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Is a “Deep Falange” at Work in Spain and Argentina?

[1]
General Francisco Franco and Mentor

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash drive that can be obtained here. [2] (The flash drive includes the anti-fascist books avail­able on this site.)

COMMENT: Economically beset Spain has been making aggressive moves toward British-governed Gibraltar, using that principality’s “fiscal irregularities” as justifying Spain’s posture vis a vis the nation’s “EU obligations.”

At the same time, Argentina is making angry noises again about the Falklands Islands [3], which they claim as their own.

Before delving into the two countries’ coordination of their efforts against Gibraltar and the Falklands, some background discussion is in order.

In a previous post [4], we discussed the “deep fifth column”–a fascist constellation existing over decades, rooted in the fascism of World War II and perpetuated by the political inertia inherent in powerful political/economic elites.

In the context of the “deep fifth column,” we have also spoken of the Falange, the international fascist organization based in Spain under Francisco Franco and catalyzed as a German-controlled power political entity in the run-up to the Spanish Civil War.

Applying geo-politics to their plans for world conquest, the Nazis saw Spain as the key to their plans for expansion. (See excerpts below from the description for Falange–the Secret Axis Army in the Americas by Allan Chase [5], as well as the text excerpts from the book itself.)

As Chase wrote: ” . . . By controlling Spain, the Nazis felt they could control both Europe and Latin America. Geographically dominating the entrance to the Mediterranean Sea from the Atlantic and “flanking” France, Spain also wielded tremendous influence in Latin America through the strong cultural and economic ties between the Spanish and Latin American aristocracies. In addition, the profound Catholic influence in both Spain and Latin America, augmented Spanish clout in that part of the world. . . .”

Under Francisco Franco, Spain remained an overt fascist dictatorship in Europe through 1975. Although Spain was “officially” neutral during World War II, it was, in reality, an Axis non-combatant, loyal to the forces of Hitler and Mussolini that had elevated Franco during the Spanish Civil War.

Prior to, and during, World War II, Argentina was a major Reich outpost, with the most direct, profound connections to the Nazi governmental structure itself. The relationship was so profound, that members of the Argentine Nazi Party members were considered as actual members of the NSDAP! (See The Nazis Go Underground [6] by Curt Riess and text excerpts below.)

For years, Argentina under Juan Peron and later under the junta dominated by Argentinian members of the P-2 Lodge, that country was not only overtly fascist but a major haven for Nazi expatriates and flight capital controlled by the Bormann network [7].

Both Franco’s Spain and its heirs and Argentina formed key aspects of what Danish journalist Henrik Kruger called “The International Fascista.” [8]

Spain and Argentina are coordinating their efforts and this raises a number of interesting considerations, to be weighed against the very real possibility that we are looking at a “deep falange” in action:

“Spain Threatens Escalation of Gibraltar Row” by Damien McElroy; The Telegraph [UK]; 8/4/2013. [9]

EXCERPT: Jose Manuel Garcia-Margallo, Spain’s foreign minister, said a row over fishing rights around Gibraltar would force Madrid into new punitive measures.

The Spanish authorities have already provoked the British territory by imposing crossing restrictions at the border on successive days last week.

After long queues last week, the Foreign Office called in the senior Spanish diplomat in London who was given a dressing down.

In the wake of that meeting, Madrid said it would toughen its stance yet further.

“The party is over,” Mr Garcia-Margallo told ABC newspaper as he unveiled proposals for a €50 (£43) border crossing fee and tax investigations of thousands of Gibraltarians who own property in Spain.

Mr Garcia-Margallo said the Spanish tax authorities would investigate property owned by around 6,000 Gibraltarians in neighbouring parts of Spain, as part of its EU obligations to control “fiscal irregularities”.

Spain was also considering closing airspace to planes heading for the airport in Gibraltar and changing rules to wring taxes from online gaming companies based in Gibraltar. . . .

Spain to Take ‘All Necessary Measures’ to Defend Gibraltar Interests” by Steven Swinford and Ben Farmer; The Telegraph [UK]; 8/9/2013. [15]

EXCERPT: Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy said Spain will take “legal and proportional steps” after Britain sent a rapid reaction force of warships to visit the island’s waters.

Mr Rajoy’s comments appear to echo the language of the United Nations Charter, which uses the phrase “all necessary measures” to authorise the use of military force.

Tension between Britain and Spain over Gibraltar’s sovereignty have intensified following a row over fishing rights and the imposition of punitive border checks.

Britain is sending a force of nine vessels, led by the helicopter carrier HMS Illustrious and including two frigates, to sail for the Mediterranean on Monday for the start of a four month deployment. Three of the ships, including HMS Westminsters, will actually dock in Gibraltar. . . .

“Gibraltar: Spain considers joint Diplomatic Offensive with Argentin­­­a over Falkland Islands” by Fiona Govan; The Telegraph [UK]; 8/11/2013. [10]

EXCERPT: Spanish foreign minister Jose Manuel Garcia-Margallo will use a trip to Buenos Aires next month to raise the possibility of forging a joint diplomatic offensive with the South American country over the disputed territories, sources told Spain’s El Pais newspaper.

Spain’s foreign ministry was also discussing whether to take its complaints over Gibraltar to the United Nations, the newspaper reported on Sunday.

The sources did not specify whether Spain would ask the UN to back a request for Britain to give up sovereignty or just adhere to certain agreements.

It could take its petition to the Security Council or take up the matter with the UN General Assembly.

Spain is also considering the option of denouncing Gibraltar to the International Court of Justice in the Hague for its “illegal occupation” of the isthmus – the strip of land connecting the peninsula to the mainland that was not included in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. . . .

“Falklands Alert as Argentina Strikes £145 Million Deal for 20 Mirage Warplanes” by Nick Dorman ; The Mirror [UK]; 8/4/2013. [11]

EXCERPT: Argentina has launched a new round of sabre-rattling against Britain by buying a squadron of warplanes to be based within striking distance of the Falklands, the Sunday People has revealed.

President Cristina de Kirchner – who wants the UK to hand over the disputed islands – personally agreed the £145million deal to buy 20 second-hand Mirage F1 jets from Spain.

The 1,453mph aircraft carry a fearsome array of weaponry including smart bombs.

Argentina’s move could force the Ministry of Defence to bolster Britain’s presence in the south Atlantic, even though its budget is to be slashed by £875million in 2015.

Senior officers believe Argentina could now begin a campaign of ­“pester patrols” – flights towards the Falklands to test RAF responses.

Kirchner is thought to be trying to boost her nation’s military capability in a show of strength before elections which are due in 2015.

But last night a senior RAF source said: “If the Argentines start playing games and escalate the tension, we will see more RAF aircraft being deployed to the Falklands.” . . . .

The Nazis Go Underground by Curt Riess; Doubleday, Doran and Company, LCCN 44007162; pp. 143-144. [6]

EXCERPT: . . . . All of the more than 200,000 Argentine Nazis are members, not of an Argentine suborganization of the Nazi party, but of the German party itself, and hold membership cards signed by Robert Ley, leader of the German Workers’ Front— which means, quite obviously, that Berlin considered, and still considers, Argentina not so much an independent foreign country as a German Gau. . . .

. . . . Main points of support in the long-range Nazi strategy in Argentina are the countless German schools there. These schools have the same rights and privileges as Argentina’s. In them the children of German immigrants not only learn the German language but are taught Hitlerism pure and simple. The books used in these schools are “donated” by the German Embassy. Hitler’s picture hangs in every classroom. “Heil Hitler” is the obligatory greeting. The pupils are forbidden to speak to Jews. They are told that the Germans belong to a race superior to other races; that they have been chosen to dominate other nations; that the National Socialist culture is superior to all other cultures; that democracy is a lie; that—and this may be the most important of all—every German must stick to the National Socialist idea “whether it wins or loses.”

These schools have been in operation for ten years now. They number among their former pupils a great many of the most active Nazi agents in South America today. And the teachers do not restrict their activities to German schools. They also teach foreign languages in Argentine state schools, and thus command an influence over the cultural life of the nation from which the Nazis have profited and from which the Nazi underground will profit. All these Nazi teachers must, in fact, be regarded as full-fledged agents. So effective has been their influence that some of the wealthiest and most prominent citizens of Argentina have for some time been sending their children to German schools because, they say, the latter are so much better than the state schools. . . .

“The Spanish Government’s Delegate in Catalonia Pays Tribute to Hitler’s Soldiers”; Catalan News Agency; 5/17/2013. [14]

EXCERPT: María de los Llanos de Luna, from the People’s Party (PP), gave a diploma of honour to a brotherhood of soldiers and supporters of the ‘Divisón Azul’, a division of Spanish volunteers who fought in the Nazi army on the Eastern Front during the Second World War. De Luna is the top representative of the Spanish Government in Catalonia and she is known for her Spanish nationalism and anti-Catalan identity stance.

The ‘Blaue Division’, the 250. Infanterie-Division of Nazi Germany’s Wehrmacht, represents the main collaboration between Franco’s dictatorship and Adolph Hitler, as well as the Condor Division – which bombed Gernika – and the arrest of Catalonia’s President Lluís Companys by the Gestapo. The 12 members of the brotherhood who attended the diploma ceremony were wearing the Falange uniform, which was the only party allowed during Franco’s Fascist dictatorship, created before the Spanish Civil War. This Fascist party is still legal in Spain. . . .

. . . . The ceremony was commemorating the 169th anniversary of the Guardia Civil (the Spanish Gendarmerie) and took place in one of its barracks in Greater Barcelona (in Sant Andreu de la Barca). The anniversary of the creation of the Guardia Civil, which has historically been a corps linked to Spanish centralist power and the imposition of order – sometimes brutally – had not been celebrated in Catalonia for many years. However, De Luna decided to commemorate this anniversary again in 2013, half a year after 1.5 million citizens peacefully and democratically demonstrated in Barcelona’s streets asking for Catalonia’s independence from Spain. . . .

. . . . The Left-Wing Catalan Independence Party denounced the fact that the Spanish Government has given a €3,500 subsidy to this Fascist brotherhood this year. Alfred Bosch, ERC’s Spokesperson in the Spanish Parliament, asked for a law banning the celebration of any event recognising people linked to the Nazi regime. . . .

“People’s Party”; Wikipedia. [12]

EXCERPT: The People’s Party was a re-foundation in 1989 of the People’s Alliance (Spanish: Alianza Popular, AP), a party led and founded by Manuel Fraga Iribarne, a former Minister of the Interior and Minister of Tourism during Francisco Franco’s dictatorship. The new party combined the conservative AP with several small Christian democratic and liberal parties (the party call this fusion of views Reformist centre). In 2002, Manuel Fraga received the honorary title of “Founding Chairman”. . . .

. . . . The party has its roots in the People’s Alliance founded in 9 October 1976 by former Francoist minister Manuel Fraga. Although Fraga was a member of the reformist faction of the Franco regime, he supported an extremely gradual transition to democracy. However, he badly underestimated the public’s distaste for Francoism. Additionally, while he attempted to convey a reformist image, the large number of former Francoists in the party led the public to perceive it as both reactionary and authoritarian. . . .

“Mariano Rajoy”; Wikipedia. [13]

EXCERPT: . . . . While on the campaign trail in 2011, Rajoy published an autobiography, En Confianza (In Confidence), in which he recalled his studious and quiet youth, following a father who was climbing the ranks of Francisco Franco’s judiciary. . . .

Falange–The Secret Axis Army in the Americas by Allan Chase; (Book description and text excerpts) [5]

EXCERPT: In 1936, Reichsmarshall Hermann Goering—one of Hitler’s top aides and the head of the Luftwaffe—observed that “Spain is the key to two continents.” Goering was enunciating a key principal of German and Nazi geopolitics. By controlling Spain, the Nazis felt they could control both Europe and Latin America. Geographically dominating the entrance to the Mediterranean Sea from the Atlantic and “flanking” France, Spain also wielded tremendous influence in Latin America through the strong cultural and economic ties between the Spanish and Latin American aristocracies. In addition, the profound Catholic influence in both Spain and Latin America, augmented Spanish clout in that part of the world. (In FTR#532 [16], we examined the Vatican’s involvement with fascism. The Vatican/Fascist axis was another major contributing factor to the influence of the Falange throughout the Spanish-speaking world.)

In order to utilize Span’s geopolitical influence as a tool for Nazi imperial designs, the Third Reich turned to General Wilhelm von Faupel and his Ibero-American Institute. Von Faupel was a bitter opponent of the Weimar Republic, and readily accepted the Nazis as the antidote to German democracy. Known as an “I.G. General” for his links to the I.G. Farben company, von Faupel also maintained close ties to the powerful Thyssen interests which, like Farben, were the powers that backed Hitler. (The Bush family were also closely linked to the Thyssens.) During the 1920’s, von Faupel had served as a general staff adviser to the Argentine, Brazilian and Peruvian military establishments and was famed throughout Latin America for his skills as an officer. Because of his Latin American ties and his links to the corporate interests that backed Hitler, von Faupel became the Reich’s point man for the fascist takeover of Spain and subsequent construction of a Fifth Column throughout the Spanish-speaking world.

In 1934, von Faupel assumed control of the Ibero-American Institute, an academic think tank originally founded as a legitimate scholarly institution. Under von Faupel, the organization became a front for organizing the Nazi infiltration and conquest of Spain. Rejecting royalist and Catholic sectarian rightist parties, von Faupel and the Nazis settled on the Falange as their chosen vehicle for gaining dominance over Spain. After arranging the assassination of General Jose Sanjurjo [17] (a royalist rival for the leadership of Spain after the overthrow of the Republican government), the Germans and their Italian allies installed Franco as head of the fascist Falange.

” . . . General Jose Sanjurjo, wearing a peacock’s dream of a
uniform-the London-made gift of Adolf Hitler-boarded
a Junkers plane in Lisbon and ordered his pilot, Captain
Ansaldo, to take off for a secret landing field in Spain. But
on July 17 the old general was actually headed fo: another
landing field his Nazi comrades had chosen without his
knowledge.

A few remarks he had let slip to intimate friends in Estoril
earlier that year had, unknown to Sanjurjo, reached certain
Berlin ears. On April I 3, 1936, for instance, Sanjurjo had
complained, “They want me to start a revolution to serve
the bankers and the speculators, but I won’t do it.” Two
weeks after saying this, he made another trip to Berlin. He
remained in Germany for only a few days, and on his return
he went to work in earnest on his plans for the pending
revolt. What happened in Berlin while Sanjurjo conferred
with von Faupel is of little moment now. His fate had already
been sealed before the visit.

Very shortly after Sanjurjo’s plane took off from Lisbon,
a German time bomb planted in the baggage compartment
exploded. The blazing fragments of the Junkers monoplane
became the pyre of the Anointed Chief of the Spanish Revolution.
Jose Sanjurjo had the dubious honor of being the
first of the Nazis’ million victims of the Spanish War. . . .”

Falange; pp.20-21.

Von Faupel then proceeded to direct the construction of the “Falange Exterior” as the fascist Fifth Column movement throughout the Spanish-speaking world (including the Philippines).

Author Chase describes the Falange Exterior on page 31 of Falange:

“. . . . On the surface, von Faupel had—in the Falange Exterior—delivered to the Third Reich a remarkable network, extending from Havana to Buenos Aires, from Lima to Manila. This network, according to its creator, was capable of concerted espionage, political diversion, arms smuggling, and anything that any other Fifth Column in history had accomplished. It remained only for the Wehrmacht to give von Faupel’s instrument the tests which would determine whether the Auslands Falange had been worth all the trouble its organization had entailed. The answer was soon provided by a number of Falangists—among them one Jose del Castano. . . .”