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Ein Reich, Ein Volk, Ein Erdogan, Part 3

[1]

Tayyip Erdogan

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash drive that can be obtained here. [2] (The flash drive includes the anti-fascist books avail­able on this site.)

COMMENT: A major theme of the so-called “Arab Spring” was the belief that by allowing the Muslim Brotherhood unfettered access to the reins of political power, the resulting regimes would resemble the “modern,” “democratic” government of Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey.

(The For The Record series on the “Muslim Brotherhood Spring” runs from FTR #733 [3] through FTR #739 [4].)

 In FTR #’s 737 [5], 738 [6], 739 [4], we noted that Erdogan’s government was a direct outgrowth of the Bank Al-Taqwa complex and an extension of the Islamic fascism of the Muslim Brotherhood. In addition, Erdogan’s regime has strong links to euro-fascists and the Underground Reich [7]. We have documented this in numerous posts [8] and broadcasts [5].

The Erdogan government appears to be an Islamic, Underground Reich entity [7], ultimately directed at the core of the Earth Island.

As civ [9]ic [9]unrest [9] stemming from popular dissatisfaction with Erdogan’s governance have spread, he has responded with tactics and rhetoric precisely and eerily echoing the rhetoric of classic fascism. Borrowing from the rhetorical arsenal of Hitler and Mussolini, Erdogan has staged mass rallies of rabid supporters, used verbiage conflating the state and “the people” with himself, accused the opposition of being part of an amorphous conspiracy involving “foreign interests,” “speculators,” and the media–translation “Da Joos.”

With roots in the Bank Al-Taqwa [10] milieu, it should come as no surprise [11] that this government has played out in the fashion that it has. Although elected (so were the Nazis in Germany), Erdogan’s government is demonstrating a distinct, totalitarian bent, as evidenced by the results of what Paul Krugman [12] termed “A show trial on the bosporus.”

Recent judicial rulings following on last summer’s civic unrest have given further evidence [13] of the real nature of Erdogan’s governance [14].

“Turkey Moves to Silence Dissenters, but with One Eye on Its Image Abroad” by Tim Arango and Ceylan Yeginsu; The New York Times; 11/15/2013. [13]

EXCERPT: They came away with a tentative agreement, but it was never accepted by the rank-and-file protesters, and so the movement was later crushed by the water cannons and tear gas of Mr. Erdogan’s police force.

Then last month, one of those leaders, Eyup Muhcu, was summoned by a local prosecutor and interrogated as part of a spreading investigation of those who led the protests. “There is no concrete charge, yet we were called in to give official statements,” said Mr. Muhcu, an architect and a member of the Taksim Solidarity Platform, a group of activists that played a central role in the demonstrations.

“For what?”

For the government, the answer seems clear, Mr. Muhcu said: to silence the opposition.

“It has come to a point where members can’t even tweet without fear of being investigated for their thoughts,” said Mr. Muhcu, one of the few activists still willing to offer a public critique of the government.

As the memory begins to fade of those sweeping protests, which began to save Gezi Park in central Istanbul from being razed and became the most serious challenge to Mr. Erdogan’s decade in power, the government has moved aggressively against its perceived adversaries. More than a thousand students, teachers, doctors and activists — even mosque imams — have been hauled in for questioning for their role in the civic unrest.

Dozens of journalists have lost their jobs for reporting on the demonstrations, and one of Turkey’s wealthiest families now has an army of tax inspectors digging through its accounts, apparently for giving refuge in a fancy hotel it owns to demonstrators escaping clouds of tear gas last summer. . . .

. . . . Turkey’s secular opposition, the Republican People’s Party, recently circulated a document titled, “Turkish government’s retaliation to Gezi,” in which it equated Mr. Erdogan to Machiavelli, and wrote, “the one-man government has initiated a ruthless campaign for retaliation against the persons involved in the Gezi movement.” Inside is a list of 77 journalists who were either fired or forced to resign, including Yavuz Baydar, who had been the ombudsman for the pro-government newspaper Sabah. . . .

. . . . Some critics and analysts say they have seen something more sinister: a rise in anti-Semitism, in a country with strained relations with Israel. In his fiery speeches during the protests, Mr. Erdogan blamed an assortment of foreign actors for the unrest, including the “interest rate lobby” — what many regarded as code for Jews — and “Zionists.” Some of Turkey’s Jews, a community of roughly 15,000, are emigrating because, according to a recent report in an English-language Turkish newspaper, Hurriyet Daily News, of “anti-Semitism, triggered by harsh statements from the Turkish government.”

Steven A. Cook, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and a longtime commentator on Turkish affairs, recently wrote, “Turkish political discourse is darker and the attacks on foreign observers of Turkish politics have become relentless.”

” ‘Unite Against Fascism’: Anti-Government Protesters Clash with Turkish Police” by Evrim Ergin, Humeyra Pamuk and Can Sezer; NBC News; 6/1/2013. [14]

EXCERPT: . . . Crowds of protesters chanting “shoulder to shoulder against fascism” and “government resign” marched on Taksim, where hundreds were injured in clashes the day before. . . .