In past programs, we examined the Greek and Eurozone debt crises in the context of the theories of Friedrich List and Carl von Clausewitz, as well as the realization of those theories through successful manipulation of the transnational corporate landscape through both world wars and the “postwars” that followed them. Recently, a the Greek mayor of Corfu encapsulated that development rather succinctly: “What they didn’t manage in World War II they are managing now,” Kostas Nikolouzos, the left-wing mayor of Corfu, said of Germany, voicing a common sentiment. “It may sound extreme, but it’s true.” All of the contents of this website as of 12/19/2014–Dave Emory’s 35+ years of research and broadcasting–as well as hours of videotaped lectures are available on a 32GB flash drive. Dave offers his programs and articles for free–your support is very much appreciated.
Continuing our analysis of the Greek economic and political crisis, we begin with review of Greece and the late stages of World War II. The occupying British turned on the partisans who had played a large part in the defeat of Axis occupation forces, setting the stage for a brutal civil war. Much of the program centers on the fire-sale of major Greek infrastructure, including the takeover of 14 regional airports by a German corporation. Much of Greek infrastructure is now up for sale, including infrastructure that is essential for the reconstruction of the economy of Greece. Having figured significantly in the development of Greek debt, a number of German businessmen are now fugitives from Greek justice, seeking to avoid prosecution for corruption charges. After noting that Greek debt is actually LOWER than German debt when calculated using a standard accounting scale, the program notes the proposal to have Greek youth work for free, in order to relieve the massive youth unemployment plaguing that country. Recorded on Labor Day weekend of 2015, the program concludes with rumination concerning the past and future of slavery, scrutinized against the background of recent and future events.
Following Germany’s implementation of an austerity program on Greece that officially and as a matter of course negates Greek national sovereignty and democracy, we examine that agreement and the history that led up to it. Even relatively conservative American and European observers are labeling the development a “coup” against Greek democracy. We would call it a foreign occupation by Germany. The events in Europe can only be understood in terms of the execution of a consummately brilliant, cynical plan to implement German political and economic hegemony through a series of wars and what Von Clausewitz called “Post-wars.” The continuity of German political, military and economic policy through decades and across a challenging diversity of events is far-sighted and rigorous. Program Highlights Include: German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schauble’s use of Third Reich cross-border subversion specialist Theodor Veiter as a key adviser on European economic affairs; the explicit control of Greece’s economic affairs by “the institutions” [of Germany and the EU]; Schauble’s apparent goal of driving Greece out of the Eurozone; Germany’s successful evasion of its World War II debt; an overview of the evolution of Friedrich List’s blueprint for economic and political control of Europe and the world; review of the troika’s imposition of a 2011 Greek coalition government that included the fascist LAOS party; the fundamentally different approach of German corporations to cartel agreements from that of their international partners/competitors.
With negotiations between Greece and the troika over how to resolve the latest austerity-impasse still ongoing, Greece make an intriguing offer: Continue with the privatization of state assets that the troika demands, use the proceeds on Greece’s humanitarian crises instead of immediately paying back Greece’s creditors. And while the troika has yet to formally rule out Greece’s proposal, European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker made an uncharacteristic offer last week of 2 billion euros to “support efforts to create growth and social cohesion in Greece”. Considering virtually all past attitudes by the troika regarding Greece’s “growth and social cohesion”. So by wrapping its humanitarian aid proposal within a privatization mandate Greece did the seemingly impossible: the troika’s position on Greece is slightly less crazy than before. That almost never happens. And still probably isn’t happening.