state, administered by the League of Nations. Germans and Poles lived side by side under democratic rule. In 1939, Hitler demanded another Anschluss. According to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of August 29, 1959, everything was fixed for that long-expected Tag. The German cruiser Schleswig-Holstein, sent by Hitler on a “visit of friendship” to participate in the city’s flower festival, was anchored in the Danzig harbor. Early in the morning of September 1, 1939, tens of thousands of Hitlerite Danzigers crowded the roofs to watch the harbor with field glasses for a special kind of “flower festival.” At precisely 4:45am, without a declaration of war, the Schleswig-Holstein opened up with her heavy 28-centimeter guns, pounding the fortifications of the nearby Polish peninsula Westerplatte. At the same time, everywhere in the city the Germans arrested their Polish neighbors. The victims–men, women and children were taken from their beds, beaten mercilessly in the streets, and rounded up by a quickly organized “emergency SS.” The entire police force in Danzig “changed into two Panzer grenadier regiments overnight” and started to attack every official Polish building with its tanks. . . . All Polish schools and institutions were closed and the Polish population was driven out or shipped to a hastily constructed concentration camp. (pp. 126–127.)
. . . During World War II, the Polish Government-in-Exile (non-Communist) published a great deal of information about the terror and atrocities committed by the Wehrmacht and SS in close cooperation with the Volksdeutsche. The latter, of course, had the most intimate knowledge of the Polish country and people and had been engaged long before the war in considerable fifth-column activities for the Reich. Like the Germans in Danzig, the huge majority of Volksdeutsche had been fanatical followers of Hitler. They could hardly wait for the day when they received orders to make the new Polish land Polenrein–free of Poles.
A few days before the war, Hitler had given the green light for pityless mass murder, he told his commanding Generals: “I have given orders to my Totenkopf formations [Death’s-Head SS] for the time being applicable only in the East to bring unmerciful and pityless death on every man, woman and child of the Polish race.”
Thus, Poland was “stricken from the list of nations,” and the Polish inhabitants were exterminated by the millions. Gauleiter Forster announced on November 26, 1939: “I have received orders to Germanize these provinces in the shortest possible time . . . In a few years anything that can be in any way reminiscent of Poland will have disappeared.”
According to a report by the Polish Government in Exile “the Germans, with the usual brutish vulgarity, showed their mad hatred of everything Polish.” As in Czechoslovakia, the Polish intelligentsia–the teachers, officials, officers, aristocrats and priests–were slaughtered by the tens of thousands. The Volksdeutsche, knowing every district and locality, furnished the lists of victims and assisted the Gestapo in carrying out the initial purge. During the first few months 12,000,000 Poles were driven from their homes and farms. All property was confiscated and passed into the hands of the German settlers. Millions of able-bodied men and women were rounded up and sent to slave labor camps either in Germany or in the conquered territories. Thousands of healthy young Polish women were rounded up and sent to houses of prostitution in Germany or to military brothels behind the front. The rest of “those unfortunate people were loaded into cattle cars and transported to the badly overcrowded General Government of Poland [the occupied rump state] where they were decimated by starvation and disease.”
. . . According to official German records, of the 55,000,000 million victims of World War II, 35,000,000 noncombatants were killed in Eastern Europe alone as a “result of the effects of war and occupation.”
Large groups of Sudeten Germans and Volksdeutsche in Poland played a vital role in the Hitler holocaust. They filled the ranks of the SS and fought fanatically to Germanize the Slavic lands. It was in the light of this record that the Allies decided at Yalta and Potsdam to set the Oder-Neisse line as a final stop to Germany’s centuries-old Drang nach Osten–push to the East. . . . (pp. 127–129.)