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COMMENT: Philosopher Friedrich Nitzsche once observed that; “A joke is the epigram on the death of a feeling.” That certainly applies to our reaction to Egyptian comedian Bassem Youssef’s swipe at the Muslim Brotherhood government of Egypt.
Described as the Jon Stewart of Egypt (and a sometime guest on The Daily Show), Mr. Youssef has been on the receiving end of the Muslim Brotherhood’s punitive actions.
As we have noted so often, the Muslim Brotherhood is, indeed, an Islamic fascist organization, allied with the Axis in World War II.
Follow the link below and be sure to view the segment, accessed by the MEMRI organization and embedded in the article.
“ ‘Brotherhood Are Nazis” by Greg Tepper; The Times of Israel; 4/16/2013.
EXCERPT: Egyptian satirist Bassem Youssef, host of a television program that has been compared to Jon Stewart’s Daily Show in the US, has presented a short segment comparing Cairo’s ruling Muslim Brotherhood party to the Nazis.
“I hereby declare my total support of all that is Muslim Brotherhood,” Youssef began.
As he spoke to his audience Saturday, a Muslim Brotherhood graphic with two swords crossed appeared to his left and began to slide upward, while from underneath it another graphic – at that point it was still unclear what the graphic was — began to slide toward the bottom of viewers’ screens.
“After all,” he continued, “they are our masters now. Where else can you find such a superior race, purer than rainwater?”
By the time Youssef spoke the word “race,” it was clearly visible to viewers that the downward-sliding graphic, revealed from underneath that of the Muslim Brotherhood, was a Nazi swastika.
Youssef continued to jab at the Brotherhood. ”It is a superior race,” he said, “which declares that nobody else belongs to Islam. It is an Aryan race, a superior race, a race that deserves to rule us, to mount us, to dangle its feet over our backs.
“It is a race that is predestined to remain pure and clean, so it cannot marry your kind.
“These Muslim-Brotherhood genes do not come free of charge. Do not resist. Are you crazy? Stand still, do not cross the line. They are your masters.” . . .
In this mad world it’s good to see that an overarching principle can be found that is shared among the Christian corporate west, the Zionists and the radical Islamists of the mideast. The late Reverand Moon expressed that principle simply — vertical societies (those that are ruled from above) are God’s design, while horizontal societies, governed by democracy and concensus. are Satan’s preference. This principle — call it the psychopath option — is evidently a powerful enough binder to overide any more local mutual antipathy or loyalty. It is the current driving force of globalization.
http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/5/35/70459/Arts–Culture/Stage–Street/Play-satirising-Islamists-forced-off-Hurghada-stag.aspx
Play satirising Islamists forced off Hurghada stage
Theatre official says that after threats of violence from Islamists, the authorities have decided to relocate the play
Ahram Online, Tuesday 30 Apr 2013
In an interview with Al-Ahram’s Arabic language website, chairman of the Cultural Palaces Authority, Saad Abdel Rahman, said that the authority did not ban the play ‘Diwan Al-Baqar’ (Salon of the Cows) by Mohamed Aboulela El-Salamooni, as was reported in the media, but rather decided to “relocate the show, to avoid problems.”
The play, which was scheduled to run for seven nights at the Hurghada Cultural Palace, reportedly satirises Islamists and pokes fun at the wardrobe and beards of members of the trend.
Abdel Rahman said that following two nights of the show, it was brought to the attention of Islamist figures that the play was critical of them, “which led them to threaten to stop the show and destroy the theatre.”
“In response, the play’s troupe called for help from members of the 6 April Youth Movement and the anonymous Black Bloc, which was when we decided to move the show to a different location, to avoid violence,” said Abdel Rahman.
Abdel Rahman admits that the director of the Red Sea Cultural Centre called him to deliberate over the situation, and together they decided to relocate the show. He denies that the play has been banned, and describes the move as a preventative measure.
Liberal political parties have rushed to show their support for the play. According to its official Facebook page, the leftist-liberal Egyptian Social Democratic Party (ESDP) held a seminar at the party’s headquarters in Hurghada earlier today about Salon of the Cows, in the presence of its actors, to show solidarity in the face of “intellectual terrorism.”
http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/69772/Egypt/Politics-/Declarations-of-war-Islamist-vs-private-media-in‑E.aspx
Declarations of war: Islamist vs. private media in Egypt
First 200 days of Morsi presidency sees 24 legal complaints against journalists accused of ‘insulting president,’ leading many to believe Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood is targeting local media
Lina El-Wardani , Thursday 2 May 2013
“I stopped watching television. Now I watch cartoons with my children, movies and religious sermons only,” said Qutb Sayed, 40, a driver who lives with his wife and four children in a small one-room flat in Cairo’s industrial city of 6 October. “I’m tired of this charged atmosphere: you’re liberal, you’re secular, you’re a kafir [an unbeliever], you’re pious – everyone thinks they have the whole truth.”
Many Egyptians share Sayed’s frustration with television talk shows and the apparent war between Egypt’s private and Islamist-leaning media. Daily talk shows feature constant heated debates between opposition figures and Islamists, be they face to face or via telephone.
War on the airwaves
Some talk shows on private television channels begin with long lectures in which the presenter criticises the presidency and government; some mock authorities; others attack politicians using language that could be deemed offensive, screaming at the camera in loud voices; others go so far as to urge the military to resume administration of the country.
Many Islamist talk shows, on the other hand, attack opponents of President Mohamed Morsi and critics of the government, make fun of them, insult them, question their patriotic credentials or personal ethics, or even accuse them of atheism.
Amid the spate of insults and personal attacks, Egyptians often find themselves emotionally charged, confused, angry or indifferent.
“I know exactly what television hosts Mahmoud Saad, Reem Magued, Gaber El-Armoty, Youssef El-Husseiny, Motaz El-Demerdash or Mona El-Shazly will say, but I watch them every day, simply because the Brotherhood deserve their criticisms – even though presenters sometimes go too far and use insults,” said 40-year-old state employee Heba Mohammed referring to talk show hosts who appear on private television channels.
Some television shows and newspapers are devoted to criticising the Brotherhood, reflecting the anger of both presenters and audiences. Other television programmes and articles try to distance themselves from the ongoing circus and stick to the ABCs of journalism.
Despite their apparent militancy, media persons believe they are being targeted by the authorities.
Liliane Daoud, host of the Soura Al-Kamla talk show on private channel ONtv, describes the situation as an “organised campaign” by the authorities to undermine the role of private media.
“Media is the last tower standing facing the regime,” she said. “It opens files that disturb the regime; Islamists have all the authority except for a few parties and some talk shows, so they want these too.”
Gamal Eid, human rights activist and head of the Cairo-based Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), recognises the problem, but refuses to call it a media ‘war’ per se. Rather, he sees it as an attack on independent and private media by the presidency, the government and its allies.
According to an ANHRI report released two months ago, 24 legal complaints were filed against journalists and TV hosts for “insulting the president” during the first 200 days of Morsi’s presidency, compared to 14 cases referred to Egyptian courts for the same charge throughout the past 115 years, from the late 19th century until the end of the Mubarak era.
Within the past two months, the number of such complaints and lawsuits rose to 30. The most famous was the recent arrest warrant issued for television satirist Bassem Youssef over his weekly comedy show Al-Bernameg.
Even though private media suffers from problems, Eid explains, “They aren’t criminals.”
“Islamists control over 40 percent of the media. If private media makes a mistake, Islamists shouldn’t sue them, they should provide a good example by reforming their own private channels or state television and refrain from using hate speech themselves,” said Eid.
Over the last nine months, the Islamist camp has used several tactics to intimidate journalists, including violence, threats, distorting their image and legal action – whether by members of the Brotherhood or its allies. Media Production City, where most private media studios are located, was seized twice during the last year, with Islamists camping outside its doors and threatening to beat television hosts and guests. Some cars were smashed, while guests were barred from entering.
Ehab El-Zalaky, managing editor of daily newspaper Al-Masry Al-Youm, agrees with Daoud.
“I can safely say it’s a war on the private media. In fact, the Brotherhood are trying to stop the media from criticising their policies, both by filing legal complaints against them and always questioning their professionalism and credibility,” he said. “Their newspapers and television channels do nothing but criticise the media situation, so viewers would think there’s nothing wrong in Egypt except the private media.”
Egyptian private media, however, is far from perfect.
“It’s true the Egyptian media suffers problems, but you can’t hold it 100 percent responsible for the country’s crises,” asserted El-Zalaky. “The media only sheds light on what’s happening on the street. We don’t create it.”
“For example, the media didn’t invent the Halayeb and Shalateen issue. There were statements by the Sudanese vice president. Should we ignore them?” he asked. “Now the government should be transparent and issue a statement, but instead they attack media and claim we made up the story.”
The presidency recently came under fire after it failed to respond to statements made by Sudanese officials who said that the regions of Halayeb and Shalateen were Sudanese territory following a visit by Morsi to Sudan in early April.
Hazem Ghorab, head of the Egypt 25 television channel, which is owned by the Muslim Brotherhood, believes the problem is that “when you find those who made their fortune from an unofficial marriage with the Mubarak regime heading newspapers and private channels that don’t follow journalistic standards, this must provoke anyone who cares for our profession.”
“I promised that the Egypt 25 channel would be a role model for media standards. I invite the youngest researcher to review our material and he will know how credible I am,” said Ghorab, who says his channel maintains the highest professional standards, although many media critics consider it one-sided.
Ghorab denies the channel is biased. It is, he said, more like “a mirror that shows society for what it is. The owners of the channel belong to a political current that is the largest in the country and they appear on our shows in proportion to their size. The Communist Party, the leftist Tagammu Party and the rest are minor groups that lack the Brotherhood’s popularity, thus they appear in our shows in proportion to their small size.”
E‑militias
“Anyone who works in online media knows that there are pressure groups in the form of hundreds of e‑militias, who sign up using fake accounts and have a recurrent interaction method,” said El-Zalaky. “It usually happens when opinion pieces or features tackling topics like a new decision by the president or Brotherhood leaders like [Khairat] El-Shater, which are usually sensitive issues for the Brotherhood.”
“Also, when there’s a poll, for example, asking if you are happy with the president’s or government’s performance during the past 100 days or so, suddenly you find an orchestrated attack by some groups to change the poll results,” El-Zalaky added. “It’s strange that the Brotherhood are preoccupied with the media and Internet so much that they think it is their number-one priority. If they put half this effort into solving the country’s problems, it would have been much better.”
Online campaigns on social media don’t end with comments or polls; some use YouTube, Facebook and Twitter.
Both Daoud and television host Dina Abdel-Rahman were recently attacked for abruptly ending telephone calls with Brotherhood sources. In Daoud’s case, she had to stop her source because she was ten minutes behind in her programme; in Abdel-Rahman’s case, because the Brotherhood source accused her of inciting violence and refused to comment on a video showing Islamists torturing opponents in a mosque in Cairo’s Moqattam district following clashes outside Brotherhood headquarters in March.
Difficulties finding sources
Even though some private newspapers and television programmes are biased against the Brotherhood, others who try to maintain the balance and do their job writing balanced stories face great difficulties finding Brotherhood sources.
“It is almost impossible to get a source on the record from the Muslim Brotherhood. You might get a source who answers you but refuses to give his name, probably so he can later retreat from what he said. Or they will decline to comment altogether or transfer you to another source,” said El-Zalaky.
Abdel-Rahman, host of the Zay El-Shams morning show, echoes El-Zalaky’s concerns, saying that, even if you get the right Brotherhood source on the record in the studio or over the phone, they usually have a scheme to waste air time without saying much.
“They start with their famous statement, ‘Please don’t interrupt,’ but then go on for half an hour without answering the question,” said Abdel-Rahman. “So you interrupt and they tell you ‘I asked you not to interrupt, let me finish my idea or argument.’ You tell them, ‘But you need to answer the question,’ and they are ready with the next famous accusation: ‘You are biased, the channel you work in is feloul [remnants of the former regime], where do you get your money from?”
Abdel-Rahman added: “The baseless accusations go on and they try to put you on the defensive and make it personal not professional. In the end, they usually waste so much air time and rarely answer the questions.”
Some television shows have stopped hosting Islamists because they can’t get anything out of them or because they declare themselves biased and refuse to host ‘liars,’ ‘traitors’ or ‘murderers,’ which both camps accuse each other of being.
“When the Brotherhood candidate won presidential elections and before that the Islamic majority won parliamentary elections, some leftists, secularists and liberals couldn’t accept the democratic result of the polls and rushed to use their TV stations and newspapers as weapons against the people’s choice,” said Ghorab.
Censorship fears
“The legal aspect is the most worrying thing for me now that the Islamist-majority Shura Council [the upper house of Egypt’s parliament, currently endowed with legislative powers] is preparing media laws that could come out any time,” said Daoud. “We could see more journalists going to jail.”
Abdel-Rahman, on the other hand, is not so worried about the future.
“Media freedoms, especially for privately-owned media, which we have struggled for during the past few years, cannot be taken away now,” she said. “We hosted 6 April Youth Group founder Ahmed Maher and 6 April member Israa Abdel-Fattah when they got out of prison in 2008; we covered the revolution; we were not afraid when the police withdrew in January 2011 before the [Mubarak] regime fell.”
She added: “The media is much stronger. We now have very diverse shows: investigative programmes, talk shows, serious programmes, comedies, everything. Egyptians can choose from a wide spectrum; they’re not forced to watch only one thing.”
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/70623.aspx
New mob killing in Egypt’s Sharqiya: Son of Brotherhood leader beaten to death
Son of Brotherhood party leader beaten to death by revengeful mob in Egypt’s Nile Delta city of Zagazig for shooting two men over online post
Ahram Online, Friday 3 May 2013
Scores of residents beat to death the son of a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood’s political arm Friday in Zagazig city in Egypt’s Nile Delta Sharqiya governorate, which has seen a significant number of mob killings recently.
Security sources told Ahram Online that hundreds of El-Qataweya village residents ransacked the house of Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) leader, Rabie Lasheen, in the early hours of Friday, setting his furniture and three cars on fire apart from killing his son. Revenge was their motive.
Lasheen’s son, Youssef, was accused of shooting a 28-year-old man merely for insulting his father in a Facebook post for his affiliation with the FJP. An auto rickshaw (tok tok) driver in his 40s was accidentally gunned down too.
The revengeful mob, including members of both men’s families, dragged Lasheen’s son to the street and used bladed weapons while assaulting him, according to Al-Ahram’s daily correspondent. The assistants then left him for dead in the street.
Youssef was taken to the hospital, where he succumbed to the fatal injuries.
The police forces were completely absent from the scene until dawn on Friday, where only two policemen were dispatched to Lasheen’s house after the end of the melee, according to Al-Ahram’s correspondent.
Mob killings have been recurrent in villages and rural areas across Egypt, thanks to a security vacuum seen after Egypt’s 2011 uprising.
The Sharqiya governorate is considered to be the most plagued with brutal unofficial executions.
Pallywood goes to Egypt:
http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=0b4_1375922321