This fifth and final installment of the series references the substance of an article that embodies the enormous and fundamental flaw in our political and civic process: a poll shortly before the election found that most of the prospective voters polled felt that Trump was more honest and trustworthy than Hillary Clinton. As our reading of Johnston’s excellent book unfolds, the grotesque, spectacularly fallacious character of this perception will become uncomfortably clear. “Donald Trump is currently tracking as the more honest of the two presidential candidates in a poll, although fact-checking of his statements during the campaign have shown he’s lied several times. The latest ABC News/Washington Post tracking poll reports that 46 percent of likely voters believe he is the more honest and trustworthy candidate, while 38 percent believed it was Hillary Clinton. This marks the biggest gap between the two candidates in five ABC News/Washington Post polls that asked the question, beginning in May.”
In the previous program, we opined that we all, in a sense, are enrolled in Trump University. By the same token, we could all be said to be playing the board game Trump: The Game. ” . . . . Then there’s his Monopoly-like board game. When Trump and executives from Milton-Bradley introduced Trump: The Game in 1989, the developer surprised everyone by declaring those royalties would go to charity, too. Milton-Bradley took Trump at his word. It also figured it might improve sales, which were weak, if people realized their purchases would not enrich a presumed billionaire but go to charity. Its television ads told potential buyers: ‘Mr. Trump’s proceeds from Trump: The Game will be donated to charity.’ . . . Trump has said he made $808,000 and that the money was donated to his Donald J. Trump Foundation. . . . At the time, I spent a day calling New York and New Jersey charities trying to find any disclosures of gifts made by Trump. . . . But call after call produced nothing. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; p. 17.)
Trump appeared to have won over a majority of voting military veterans and a poll of active-duty service members indicated that most preferred Trump. Trump himself avoided military service during the Vietnam War. “. . . . Donald turned eighteen in 1964, when the death toll in Vietnam was rising fast. He got four student deferments and one medical deferment, after his doctor wrote that he had a bone spur in his foot. Which foot? a journalist asked years later. Trump said he could not recall. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; pp. 131-132.)
In the fall of 2015, Trump boycotted a GOP primary campaign debate because Megyn Kelly was to be the on-air host. Trump instead went to an event on the Battleship Iowa museum to what he misrepresented as a major veterans organization. ” . . . . Trump instead went to the Battleship Iowa, now a museum at anchor in Long Beach, California, to deliver what his campaign said would be a major address on national defense. Trump praised the sponsor of the event, Veterans for a Strong America, and told the audience that ‘hundreds of thousands’ of people belonged to the organization. There were evidently two related organizations, both nonprofits, though Trump and his host never made that clear to the audience on the ship or watching on television. One was a charity, the other one of those dark money political groups that have expanded since the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision, enabling money from undisclosed sources to influence elections. A quick internet check would revealed to the Trump campaign that the IRS had revoked the nonprofit status of Veterans for a Strong America due to their failure to file required disclosure reports. A charity disclosure organization, Guidestar, reported that it had no record of any board of directors, Every indication pointed to Veterans for a Strong America being a one-man enterprise run by a South Dakota lawyer named Joel Arends, whose operation was under investigation for suspected election improprieties in Arizona and Texas. Reporters later learned the organization had thirty dollars in the bank and debts ten times that size. None of this was in line with Trump’s promotion of the group’s immense size, influence, and good works. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; pp. 135-136.)
Next, the program highlights how Trump promotes himself and his projects using The American Academy of Hospitality Sciences. Trump, his daughter Ivanka, his son Donald, Jr., the chief operating officer of the Trump Organization (Donald Calamari) and Trump’s butler Anthony Senecal are major figures in this organization. The main figure in the organization is Joseph Cinque, aka “Joey No Socks” or “The Preppy Don.” ” . . . If those sound like names that might be associated with a figure involved in organized crime, it’s because they are. New York police with a search warrant knocked on the door of Cinque’s Park Avenue South apartment in 1989. Cinque declined to let them in. The police applied a battering ram. Inside the apartment they found a trove of stolen art, including two Marc Chagall prints valued at $40,000. they had been taken in an art gallery heist. Cinque made a deal to plead to a misdemeanor, but prosecutors scrapped the plea bargain after Cinque was seen talking to John Gotti, the ‘dapper don’ who became head of the Gambino crime family by arranging the murder of his predecessor Paul Castellano–one of the secret owners of the company that supplied concrete for many Trump buildings.
“Gotti told Cinque that he would ‘take care of the DA,’ an apparent reference to Anne Heyman, the prosecutor who had offered the plea bargain. . . . Heyman ordered a more thorough investigation of Cinque. She alleged that the investigation showed that Cinque ‘was dealing drugs out of his apartment and fencing stolen art-work.’ Heyman also said that Cinque’s apartment on Central Park South appeared to be a retail outlet for stolen clothing, including Armani suits and silk shirts. In 1990, Cinque pleaded guilty to a felony: receiving stolen property. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; p. 158.)
Another interesting, close associate of Donald Trump was Felix Satter, who changed the spelling of his name, adding an extra “T” to avoid being recognized on internet searches. ” . . . ‘Satter’s’ name appears with just one ‘T’ in a host of places. There’s the deed to his home for example. It is also spelled with only one ‘T’ on New York State court papers from his 1991 felony conviction for stabbing a man in the face with the stem of a margarita glass. The name Sater with one ‘T’ also appears on federal court papers in a $40 million organized crime stock swindle he confessed to in 1998, a scheme that benefited him as well as the Genovese and Gambino crime families. The stock swindle involved fake stock brokerage firms using high-pressure tactics to get naive people to buy worthless shares from Sater and his mob friends. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; p. 162.)
Trump’s close associate Felix was able to escape serious legal retribution by going to work for the CIA. ” . . . . There is every indication that the extraordinarily lenient treatment resulted from Sater playing a get-out-of-jail free card. Shortly before his secret guilty plea, Sater became a freelance operative of the Central Intelligence Agency. One of his fellow stock swindlers, Salvatore Lauria, wrote a book about it. The Scorpion and the Frog is described on its cover as ‘the true story of one man’s fraudulent rise and fall n the Wall Street of the nineties.’ According to Lauria–and the court files that have been unsealed–Sater helped the CIA buy small missiles before they got to terrorists. He also provided other purported national security services for a reported fee of $300,000. Stories abound as to what else Sater may or may not have done in the arena of national security. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; p. 165.)
The last text reading concludes with discussion of Trump’s unsavory real estate deals. Luring unwary buyers in with the prestigious Trump brand name, ‘The Donald” left a great many of them high and dry when the truth emerged about what was really going on. In this sense, too, we are ALL investors in the Trump brand name, and likely to receive the same treatment as his unwary real estate customers.
A Baja California (Mexico) project is typical of Trump’s methodology and operations in this regard. ” . . . . A June 2007 newsletter notified buyers that construction was underway. The next month, the Trump Baja News reported, ‘our new and excited homeowners now are part of an elite group of vacation homeowners who own property developed by one of the most respected names in real estate, Donald J. Trump.’ Three months later, in October, when Wall Street crashed under the weight of the toxic mortgages and other Baja real estate projects faltered, the same newsletter carried a message ‘From the desk of Ivanka Trump.’ Ivanka assured the buyers that their investment was sound. ‘Though it may be rue that some of Baja’s developments could slow down, these market conditions simply do not apply to Trump Ocean Resort–or any other Trump development,’ she wrote.
“Two months later, in December 2007, the newsletter advised buyers of newly discovered geological problems afflicting the building site. A few months later, in March 2008, anxious buyers received calls or letters. Construction loans had been approved, would be funded shortly, and work would be underway. This was nine months after buyers had been told in writing that construction had already begun. Still, construction did not proceed.
“All of these promotions, sales pitches, and newsletter updates created the impression that Trump was the builder and the developer, words he used. The buyers later said they bought in because Trump was the developer or builder. That understanding then changed abruptly.
“The worst news arrived two before Christmas 2008. What had been described as a partnership between ‘the Trump Organization, Donald J. Trump,’ and the other people and companies involved was described in a new way. Neither Trump nor the Trump Organization were investment partners in the Trump Ocean Resort. They were not the developers, either. They had merely licensed the use of the Trump name. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump; pp. 169-170.)
It is gruesomely ironic that the bulk of Trump’s scamming revolves around his real estate empire. It was, of course, the collapse of the real estate market that led to the financial collapse of 2008.
This fourth program in a series excerpting the book “The Making of Donald Trump” by David Cay Johnston begins by examining Trump University, the fraudulent educational institution that was the focal point of several lawsuits recently settled by Donald Trump. (The Making of Donald Trump,; pp. 117-128.)
Mr. Emory feels that, in a sense, the case of Trump University is a microcosm for what America will be under a Trump presidency. ” . . . . The testimony above all comes from a 2012 suit, but two other lawsuits claimed that the whole Trump University enterprise was a fraud–a scam in which the desperate and the gullible paid Trump about $40 million for what turned out to be high-pressure salesmanship. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump,; pp. 120–121.)
In a very real sense, Trump’s pitch in a promotional video embodies Trump as a professional, a person and a politician: ” . . . ‘At Trump University, we teach success . . . . That’s what it’s all about–success. It’s going to happen to you. We’re going to have professors and adjunct professors that are absolutely terrific–terrific people, terrific brains, successful. We are going to have the best of the best. These are all people that are handpicked by me.’ . . . . None of those statements were true. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump,; pp. 117—118.)
Representative of the operations of this “university” is Trump’s “faculty.” ” . . . . Trump did not even honor his commitment to handpick the faculty. In 2012, when Trump was sued for civil fraud in California, attorney Rachel Jensen read the names of one faculty member after another, displayed photographs of them, and offered video footage of faculty at Trump University ‘live events.’ Trump, who complained that this line of questioning was a waste of time, could not identify a single person. ‘Too many years ago . . . too many years ago . . . it’s ancient history,’ he said. Some of these events had taken place fewer than two years earlier. Again and again and again, Trump testified that he could not remember. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump,; p. 119.)
An investigation of Trump University in Texas had a revealing political footnote: ” . . . . To the seasoned fraud investigators who compiled the report, the case against Trump seemed ironclad. The investigators concluded with the suggestion that Trump . . . . be named personally in a civil action suit alleging deceptive trade practices. We know all this because John Owens, who retired in 2011 as chief deputy in the Texas attorney general’s consumer protection unit made the internal report public in 2016. The Texas attorney general’s office, Owens’s former employer, responded with a letter citing six laws Owens may have broken in releasing the report and suggesting his law license might be revoked. . . . Greg Abbott, the Texas attorney general, took no public action. . . . Abbott has since been elected governor. He endorsed Trump in 2016. . . . In 2013, three years after [assistant Texas attorney general Rick] Berlin failed to persuade Abbott to adopt his recommendation to recover money for Texas consumers, Trump donated $35,000 to Abbott’s campaign for governor. . . .” (The Making of Donald Trump,; pp. 122-123.)
The Abbott-Trump relationship mirrors the highly suspicious contribution Trump made to the reelection campaign of Florida attorney general Pam Bondi, who dropped the investigation into Trump University in exchange for the “favor.”
As reported during the campaign, Trump’s contribution was made from one of Trump’s charities, which are the focal point of Chapter 16 of Johnston’s book. (The Making of Donald Trump,; pp. 129-134.)
Enjoying the support of many veterans, according to polls, and, also according to polls, active duty military personnel, Trump attempted to use veterans as campaign props by donating to them in violation of regulations governing charitable donations. (The Making of Donald Trump,; pp. 135-136.)
For some weeks, we have been–and will be–reading most of the book into the record, to provide people with a measure against which to evaluate not just “The Donald,” as his first wife Ivana called him, but our society, its institutions and its citizens. We can’t recommend strongly enough that listeners buy this book, read it and use whatever means available to spread the word about it. (We note that neither Mr. Emory nor any of the stations that air this program get money from this book, its publisher or author.)
This third installment of the series commences with a review the substance of an article that embodies the enormous and fundamental flaw in our political and civic process: a poll shortly before the election found that most of the prospective voters polled felt that Trump was more honest and trustworthy than Hillary Clinton. As our reading of Johnston’s excellent book unfolds, the grotesque, spectacularly fallacious character of this perception will become uncomfortably clear. “Donald Trump is currently tracking as the more honest of the two presidential candidates in a poll, although fact-checking of his statements during the campaign have shown he’s lied several times. The latest ABC News/Washington Post tracking poll reports that 46 percent of likely voters believe he is the more honest and trustworthy candidate, while 38 percent believed it was Hillary Clinton. This marks the biggest gap between the two candidates in five ABC News/Washington Post polls that asked the question, beginning in May.”
The program features a continuation of Johnston’s account of Trump’s “curious” relationship with convicted felon and drug dealer Joey Weichselbaum. “Among the assorted criminals with whom Trump did business over more than three decades, his most mysterious dealings involved a drug trafficker named Joseph Weichselbaum. Trump did unusual favors for the three-time felon, repeatedly putting his lucrative casino license at risk to help a major cocaine and marijuana trafficker for reasons that remain unfathomable. . . .”
During the campaign, Trump targeted disaffected, alienated blue-collar workers, chafing under the effects of globalization and lingering damage from the financial collapse of 2008. “The Donald” also, of course, made expelling illegal immigrants a cornerstone of his campaign. There could be no better balance in which to hang the integrity of President-elect Donald Trump than to examine the chapter Johnson titled “The Polish Brigade.” (The Making of Donald Trump; pp. 69-76.)
When demolishing the old Bonwit Teller building in New York City to make way for one of his signature projects, Trump not only broke a promise to salvage the valuable art deco piece at the building’s entrance (providing disingenuous responses to criticism about this), but employed illegal Polish immigrants to dismantle the structure. The abuse to which Trump subjected those immigrants is striking and bodes poorly for those elements of “Middle America” who supported him during the election.
The “Polish Brigade” were not given even elementary working tools, nor basic safety equipment such as hard hats. They worked long hours at very low pay under horrible working conditions and were often not paid at all, until they threatened a top Trump assistant, Thomas Macari.
“Instead of hiring an experienced demolition contractor, Trump chose Kaszycki & Sons Contractors, a window washing business owned by a Polish emigre. Upward of two hundred men began demolishing the building in midwinter 1980. The men worked without hard hats. They lacked facemasks, even though asbestos–known to cause incurable cancers–swirled all around them. They didn’t have goggles to protect their eyes from the bits of concrete and steel that sometimes flew through the air like bullets. The men didn’t have power tools either; they brought down the twelve-story building with sledgehammers. . . .
. . . . The demolition workers were not American citizens, but ‘had recently arrived from Poland,’ a federal court later determined. The court also found that ‘they were undocumented and worked ‘off the books.’ No payroll records were kept, no Social Security or other taxes were withheld and they were not paid in accordance with wage laws. They were told they would be paid $4.00 or in some cases $5.00 an hour for working 12-hour shifts seven days a week. In fact, they were paid irregularly and incompletely.’ . . .
. . . . Fed up that their paychecks kept bouncing, some of the workers corralled Thomas Macari, Trump’s personal representative they showed him to the edge of one of the higher floors and asked if he would like them to hang him over the side. The workers, likely hungry, demanded their pay. Otherwise, no work.
When Macari told his boss what had happened, Trump placed a panicked telephone call to Daniel Sullivan–a labor fixer, FBI informant, suspect in the disappearance of Jimmy Hoffa, and Trump’s personal negotiator for the Grand Hyatt contract with the hotel workers’ union.
‘Donald told me he was having some difficulties,’ Sullivan later testified, ‘and he admitted to me that–seeking my advice–he had some illegal Polish employees on the job. . . .
. . . .There is no record of any federal, state, or city safety inspector filing a report during the demolition. In a 1990 Trenton restaurant interview. I asked Sullivan how a project of this size could have been erected in the heart of Manhattan without attracting government job safety inspectors. Sullivan just looked at me. When I widened my eyes to make clear that I wanted an explicitly answer, he said, ‘You know why.’ When I persisted, anticipating that Sullivan might specify bribes to inspectors, he said that unions and concrete suppliers were not the only areas where Trump’s lawyer, Roy Cohn, had influence. . . . ” (The Making of Donald Trump; pp. 70-72.)
The text excerpts conclude with a reading of most of chapter 10 of Johnston’s book, covering how Trump’s estimates of his own net worth varied according to his mood at the time of the inquiry. This did not stop him from suing journalist Tim O’Brien for allegedly mis-reporting Trump’s worth. (The Making of Donald Trump; pp. 77-83.)
This second installment of a series commences with a review the substance of an article that embodies the enormous and fundamental flaw in our political and civic process: a poll shortly before the election found that most of the prospective voters polled felt that Trump was more honest and trustworthy than Hillary Clinton.
As our reading of David Cay Johnston’s excellent book unfolds, the grotesque, spectacularly fallacious character of this perception will become uncomfortably clear. “Donald Trump is currently tracking as the more honest of the two presidential candidates in a poll, although fact-checking of his statements during the campaign have shown he’s lied several times. The latest ABC News/Washington Post tracking poll reports that 46 percent of likely voters believe he is the more honest and trustworthy candidate, while 38 percent believed it was Hillary Clinton. This marks the biggest gap between the two candidates in five ABC News/Washington Post polls that asked the question, beginning in May.”
In the first excerpt read into the record in this broadcast, we finish a chapter in which David Cay Johnston relates the genesis of Trump’s relationship with Senator Joe McCarthy’s right-hand man Roy Cohn. Having been sued by the Justice Department because of his discrimination against people of color when renting apartments in his properties, Trump turned to Cohn. It was the beginning of a long relationship between the long-time red-baiter and organized crime apologist and “The Donald.” Trump and Cohn lost the case. Note Trump’s placing of loyalty above all else, a prioritization that Johnston correctly characterizes in the italicize excerpt that follows: ” . . . Elyse Goldweber, the novice Justice Department lawyer, told the court that one employee who spoke to investigators was not being named because ‘he was afraid that the Trumps would have him ‘knocked off,’ or words to that effect’ for revealing the techniques used to deny blacks and other minorities. . . . In “The Art of the Deal,” Trump said he told Cohn, ‘I’d rather fight than fold, because as soon as you fold once you get the reputation’ of someone who settles case. But faced with a case in which neither facts nor the law were on his side, Trump folded and settled. . . .Trump handled the adverse settlement the way he had learned from his father: by spinning the news and offering a simple and quotable narrative . . . Trump’s takeaway from this early loss was not that times had changed and civil rights laws would be enforced. . . . He also learned to place loyalty above all else. . . . That is, of course, the kind of perspective we expect from mobsters, dictators, and others whose primary regard is for unflinching support, not for allegiance to truth or facts. . . .”
As noted in the program, on the day this was recorded, Trump University settled in a massive lawsuit by students who had been defrauded by the “school.” Trump played it in the fashion he learned from his father and that he applied in the housing discrimination suit, highlighted above: “. . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump said he told Cohn, ‘I’d rather fight than fold, because a soon as you fold once you get the reputation’ of someone who settles case. But faced with a case in which neither facts nor the law were on his side, Trump folded and settled. . . .Trump handled the adverse settlement the way he had leaned from his father: by spinning the news and offering a simple and quotable narrative . . . .”
Johnston notes at the end of chapter 5 that Trump learned that having Cohn as his attorney also had other benefits: ” . . . . Hiring him [Cohn] could ensure that his Manhattan construction projects moved smoothly. Among Cohn’s other clients were two of America’s most powerful Mafia figures who controlled key unions attached to demolition and construction in New York City.. . . In “The Art of the Deal,” Trump boasts that when he applied for a casino owner’s license in 1981, he persuaded the New Jersey attorney general to limit the investigation of his background. It was perhaps the most lucrative negotiation of Trump’s life, one that would embarrass state officials a decade later when Trump’s involvement with mobsters, mob associates, and swindlers became clear. . . . ”
Against the background of Cohn’s mob connections, Johnston sets forth Trump’s utilization of those assets to realize his New York City real estate undertakings. Remarkably, such associations did not interdict Trump’s Atlantic City [New Jersey] gaming projects, which normally would have been precluded by such links.
Exemplifying Trump’s organized crime associates and the services they provided–courtesy of Roy Cohn–were Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno and Paul Castellano. ” . . . Trump bought his Manhattan ready-mix [concrete] from a company called S & A Concrete. Mafia chieftains Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno and Paul Castellano secretly owned the firm. S & A charged the inflated prices that the LeFrak and Resnik families complained about, LeFrak to both laws enforcement and “The New York Times.” As [reporter Wayne] Barrett noted, by choosing to build with ready-mix concrete rather than other materials, Trump put himself ‘at the mercy of a legion of concrete racketeers.’ But having an ally in Roy Cohn mitigated Trump’s concerns. With Cohn as his fixer, Trump had no worries that the Mafia bosses would have the unions stop work on Trump Tower; Salerno and Castellano were Cohn’s clients. Indeed, when the cement workers struck in summer 1982, the concrete continued to flow at Trump Tower. . . . Just as revealing was Trump’s association with John Cody, the corrupt head of Teamsters Local 282. Cody, under indictment when he ordered the citywide strike in 1982, directed that concrete deliveries continue to Trump Tower. Cody told Barrett, ‘Donald liked to deal with me through Roy Cohn. . . . ”
The excerpts read from Johnston’s remarkable tome conclude with examination of Trump’s relationship with Joey Weichselbaum, a convicted drug trafficker whose relationship with Trump is highly unusual and opaque, even by “The Donald’s” standards. “Among the assorted criminals with whom Trump did business over more than three decades, his most mysterious dealings involved a drug trafficker named Joseph Weichselbaum. Trump did unusual favors for the three-time felon, repeatedly putting his lucrative casino license at risk to help a major cocaine and marijuana trafficker for reasons that remain unfathomable. . . .”
Whereas Trump had many other places to turn to for the various aeronautical, automotive and supplemental services Weichelsbaum and his brother provided, Trump continued to use them and provided them and their associates with remarkable “perks.”
With Trump poised to name a number of Supreme Court justices, we note that the venue of one of Weichelsbaum’s cases was changed in a highly suspicious, revealing and inauspicious manner. ” . . . When Weichelsbaum made a deal with prosecutors to plead guilty to one of the eighteen counts in the Cincinnati case, something very suspicious happened. His case was transferred out of Ohio for the guilty plea and the sentencing. Logically, the case might have gone to South Florida, where Bradford Motors [one of the Weichselbaum drug-trafficking fronts] was located, or to New York, where Weichselbaum lived. Indeed, that is exactly what Weichselbaum’s Ohio lawyer, Arnold Morelli, sought in a January 30, 1986 motion requesting his case be transferred to either Manhattan or Miami for ‘the convenience of human beings such as the defendant and witnesses.’ Instead the Weichelsbaum case was moved to New Jersey. There it was assigned to Judge Maryanne Trump Barry–Donald Trump’s older sister.
Judge Barry recused herself three weeks later, as judicial ethics required, but the mere act of removing herself from the case came with a powerful message: a sitting federal judge, as well as her husband (lawyer John Barry) and family, repeatedly flew in helicopters connected to a major drug trafficker. . . .When Judge Harold A. Ackerman replaced Trump’s sister, Trump wrote him a letter seeking leniency for Weichselbaum on the drug trafficking charge. Trump characterize the defendant as ‘a credit to the community’ and described Weichselbaum as ‘conscientious, forthright and diligent’ in his dealings with the Trump Plaza and Trump’s Castle casinos. When asked about the letter under oath in a private 1990 meeting with New Jersey Division of Gaming Enforcement lawyers, Trump testified that he could not recall whether ‘he had written any letters of reference to the federal judge who sentenced Weichselbaum.’ Subsequently, the division obtained such a letter, and Trump acknowledged that it bore his signature. . . .”
Earlier in 2016, award-winning journalist David Cay Johnston published a very well-written and researched, yet relatively short and compact biography of Donald Trump–The Making of Donald Trump. For some weeks, we will be reading most of the book into the record, to provide people with a measure against which to evaluate not just “The Donald,” as his first wife Ivana called him, but our society, its institutions and its citizens. We can’t recommend strongly enough that listeners buy this book, read it and use whatever means available to spread the word about it.
This first installment of the series commences with the reading of a poem by Robinson Jeffers, “Be Angry at the Sun,” which encompasses Mr. Emory’s feelings about the recent election, as well as the people and institutions that have precipitated this event–one that figures to be devastating in its manifestations.
Following presentation of the Jeffers poem, we examine an article that embodies the enormous and fundamental flaw in our political and civic process: a poll shortly before the election found that most of the prospective voters polled felt that Trump was more honest and trustworthy than Hillary Clinton. As our reading of Johnston’s excellent book unfolds, the grotesque, spectacularly fallacious character of this perception will become uncomfortably clear. “Donald Trump is currently tracking as the more honest of the two presidential candidates in a poll, although fact-checking of his statements during the campaign have shown he’s lied several times. The latest ABC News/Washington Post tracking poll reports that 46 percent of likely voters believe he is the more honest and trustworthy candidate, while 38 percent believed it was Hillary Clinton. This marks the biggest gap between the two candidates in five ABC News/Washington Post polls that asked the question, beginning in May.”
We begin by noting that Trump’s father networked with an organized crime figure named Willie Tomasello, anticipating Trump’s own use of organized crime figures to further his commercial undertakings. And Hillary Clinton is viewed as less honest than Trump!
Next, we note Trump’s rambling, ignorant and inarticulate response to a question from conservative talk show host Hugh Hewitt about which element of the nuclear triad he felt was most important. (The nuclear triad consists of the three vehicles for delivering nuclear weapons: bombing aircraft, seaborne nuclear missiles–primarily submarine-launched weapons–and land-based nuclear missiles.) Trump clearly had no idea what the nuclear triad was, and couldn’t come close to doing justice to the topic. “. . . . Well, first of all, I think we need somebody absolutely that we can trust. . . the power is so massive that we can’t just leave areas that fifty years ago or seventy-five years ago we wouldn’t care [about]. It was hand-to-hand combat. . . I think–I think, for me, nuclear is just the power; the devastation is very important to me. . . . I think one of the most important things that we have to worry about is nuclear generally speaking. . . . The power of nuclear, the power of the weapons that we have today–and that is, by the way, the deal with Iran–the concept of it is so important that you have to make a good deal and what they should have done is that they should have doubled up and tripled up the sanctions. . . . ”
thinkbignkickassWe then note Trump’s fundamental ignorance of business theory, his pretenses to the contrary notwithstanding. ” ‘Are you familiar with the concept of net present value?’ lawyer Andrew Ceresney asked. [This is a basic tenet of business, as familiar to graduate students of business as 2 + 2, as Johnson says] ‘The concept of net present value to me,’ Trump replied, ‘would be the value of the land currently after debt. Well, to me, the word ‘net’ is an interesting word. It’s really–the word ‘value’ is the important word. If you have an asset that you can do other things with but you choose to do them–I haven’t chosen to do that. . . .”
Entering into the meat of Johnston’s formidable text, the broadcast highlights a rambling, vulgar, disorganized motivational talk he gave in Colorado, in the company of a “convicted felon and swindler” named Felix Sater. In addition to the inadequate nature of the presentation itself, the values Trump expressed are not to be overlooked.
Trump underscored how much he disrespected “losers” and his belief in vengeance. Of primary significance in this context is his anecdote about a former employee who was fired because she wouldn’t do something she felt was unethical.
Attacking actress/comedian Rosie O’Donnell, he highlighted his distaste for her physical appearance in crude, vulgar and fundamentally adolescent language.
Author Johnston notes that Trump stressed during his campaign that he was a devout Christian, and yet his belief in “vengeance uber alles” is in fundamental conflict with Biblical teaching.
In the next chapter of the book, David Cay Johnston illustrates how Trump practices what he preaches. When his nephew Fred Trump III filed suit after having been all but excluded from Fred Jr.’s will, Donald Trump saw to it that Fred’s son William, who had been borne with serious health problems, was prevented from obtaining badly needed medical care under the family medical program.
This placed young William’s life in jeopardy.
In the last excerpt read into the record in this broadcast, David Cay Johnston relates the genesis of Trump’s relationship with Senator Joe McCarthy’s right-hand man Roy Cohn. Having been sued by the Justice Department because of his discrimination against people of color when renting apartments in his properties, Trump turned to Cohn. It was the beginning of a long relationship between the long-time red-baiter and organized crime apologist and “The Donald.” Trump and Cohn lost the case.
Donald Trump’s entire business career–his “art of the deal”–derives from highly questionable dealings with a pantheon of organized crime figures, corrupt financiers and intelligence-connected operatives. From his early entrepreneurial career in Atlantic City to his undertakings in Florida to his operations in Western cities like Las Vegas, one finds Trump associated with Jimmy-Hoffa linked Mafia figures, people from the milieu of Howard Hughes and Iran-Contra players such as Adnan Khashoggi. Trump has projected financier Carl Icahn as his Secretary of the Treasury, ignoring Icahn’s link to what Daniel has called “Cocaine One” and the mysterious, nefarious Skyway airlines. Trump’s Atlantic City deals involved mob-linked figures like Dan Sullivan, Kenneth Shapiro, “Fat Tony Salerno” and Nicky Scarfo. More significantly, the State of New Jersey, Atlantic City officials, and the Holiday Inn interests have aided Trump in highly questionable ways. In Las Vegas, Trump has been the heir to figures from the Meyer Lansky and Howard Hughes interests, such as Louis Lesser. Trump’s larger circle of friends links to individuals and institutions involved with the Marcos family in the Philippines, whose largesse derived from the Golden Lily loot secreted by the Japanese in World War II. Program Highlights Include: Craig Lesser (Louis Lesser’s son) and his role in accessing some of the Golden Lily loot in the Philippines; Iran-Contra figure Adnan Khashoggi’s sale of his personal yacht to Donald Trump; Khashoggi’s links to Imelda Marcos; Trump’s flipping of a luxury Palm Beach (Florida) property to Russian mobster Dimitry Rybolovlev; Trump’s use of “offshoring” tactics to render his dealings opaque.
The new prime minister of Ukraine received an apparently bogus law degree from MAUP, the largest private university in Ukraine and an epicenter of anti-Semitism in that benighted country. David Duke has been a faculty member of MAUP. Might Volodymir Groysman be a “Bormann Jew?” We wonder, also, about Sheldon Adelson, the largest individual contributor to the 2012 GOP Presidential campaign and the most important of Benjamin Netanyahu’s financial backers. Much of Adelson’s wealth comes from Macao-based gambling casinos. Macao was a major epicenter of Axis gold smuggling during World War II. All of the contents of this website as of 12/19/2014–Dave Emory’s 35+ years of research and broadcasting–as well as hours of videotaped lectures are available on a 32GB flash drive. Dave offers his programs and articles for free–your support is very much appreciated.
Updating FTR #’s 772 and 792, the broadcast highlights a recent social psychology experiment that indicated a strong inclination toward dishonest, criminal behavior on the part of banking professionals. After noting Deutsche Bank’s precarious position, the program notes two other suspicious deaths. Deutsche Bank’s Calogero Gambino allegedly took his own life, following the alleged suicide of another Deutsche banker–William Broeksmit. Citigroup’s Shawn Miller supposedly slit his own throat, this after placing some 911 calls complaining about being followed. The Senate banking committee recently concluded an investigation of the banking industry’s involvement in the commodities’ markets, something that offers tremendous opportunity for illegal speculation, as well as leaving banks with potentially catastrophic exposure to fluctuation in those markets. In October, a dramatic fluctuation in the market for U.S. Treasury bills has raised ominous questions concerning the stability of this global financial safe haven. The probability of such an event happening was once every 1.6 billion years!
Previously, we have mused about GOP promotion for the Burning Man Arts Festival and the possibility that “Haight Ashbury II”–as we dubbed it–might actually be another “op” with elements of the intelligence community and organized crime collaborating to experiment on the unwitting adherents of the so-called counter-culture. Now, we learn that none other than Grover Norquist is planning on attending this year’s gathering.
In FTR #801 we noted the cesspool of corruption, organized crime and fascism enveloping the world of big-time sport. In connection with the perp walk candidates who comprise the International Olympic Committee, we noted that FIFA president Sepp Blatter was a pivotal member of the IOC (at right). His nephew Philippe is an investor in a company under investigation for scalping World Cup Tickets.