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For The Record  

FTR #1058, FTR #1059 and FTR #1060 The Christian West, Parts 1, 2 and 3: Contextual Foundation of the Jim DiEugenio Interviews

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FTR #1058: This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

FTR #1059: This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

FTR #1060: This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: In the wake of the 25 1‑hour inter­views with Jim DiEu­ge­nio about his land­mark text Des­tiny Betrayed, we present three pro­grams inte­grat­ing ele­ments of Jim’s pre­sen­ta­tion with his­tor­i­cal, eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal dynam­ics cen­tral to an under­stand­ing of the events sur­round­ing the coup d’e­tat of 11/22/1963.

Most of the mate­r­i­al pre­sent­ed in these pro­grams will be review for vet­er­an lis­ten­ers, although pre­sent­ed and ana­lyzed here in a con­text that will hope­ful­ly prove enlight­en­ing.

Colonel L. Fletch­er Prouty has writ­ten about events in August of 1944 that are indica­tive of the coa­les­cence of the “Chris­t­ian West” con­cept that we dis­cussed in AFA #37 and fur­ther devel­oped in FTR #1009.

We note that it was in August of 1944 that the famous “Red House” meet­ing at which the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal net­work real­ized under the aus­pices of Aktion Adler­flug was launched.

” . . . . On August 23, 1944, the Roma­ni­ans accept­ed Sovi­et sur­ren­der terms and in Bucharest the OSS round­ed up Nazi intel­li­gence experts and their volu­mi­nous East­ern Euro­pean intel­li­gence files and con­cealed them among a train­load of Amer­i­can POW’s who were being quick­ly evac­u­at­ed from the Balka­ns via Turkey. Once in “neu­tral” Turkey, the train con­tin­ued to a planned des­ti­na­tion at a site on the Syr­i­an bor­der, where it was stopped to per­mit the trans­fer of Nazis and POW’s to a fleet of U.S. [Army] Air Force planes for a flight to Cairo. . . .”

The con­cept of “The Chris­t­ian West” is explained in the descrip­tion for AFA #37: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeat­ed, it opened secret nego­ti­a­tions with rep­re­sen­ta­tives from the West­ern Allies. Rep­re­sen­ta­tives on both sides belonged to the transat­lantic finan­cial and indus­tri­al fra­ter­ni­ty that had active­ly sup­port­ed fas­cism. The thrust of these nego­ti­a­tions was the estab­lish­ment of The Chris­t­ian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehi­cle for sur­viv­ing mil­i­tary defeat, ‘The Chris­t­ian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich join­ing with the U.S., Britain, France and oth­er Euro­pean nations in a transat­lantic, pan-Euro­pean anti-Sovi­et alliance. In fact, The Chris­t­ian West became a real­i­ty only after the ces­sa­tion of hos­til­i­ties. The de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many was abort­ed. Although a few of the more obvi­ous and obnox­ious ele­ments of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to pow­er at vir­tu­al­ly every lev­el and in almost every capac­i­ty in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. . . .”

Next, we review an arti­cle about Nazi intel­li­gence chief Rein­hard Gehlen high­light­ing:

  • The fact that his work with the U.S. was approved by a Nazi chain of com­mand that was still func­tion­ing: ” . . . . Gehlen met with Admi­ral Karl Doenitz, who had been appoint­ed by Hitler as his suc­ces­sor dur­ing the last days of the Third Reich. Gehlen and the Admi­ral were now in a U.S. Army VIP prison camp in Wies­baden; Gehlen sought and received approval from Doenitz too!44. . . . 47. As Gehlen was about to leave for the Unit­ed States, he left a mes­sage for Baun with anoth­er of his top aides, Ger­hard Wes­sel: “I am to tell you from Gehlen that he has dis­cussed with [Hitler’s suc­ces­sor Admi­ral Karl] Doenitz and [Gehlen’s supe­ri­or and chief of staff Gen­er­al Franz] Halder the ques­tion of con­tin­u­ing his work with the Amer­i­cans. Both were in agree­ment.” Hohne and Zolling, op. cit., n. 14, p. 61. In oth­er words, the Ger­man chain of com­mand was still in effect, and it approved of what Gehlen was doing with the Amer­i­cans. . . .”
  • That Bor­mann worked close­ly in design­ing his flight cap­i­tal pro­gram with Hjal­mar Schacht, the Nazi finance min­is­ter, close asso­ciate of the Dulles broth­ers and friend of Clay Shaw.
  • That the OUN/B (cur­rent­ly in com­mand of the reins of pow­er in Ukraine), the Roman­ian Iron Guard, the Croa­t­ian Ustachis and oth­er mem­bers of the Anti Bol­she­vik Bloc of Nations were part of the Gehlen “Org.” They became a key ele­ment of the Repub­li­can Par­ty through the Cru­sade For Free­dom. ” . . . . Gehlen became chief of the Third Reich’s For­eign Armies East (FHO), on April 1, 1942. He was thus respon­si­ble for Ger­many’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence oper­a­tions through­out East­ern Europe and the Sovi­et Union. His FHO was con­nect­ed in this role with a num­ber of secret fas­cist orga­ni­za­tions in the coun­tries to Ger­many’s east. These includ­ed Stepan Ban­der­a’s “B Fac­tion” of the Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists (OUN/B),15 Roma­ni­a’s Iron Guard,16 the Ustachis of Yugoslavia,17 the Vanagis of Latvia18 and, after the sum­mer of 1942, “Vlassov’s Army,” . . . .”

Sup­pos­ed­ly killed in Berlin near the end of the war, Gestapo chief Hein­rich Mueller in fact escaped. Mueller was cap­tured by U.S. forces, sub­se­quent­ly released and the files about his activ­i­ties redact­ed: ” . . . . on grounds of ‘nation­al secu­ri­ty,’ includ­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ty that more com­plete dis­clo­sure could com­pro­mise intel­li­gence-gath­er­ing meth­ods. . . . .” 

Mar­tin Bor­mann (right) with Himm­ler (cen­ter)

Not only did Mueller appar­ent­ly work for U.S. intel­li­gence, he served as the secu­ri­ty direc­tor for the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal orga­ni­za­tion, aid­ing CIA and the final incar­na­tion of the Gehlen “org” while work­ing for the Reich­sleit­er. ” . . . . The CIA could have pulled aside the gray cur­tain that obscured Bormann—at any time. But the CIA and Mueller’s crack orga­ni­za­tion of for­mer SS men found it to their mutu­al advan­tage to coop­er­ate in many sit­u­a­tions. . . . Even Gen­er­al Gehlen, when he was chief of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic’s intel­li­gence ser­vice, sent his agents to con­fer with Gen­er­al Hein­rich Mueller in South Amer­i­ca. . . .”

T. H. Tetens’ The New Ger­many and the Old Nazis details the coup attempt of 1953, in which SS offi­cer Wern­er Nau­mann (pro­pa­gan­da min­is­ter Goebbels’ hand-picked suc­ces­sor) tried to seize pow­er, with the assis­tance of oth­er Third Reich alum­ni.

Of con­sum­mate sig­nif­i­cance in this con­text is the exec­u­tive force behind Nau­man­n’s attempt–a fuehrungsring that admin­is­tered the “new” Ger­many on behalf of a Nazi gov­ern­ment in exile in  Spain.

Tak­en in con­junc­tion with the mate­r­i­al in Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile, the dis­clo­sure that Rein­hard Gehlen’s relo­ca­tion of his spy out­fit to U.S. intel­li­gence was cleared with a Ger­man chain of com­mand that had been pre­served intact, the Tetens dis­cus­sion of the Nau­mann coup per­mits us to view much of the struc­ture of this Under­ground Reich.

Key­ing the devel­op­ment of these pro­grams are two pas­sages from Des­tiny Betrayed which locate Clay Shaw with­in a cor­po­rate and intel­li­gence pow­er struc­ture that is part and par­cel to the events and ele­ments dis­cussed here. (Shaw was, of course, Jim Gar­rison’s pri­ma­ry inves­tiga­tive tar­get in his probe of the JFK assas­si­na­tion.)

Shaw’s involve­ment with the Per­min­dex intel­li­gence out­fit involved him with a transna­tion­al cor­po­rate and intel­li­gence web stretch­ing back to the devel­op­ment of the Third Reich: “ . . . . But as more inves­ti­ga­tion by the local papers was done, it became clear that the real backer was J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Cor­po­ra­tion. This infor­ma­tion was quite reveal­ing. Schroed­er’s had been close­ly asso­ci­at­ed with Allen Dulles and the CIA for years. Allen Dulles’s con­nec­tions to the Schroder bank­ing fam­i­ly went back to the thir­ties when his law firm, Sul­li­van and Cromwell, first began rep­re­sent­ing them through him. Lat­er, Dulles was the bank’s Gen­er­al Coun­sel. In fact, when Dulles became CIA direc­tor, Schroed­er’s was a repos­i­to­ry for a fifty mil­lion dol­lar con­tin­gency fund that Dulles per­son­al­ly con­trolled. Schroder’s was a wel­come con­duit because the bank ben­e­fit­ed from pre­vi­ous CIA over­throws in Guatemala and Iran. Anoth­er rea­son that there began to be a furor over Per­min­dex in Switzer­land was the fact that the bank’s founder, Baron Kurt von Schroder, was asso­ci­at­ed with the Third Reich, specif­i­cal­ly Hein­rich Himm­ler. . . . The board of direc­tors as made up of bankers who had been tied up with fas­cist gov­ern­ments, peo­ple who worked the Jew­ish refugee rack­et dur­ing World War II, a for­mer mem­ber of Mus­solin­i’s cab­i­net, and the son-in-law of Hjal­mar Schacht, the eco­nom­ic wiz­ard behind the Third Reich, who was a friend of Shaw’s. . . .

One of the oper­a­tions in which Fer­rie and Shaw par­tic­i­pat­ed was an effort to bol­ster Freeport Sul­phur. Note the net­work­ing with Cana­di­an nick­el inter­ests, and cor­re­late this with the infor­ma­tion below about John Fos­ter Dulles’s mid­wiv­ing of I.G. Far­ben and Fos­ter Dulles’s rela­tion­ship with Clay Shaw’s friend Hjal­mar Schacht. One of the oper­a­tions in which Fer­rie and Shaw par­tic­i­pat­ed was an effort to bol­ster Freeport Sul­phur. Note the net­work­ing with Cana­di­an nick­el inter­ests, and cor­re­late this with the infor­ma­tion below about John Fos­ter Dulles’s mid­wiv­ing of I.G. Far­ben and Fos­ter Dulles’s rela­tion­ship with Clay Shaw’s friend. ” . . . . with Cas­tro tak­ing over their oper­a­tions in Cuba, Freeport was attempt­ing to inves­ti­gate bring­ing in nick­el ore from Cuba, through Cana­da, which still had trade rela­tions with Cuba. The ore would then be refined in Louisiana, either at a plant already in New Orleans or at anoth­er plant in Braith­waite. Shaw, an impres­sario of inter­na­tion­al trade, was on this explorato­ry team for Freeport. . . . ”

About Fos­ter’s incor­po­ra­tion of the nick­el car­tel into the I.G. Far­ben cos­mol­o­gy: ” . . . . Among Fos­ter’s pre­mier clients was the New Jer­sey-based Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el Com­pa­ny, for which he was not only coun­sel but also a direc­tor and mem­ber of the exec­u­tive board. In the ear­ly 1930s, he steered it, along with its Cana­di­an affil­i­ate, into a car­tel with France’s two major nick­el pro­duc­ers. In 1934, he brought the biggest Ger­man nick­el pro­duc­er, I.G. Far­ben, into the car­tel. This gave Nazi Ger­many access to the cartel’s resources. ‘With­out Dulles,’ accord­ing to a study of Sul­li­van & Cromwell, ‘Ger­many would have lacked any nego­ti­at­ing strength with [Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el], which con­trolled the world’s sup­ply of nick­el, a cru­cial ingre­di­ent in stain­less steel and armor plate.’ . . . .”

 About Fos­ter Dulles’s rela­tion­ship with Schacht: ” . . . . Both men had con­sid­ered enter­ing the cler­gy before turn­ing their pow­er­ful minds toward more remu­ner­a­tive pur­suits. Each admired the cul­ture that had pro­duced the oth­er. Both believed that a resur­gent Ger­many would stand against Bol­she­vism. Mobi­liz­ing Amer­i­can cap­i­tal to finance its rise was their com­mon inter­est. Work­ing with Schacht, Fos­ter helped the Nation­al Social­ist state find rich sources of financ­ing in the Unit­ed States for its pub­lic agen­cies, banks, and indus­tries. . . .”

Next, we note that­both Dulles broth­ers con­spired to shut down Oper­a­tion Safe­haven, safe­guard­ing their cor­po­rate rela­tion­ships with Third Reich indus­try and paving the way for the rise of the Bor­mann cap­i­tal net­work. “. . . . While Allen Dulles was using his OSS post in Switzer­land to pro­tect the inter­ests of Sul­li­van and Cromwell’s Ger­man clients, his broth­er was doing the same in New York. . . . More­over, like many in the upper ech­e­lons of U.S. finance and nation­al secu­ri­ty, [Allen] Dulles believed that a good num­ber of these pow­er­ful Ger­man fig­ures should be returned to pow­er, to ensure that Ger­many would be a strong bul­wark against the Sovi­et Union. And dur­ing the Cold War, he would be more intent on using Nazi loot to finance covert anti-Sovi­et oper­a­tions than on return­ing it to the fam­i­lies of Hitler’s vic­tims. .  . .”

We have spo­ken for years about The Cru­sade For Free­dom, a covert oper­a­tion with both for­eign and domes­tic venues. Abroad, the CFF was a vehi­cle for financ­ing the use of East­ern Euro­pean Third Reich alum­ni as “fas­cist free­dom fight­ers” in para­mil­i­tary oper­a­tions in the Sovi­et Union and East­ern Europe. Domes­ti­cal­ly, the CFF spawned a Nazi branch of the Repub­li­can Par­ty, with roots in the Third Reich and the Rein­hard Gehlen spy orga­ni­za­tion.

The CFF became a major ele­ment of the U.S. Cold War estab­lish­ment, and CFF lumi­nar­ies Richard Nixon, Ronald Rea­gan, William Casey and George H.W. Bush occu­pied sin­gu­lar­ly impor­tant posi­tions in the GOP.

Many of its par­tic­i­pants and asso­ciates were promi­nent not only on the far right but in the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Estab­lish­ment as well.

Many of them also fig­ure in the milieu of the JFK assas­si­na­tion:

” . . . . Mem­bers of the Texas Cru­sade for Free­dom would become a who’s who of Tex­ans con­nect­ed to the events sur­round­ing the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy. In addi­tion to Neil Mal­lon, mem­bers includ­ed [Paul] Raig­orod­sky, Lewis W. Mac­Naughton, Everette De Goly­er, and Dal­las may­or Ear­le Cabell, broth­er of Charles Cabell, who was Allen Dulles’s deputy CIA direc­tor [fired by JFK for his con­duct in the Bay of Pigs oper­a­tion along with Dulles him­self]. Anoth­er mem­ber was D. Harold Byrd, who owned the build­ing in down­town Dal­las that would become known as the Texas School Book Depos­i­to­ry. Anoth­er mem­ber was E.M. ‘Ted’ Dealey, pub­lish­er of The Dal­las Morn­ing News, who was a harsh crit­ic of Kennedy. . . .”

Allen Dulles

Some of the most impor­tant Repub­li­cans on the nation­al stage not only were essen­tial parts of the CFF/Nazi GOP nexus but also fig­ure into the inves­ti­ga­tion into the JFK assas­si­na­tion.

  • CFF god­fa­ther Allen Dulles was the prin­ci­pal mem­ber of the War­ren Com­mis­sion and appears to have been an archi­tect of the assas­si­na­tion itself.
  • Richard Nixon was in Dal­las on 11/22/1963, flew out about an hour and a half before the fatal shots were fired and then lied about it to the FBI.
  • Ronald Rea­gan was on the Rock­e­feller Com­mis­sion that found (incor­rect­ly) that the CIA was not involved in the assas­si­na­tion. He also refused to hon­or Jim Gar­rison’s request to extra­dite Edgar Eugene Bradley from Cal­i­for­nia.
  • George H.W. Bush was in Dal­las on 11/22/1963 and says he can’t remem­ber where he was when Kennedy was killed.

Of para­mount sig­nif­i­cance for our pur­pos­es is a “Chris­t­ian West­er” accom­mo­da­tion appar­ent­ly involv­ing Prince Egon Max von Hohen­loe, who mar­ried into the Hab­s­burg fam­i­ly. Oper­at­ing out of Licht­en­stein and trav­el­ing on a Licht­en­stein pass­port, von Hohen­loe served as an inter­me­di­ary between U.S. intel­li­gence and Wal­ter Schel­len­berg, in charge of over­seas intel­li­gence for the SS. (Schel­len­berg was also on the board of direc­tors of Inter­na­tion­al Tele­phone and Tele­graph and became a key oper­a­tive for the post­war Gehlen orga­ni­za­tion.)

Chief among the Amer­i­can nego­tia­tors was Allen Dulles. Dono­van also appears to have played a sig­nif­i­cant part.

Inter­est­ing per­spec­tive on the Hapsburg/U.S./Underground Reich alliance and the sen­si­tive nature of the deal­ings of OSS/Wall Street oper­a­tives like Dono­van and Dulles can be gleaned by the account of the fre­quent­ly lethal attempts by four dif­fer­ent authors to write the account of the OSS from the orga­ni­za­tion’s micro­filmed files.

Cen­tral to under­stand­ing the con­cept of the actu­al real­iza­tion of the essence of the Chris­t­ian West–the merg­ing of the U.S. with Nazi Ger­many in an anti-Sovi­et alliance–is the under­stand­ing of what glob­al­iza­tion real­ly is and how it pre­cip­i­tat­ed fas­cism and the Sec­ond World War. ” . . . . fas­cism (Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) was an out­growth of glob­al­iza­tion and the con­struc­tion of inter­na­tion­al monop­o­lies (car­tels). Key to under­stand­ing this phe­nom­e­non is analy­sis of the Webb-Pomerene act, leg­is­lat­ed near the end of the First World War. A loop­hole in the Anti-trust leg­is­la­tion of 1914, it effec­tive­ly legal­ized the for­ma­tion of cartels—international monopolies—for firms that were barred from domes­tic monop­o­lis­tic prac­tices. Decry­ing what they viewed as exces­sive and restric­tive ‘reg­u­la­tion’ here in the Unit­ed States, U.S.-based transna­tion­al cor­po­ra­tions invest­ed their prof­its from the indus­tri­al boom of the 1920’s abroad, pri­mar­i­ly in Japan and Ger­many. This process might well be viewed as the real begin­ning of what is now known as ‘glob­al­iza­tion.’ . . . . It was this cap­i­tal that drove the engines of con­quest that sub­dued both Europe and Asia dur­ing the con­flict. . . .”

Also cen­tral to an under­stand­ing of the real­iza­tion of the Chris­t­ian West–the con­sum­mate real­iza­tion of both glob­al­iza­tion and fascism/Nazism–is analy­sis of the machi­na­tions of the Bush fam­i­ly. The hero­ic Jus­tice Depart­ment inves­ti­ga­tor (lat­er author) John Lof­tus delin­eat­ed the Bush fam­i­ly’s role in the laun­der­ing of Nazi funds between the Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart, N.V. and the Union Bank in the U.S.

The net­work­ing of the Bush fam­i­ly with the Thyssens, the Schroed­ers and the Rock­e­fellers, in turn, is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the coa­les­cence and oper­a­tion of the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal net­work, high­lighed in FTR #305, among oth­er pro­grams.

The fol­low­ing arti­cle, the main focal point of FTR #370, this arti­cle war­rants more intense scruti­ny, both because of the increase in the dynam­ics of both glob­al­iza­tion and con­cen­tra­tion of wealth since 2002 and in the con­text of the Chris­t­ian West and the links of Clay Shaw to the forces dis­cussed here.

Key ele­ments of dis­cus­sion and analy­sis include:

  1. The cor­po­rate mask­ing effect­ed by the Thyssens and their Amer­i­can asso­ciates, George Her­bert Walk­er, Prescott Bush, Aver­ill Har­ri­man and Allen Dulles. ” . . . . Thyssen did not need any for­eign bank accounts because his fam­i­ly secret­ly owned an entire chain of banks. He did not have to trans­fer his Nazi assets at the end of World War II, all he had to do was trans­fer the own­er­ship doc­u­ments – stocks, bonds, deeds and trusts–from his bank in Berlin through his bank in Hol­land to his Amer­i­can friends in New York City: Prescott Bush and Her­bert Walk­er. Thyssen’s part­ners in crime were the father and father-in-law of a future Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States. The allied inves­ti­ga­tors under­es­ti­mat­ed Thyssen’s reach, his con­nec­tions, his motives, and his means. The web of finan­cial enti­ties Thyssen helped cre­ate in the 1920’s remained a mys­tery for the rest of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry, an almost per­fect­ly hid­den under­ground sew­er pipeline for mov­ing dirty mon­ey, mon­ey that bankrolled the post-war for­tunes not only of the Thyssen indus­tri­al empire…but the Bush fam­i­ly as well. . . .”
  2. The role in this cor­po­rate shell game of Baron Hein­rich Thyssen-Borne­misza, who mar­ried into the Hun­gar­i­an nobil­i­ty and whose daugh­ter Francesca mar­ried Karl von Haps­burg. ” . . . . Fritz Thyssen joined the Nazis in 1923; his younger broth­er mar­ried into Hun­gar­i­an nobil­i­ty and changed his name to Baron [Hein­rich] Thyssen-Borne­misza. The Baron lat­er claimed Hun­gar­i­an as well as Dutch cit­i­zen­ship. In pub­lic, he pre­tend­ed to detest his Nazi broth­er, but in pri­vate they met at secret board meet­ings in Ger­many to coor­di­nate their oper­a­tions. If one broth­er were threat­ened with loss of prop­er­ty, he would trans­fer his hold­ings to the oth­er. To aid his sons in their shell game, August Thyssen had estab­lished three dif­fer­ent banks dur­ing the 1920’s — The August Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart in Rot­ter­dam, and the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York City. To pro­tect their cor­po­rate hold­ings, all the broth­ers had to do was move the cor­po­rate paper­work from one bank to the oth­er. This they did with some reg­u­lar­i­ty. When Fritz Thyssen ‘sold’ the Hol­land-Amer­i­can Trad­ing Com­pa­ny for a tax loss, the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York bought the stock. Sim­i­lar­ly, the Bush fam­i­ly invest­ed the dis­guised Nazi prof­its in Amer­i­can steel and man­u­fac­tur­ing cor­po­ra­tions that became part of the secret Thyssen empire. . . .”
  3. The dual role of Allen Dulles as cor­po­rate lawyer and col­lab­o­ra­tor with the Thyssens, Bush­es, Shroed­ers et al and his work as the head of the Bern (Switzer­land) OSS office. ” . . . . If the inves­ti­ga­tors real­ized that the US intel­li­gence chief in post­war Ger­many, Allen Dulles, was also the Rot­ter­dam bank’s lawyer, they might have asked some very inter­est­ing ques­tions. They did not know that Thyssen was Dulles’ client as well. Nor did they ever real­ize that it was Allen Dulles’s oth­er client, Baron Kurt Von Schroed­er who was the Nazi trustee for the Thyssen com­pa­nies which now claimed to be owned by the Dutch. The Rot­ter­dam Bank was at the heart of Dulles’ cloak­ing scheme, and he guard­ed its secrets jeal­ous­ly. . . . As soon as Berlin fell to the allies, it was time to ship the doc­u­ments back to Rot­ter­dam so that the ‘neu­tral’ bank could claim own­er­ship under the friend­ly super­vi­sion of Allen Dulles, who, as the OSS intel­li­gence chief in 1945 Berlin, was well placed to han­dle any trou­ble­some inves­ti­ga­tions. . . .”
  4. Prince Bern­hard of the Nether­lands–SS offi­cer, I.G. Far­ben spy and nom­i­nal head of the Dutch “resis­tance” super­vised a mis­sion to retrieve poten­tial­ly incrim­i­nat­ing doc­u­ments from the August Thyssen Bank in Berlin: ” . . . . Prince Bern­hard com­mand­ed a unit of Dutch intel­li­gence, which dug up the incrim­i­nat­ing cor­po­rate papers in 1945 and brought them back to the “neu­tral” bank in Rot­ter­dam. The pre­text was that the Nazis had stolen the crown jew­els of his wife, Princess Juliana, and the Rus­sians gave the Dutch per­mis­sion to dig up the vault and retrieve them. Oper­a­tion Juliana was a Dutch fraud on the Allies who searched high and low for the miss­ing pieces of the Thyssen for­tune. . . .”
  5. Both the head of the Rot­ter­dam Bank, who dis­cov­ered the true Nazi own­er­ship of his insti­tu­tion trav­eled to New York to protest to Prescott Bush. He was found dead of a “heart attack.” ” . . . . In 1945, the for­mer Dutch man­ag­er of the Rot­ter­dam bank resumed con­trol only to dis­cov­er that he was sit­ting on a huge pile of hid­den Nazi assets. In 1947, the man­ag­er threat­ened to inform Dutch author­i­ties, and was imme­di­ate­ly fired by the Thyssens. The some­what naive bank man­ag­er then fled to New York City where he intend­ed to talk to Union Bank direc­tor Prescott Bush. As Gowen’s Dutch source recalled, the man­ag­er intend­ed ‘to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Hein­rich and the Rot­ter­dam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the Thyssen inter­ests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and con­fis­cat­ed as Ger­man ene­my prop­er­ty.’ The manager’s body was found in New York two weeks lat­er. . . .”
  6. Both of the Dulles broth­ers were in a posi­tion to influ­ence the oper­a­tions of the Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an dur­ing World War II: ” . . . . “The Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an, Leo Crow­ley, was on the pay­roll of the New York J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Bank where Fos­ter and Allen Dulles both sat as board mem­bers. Fos­ter arranged an appoint­ment for him­self as spe­cial legal coun­sel for the Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an while simul­ta­ne­ous­ly rep­re­sent­ing [Ger­man] inter­ests against the cus­to­di­an. . . .” 
  7. A sim­i­lar fate befell Eddie Roev­er, a Dutch reporter who attempt­ed to inter­view Baron Hein­rich Thyssen-Borne­misza in 1996. ” . . . . Sim­i­lar­ly, in 1996 a Dutch jour­nal­ist Eddy Roev­er went to Lon­don to inter­view the Baron, who was neigh­bors with Mar­garet Thatch­er. Roever’s body was dis­cov­ered two days lat­er. Per­haps, Gowen remarked dry­ly, it was only a coin­ci­dence that both healthy men had died of heart attacks imme­di­ate­ly after try­ing to uncov­er the truth about the Thyssens. . . .”
  8. Of para­mount impor­tance is the role of the two insti­tu­tions in which Prescott Bush served–Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man and the Union Bank–as a fun­da­men­tal vehi­cle for laun­der­ing mon­ey from the con­sum­mate­ly pow­er­ful Rock­e­feller fam­i­ly and relat­ed inter­ests in Nazi Ger­many. ” . . . . But what did the Bush fam­i­ly know about their Nazi con­nec­tion and when did they know it? As senior man­agers of Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man, they had to have known that their Amer­i­can clients, such as the Rock­e­fellers, were invest­ing heav­i­ly in Ger­man cor­po­ra­tions, includ­ing Thyssen’s giant Vere­inigte Stahlw­erke. As not­ed his­to­ri­an Christo­pher Simp­son repeat­ed­ly doc­u­ments, it is a mat­ter of pub­lic record that Brown Brother’s invest­ments in Nazi Ger­many took place under the Bush fam­i­ly stew­ard­ship. . . . It should be recalled that in Jan­u­ary 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that hap­py lit­tle Hol­land was going to declare war on Amer­i­ca? The cloak­ing oper­a­tion only makes sense in antic­i­pa­tion of a pos­si­ble war with Nazi Ger­many. If Union Bank was not the con­duit for laun­der­ing the Rockefeller’s Nazi invest­ments back to Amer­i­ca, then how could the Rock­e­feller-con­trolled Chase Man­hat­tan Bank end up own­ing 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be not­ed that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest indus­tri­al con­glom­er­ate in Ger­many, and with a net worth of more than $50 bil­lion dol­lars, one of the wealth­i­est cor­po­ra­tions in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp fam­i­ly, famous arms mak­ers for Hitler, leav­ing the Thyssens as the undis­put­ed cham­pi­on sur­vivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up mon­ey to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? . . . . A for­tune this size could only have come from the Thyssen prof­its made from rearm­ing the Third Reich, and then hid­den, first from the Nazi tax audi­tors, and then from the Allies. The Bush­es knew per­fect­ly well that Brown Broth­ers was the Amer­i­can mon­ey chan­nel into Nazi Ger­many, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi mon­ey back to Amer­i­ca from Hol­land. The Bush­es had to have known how the secret mon­ey cir­cuit worked because they were on the board of direc­tors in both direc­tions: Brown Broth­ers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
  9. Note that Paul Man­ning also came across the Bush, Thyssen, Nether­lands link: ” . . . . Sev­er­al decades after the war, inves­tiga­tive reporter Paul Man­ning, Edward R. Murrow’s col­league, stum­bled across the Thyssen inter­ro­ga­tions in the US Nation­al Archives. Man­ning intend­ed to write a book about Nazi mon­ey laun­der­ing. Manning’s man­u­script was a dag­ger at Allen Dulles’ throat: his book specif­i­cal­ly men­tioned the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart by name, albeit in pass­ing. . . .”

1. With the New Cold War gath­er­ing momen­tum and Trump’s with­draw­al from the treaty on inter­me­di­ate range nuclear mis­siles point­ing the world toward war, it is worth reflect­ing on the his­to­ry and deep pol­i­tics that brought this about.

Colonel L. Fletch­er Prouty has writ­ten about events in August of 1944 that are indica­tive of the coa­les­cence of the “Chris­t­ian West” con­cept that we dis­cussed in AFA #37 and fur­ther devel­oped in FTR #1009.

We note that it was in August of 1944 that the famous “Red House” meet­ing at which the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal net­work real­ized under the aus­pices of Aktion Adler­flug was launched.

JFK: The CIA, Viet­nam, and the Plot to Assas­si­nate John F. Kennedy by Col. [Ret.] L. Fletch­er Prouty; Sky­horse Pub­lish­ing [HC]; Copy­right 2011 by L. Fletch­er Prouty; ISBN 978–1‑51073–876‑8; pp. 10–11.

How­ev­er, even before the sur­ren­der of Ger­many and Japan, we began to hear the first rum­blings of the Cold War. The Office of Strate­gic Ser­vices, and par­tic­u­lar­ly its agents Frank Wis­ner and Allen W. Dulles in Zurich, nur­tured the idea that the time had come to rejoin select­ed Nazi pow­er cen­ters in order to split the West­ern alliance from the Sovi­et Union. “Rejoin” is the prop­er word in this case. It was the Dulles-affil­i­at­ed New York law firm of Sul­li­van & Cromwell that had refused to close its offices in Nazi Ger­many after the start of WWII in 1939, even while Great Britain and France were locked in a los­ing strug­gle with Hitler’s invad­ing forces. There­fore, the Dulles OSS “intel­li­gence con­tacts” in Nazi Ger­many dur­ing the war were for the most part Ger­man busi­ness asso­ciates with whom he was acquaint­ed.

On August 23, 1944, the Roma­ni­ans accept­ed Sovi­et sur­ren­der terms and in Bucharest the OSS round­ed up Nazi intel­li­gence experts and their volu­mi­nous East­ern Euro­pean intel­li­gence files and con­cealed them among a train­load of Amer­i­can POW’s who were being quick­ly evac­u­at­ed from the Balka­ns via Turkey. Once in “neu­tral” Turkey, the train con­tin­ued to a planned des­ti­na­tion at a site on the Syr­i­an bor­der, where it was stopped to per­mit the trans­fer of Nazis and POW’s to a fleet of U.S. [Army] Air Force planes for a flight to Cairo.

I was the chief pilot of that flight of some thir­ty air­craft and was stunned by the dis­cov­ery of two things I would nev­er have sus­pect­ed: A num­ber of the Amer­i­cans had had one or both legs ampu­tat­ed at the knee by their Balkan cap­tors, sole­ly for the pur­pose of keep­ing them immo­bile (the plane I flew had air­line seats rather than can­vas “buck­et” seats, and the men on my plane had lost one or two legs in that bar­bar­ic man­ner), and con­cealed among these POW’s were a num­ber of Balkan Nazi intel­li­gence spe­cial­ists who were being tak­en out of the Balka­ns ahead of the Sovi­et armies by the OSS.

As far as I know, this was one of the first vis­i­ble clues to the emer­gence of the “East-West” Cold War struc­ture, even while we and the Rus­sians were still allies and remained part­ners in the great strug­gle against the Ger­mans.

It was this covert fac­tion with­in the OSS, coor­di­nat­ed with a sim­i­lar British intel­li­gence fac­tion, and its poli­cies that encour­aged cho­sen Nazis to con­ceive of the divi­sive “Iron Cur­tain” con­cept to dri­ve a wedge in the alliance with the Sovi­et Union as ear­ly as 1944–to save their own necks, to sal­vage cer­tain pow­er cen­ters and their wealth, and to stir up resent­ment against the Rus­sians, even at the time of their great­est mil­i­tary tri­umph.

I was only a pilot on that flight, and in no way involved in the diplo­mat­ic intri­ca­cies of that era, but I have always won­dered whose deci­sion it had been, back in mid-1944, a year before the end of World War II, to over­ride the present alliances and to ini­ti­ate a split between the West and our wartime part­ner the Sovi­et Union while we were still firm allies. . . . .

2. Next, we review an arti­cle about Nazi intel­li­gence chief Rein­hard Gehlen high­light­ing:

  • The fact that his work with the U.S. was approved by a Nazi chain of com­mand that was still func­tion­ing.
  • That Bor­mann worked close­ly in design­ing his flight cap­i­tal pro­gram with Hjal­mar Schacht, the Nazi finance min­is­ter, close asso­ciate of the Dulles broth­ers and friend of Clay Shaw.
  • That the OUN/B (cur­rent­ly in com­mand of the reins of pow­er in Ukraine), the Roman­ian Iron Guard, the Croa­t­ian Ustachis and oth­er mem­bers of the Anti Bol­she­vik Bloc of Nations were part of the Gehlen “Org.” They became a key ele­ment of the Repub­li­can Par­ty through the Cru­sade For Free­dom.

“The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt” by Carl Ogles­by; Covert Action Infor­ma­tion Bul­letin; Fall/1990.

Hitler con­tin­ued to rant of vic­to­ry, but after Ger­many’s mas­sive defeat in the bat­tle of Stal­in­grad in mid-Jan­u­ary 1943, the real­ists of the Ger­man Gen­er­al Staff (OKW) were all agreed that their game was lost. Defeat at Stal­in­grad meant, at a min­i­mum, that Ger­many could not win the war in the East that year. This in turn means that the Nazis would have to keep the great pre­pon­der­ance of their mil­i­tary forces tied down on the east­ern front and could not rede­ploy them to the West, where the Anglo-Amer­i­can inva­sion of Italy would occur that sum­mer. Appar­ent­ly inspired by the Sovi­et vic­to­ry, Pres­i­dent Franklin Delano Roo­sevelt and Prime Min­is­ter Win­ston Churchill announced at Casablan­ca, on Jan­u­ary 24, 1943, their demand for Ger­many’s uncon­di­tion­al sur­ren­der and the com­plete de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of Europe.2

With­in the Ger­man gen­er­al staff two com­pet­ing groups formed around the ques­tion of what to do: one led by Hein­rich Himm­ler the oth­er by Mar­tin Bor­mann.3

Himm­ler was chief of the SS (Schutzstaffel, “pro­tec­tive ech­e­lon”), the black­shirt­ed core of the Nazi par­ty that emerged as Hitler’s body­guard in the late 1920s and grew into the most pow­er­ful of the Nazi polit­i­cal insti­tu­tions. After the fail­ure of the attempt­ed mil­i­tary coup of July 20, 1944, which wound­ed but did not kill Hitler, the SS seized all pow­er and imposed a furi­ous blood purge of the armed ser­vices in which some sev­en thou­sand were arrest­ed and near­ly five thou­sand kil­lled.4 The SS was at that point the only organ of the Nazi state.

Himm­ler’s plan for deal­ing with the grim sit­u­a­tion fac­ing Nazism found its premise in Hitler’s belief that the alliance between “the ultra-cap­i­tal­ists” of the U.S. and “the ultra-Marx­ists” of the Sovi­et Union was polit­i­cal­ly unsta­ble. “Even now they are at log­ger­heads,” said Hitler. “If we can now deliv­er a few more blows, this arti­fi­cial­ly bol­stered com­mon front may sud­den­ly col­lapse with a gigan­tic clap of thun­der.“5 Himm­ler believed that this col­lapse would occur and that the U.S. would then con­sid­er the for­ma­tion of a new anti-sovi­et alliance with Nazi Ger­many. The Nazis Would then nego­ti­ate “a sep­a­rate peace” with the Unit­ed States, sep­a­rate from any peace with the USSR, with which Ger­many would remain at war, now joined against the Sovi­ets by the Unit­ed States.

But Mar­tin Bor­mann, who was even more pow­er­ful than Himm­ler, did not accept the premise of the sep­a­rate-peace idea. Bor­mann was an inti­mate of Hitler’s, the deputy fuhrer and the head of the Nazi Par­ty, thus supe­ri­or to Himm­ler in rank. Bor­mann wield­ed addi­tion­al pow­er as Hitler’s link to the indus­tri­al and finan­cial car­tels that ran the Nazi econ­o­my and was par­tic­u­lar­ly close to Her­mann Schmitz, chief exec­u­tive of I.G. Far­ben, the giant chem­i­cal firm that was Nazi Ger­many’s great­est indus­tri­al pow­er.

With the sup­port of Schmitz, Bor­mann reject­ed Himm­ler’s sep­a­rate-peace strat­e­gy on the ground that it was far too opti­mistic.6 The Allied mil­i­tary advan­tage was too great, Bor­mann believed, for Roo­sevelt to be talked into a sep­a­rate peace. Roo­sevelt, after all, had tak­en the lead in pro­claim­ing the Allies’ demand for Ger­many’s uncon­di­tion­al sur­ren­der and total de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion. Bor­mann rea­soned, rather, that the Nazis’ best hope of sur­viv­ing mil­i­tary defeat lay with­in their own resources, chief of which was the cohe­sion of tens of thou­sands of SS men for whom the prospect of sur­ren­der could offer only the gal­lows.

Bor­mann and Schmitz devel­oped a more aggres­sive self-con­tained approach to the prob­lem of the loom­ing mil­i­tary defeat. The cen­tral con­cept of which was that large num­bers of Nazis would have to leave Europe and at least for a time, find places in the world in which to recov­er their strength. There were sev­er­al pos­si­bil­i­ties in Latin Amer­i­ca, most notably Argenti­na and Paraguay; South Africa, Egypt, and Indone­sia were also attrac­tive rear areas in which to retreat.7

After the Ger­man defeat in the bat­tle of Nor­mandy in June 1944, Bor­mann took the first exter­nal steps toward imple­ment­ing con­crete plans for the Nazis’ great escape.

An enor­mous amount of Nazi trea­sure had to be moved out of Europe and made safe. This trea­sure was appar­ent­ly divid­ed into sev­er­al caches, of which the one at the Reichs­bank in Berlin includ­ed almost three tons of gold (much of it the so-called tooth-gold from the slaugh­ter camps) as well as sil­ver, plat­inum, tens of thou­sands of carats of pre­cious stones, and per­haps a bil­lion dol­lars in var­i­ous cur­ren­cies.8

There were indus­tri­al assets to be expa­tri­at­ed, includ­ing large ton­nages of spe­cial­ty steel and cer­tain indus­tri­al machin­ery as well as blue-prints crit­i­cal to the dom­i­na­tion of cer­tain areas of man­u­fac­tur­ing.

Key Nazi com­pa­nies need­ed to be reli­censed out­side Ger­many in order to escape the reach of war-repa­ra­tions claims.

And tens of thou­sands of Nazi war crim­i­nals, almost all of them mem­bers of the SS, need­ed help to escape Ger­many and safe­ly regroup in for­eign colonies capa­ble of pro­vid­ing secu­ri­ty and liveli­hoods.

For help with the first three of these tasks, Bor­mann con­vened a secret meet­ing of key Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists on August 10, 1944, at the Hotel Mai­son Rouge in Stras­bourg.9 One part of the min­utes of this meet­ing states:

The [Nazi] Par­ty is ready to sup­ply large amounts of mon­ey to those indus­tri­al­ists who con­tribute to the post-war orga­ni­za­tion abroad. In return, the Par­ty demands all finan­cial reserves which have already been trans­ferred abroad or may lat­er be trans­ferred, so that after the defeat a strong new Reich can be built.10The Nazi expert in this area was Hit­ter’s one-time finan­cial genius and Min­is­ter of the Econ­o­my, Dr. Hjal­mar Horace Gree­ley Schacht, avail­able to Bor­mann even though he was in prison on sus­pi­cion of involve­ment in the anti-Hitler coup of 1944.Accord­ing to a U.S. Trea­sury Depart­ment report of 1945, at least 750 enter­pris­es financed by the Nazi Par­ty had been set up out­side Ger­many by the end of the war. These firms were capa­ble of gen­er­at­ing an annu­al income of approx­i­mate­ly $30 mil­lion, all of it avail­able to Nazi caus­es.11 It was Schacht’s abil­i­ty to finesse the legal­i­ties of licens­ing and own­er­ship that brought this sit­u­a­tion about.12

Orga­niz­ing the phys­i­cal removal of the Nazis’ mate­r­i­al assets and the escape of SS per­son­nel were the tasks of the hulk­ing Otto Sko­rzeny, simul­ta­ne­ous­ly an offi­cer of the SS, the Gestapo and the Waf­fen SS as well as Hitler’s “favorite com­man­do.“13 Sko­rzeny worked close­ly with Bor­mann and Schacht in trans­port­ing the Nazi assets to safe­ty out­side Europe and in cre­at­ing a net­work of SS escape routes (“rat lines”) that led from all over Ger­many to the Bavar­i­an city of Mem­min­gen, then to Rome, then by sea to a num­ber of Nazi retreat colonies set up in the glob­al south.

The inter­na­tion­al orga­ni­za­tion cre­at­ed to accom­mo­date Bor­man­n’s plans is most often called “The Odessa,” a Ger­man acronym for “Orga­ni­za­tion of Vet­er­ans of the SS.”

It has remained active as a shad­owy pres­ence since the war and may indeed con­sti­tute Nazis­m’s most notable orga­ni­za­tion­al achieve­ment. But we must under­stand that none of Bor­man­n’s, Sko­rzeny’s, and Schacht’s well-laid plans would have stood the least chance of suc­cess had it not been for a final com­po­nent of their orga­ni­za­tion, one not usu­al­ly asso­ci­at­ed with the Odessa at all but very pos­si­bly the linch­pin of the entire project.

Enter Gehlen

This final ele­ment of the Odessa was the so-called Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion (the Org), the Nazi intel­li­gence sys­tem that sold itself to the U.S. at the end of the war. It was by far the most auda­cious, most crit­i­cal, and most essen­tial part of the entire Odessa under­tak­ing. The lit­er­a­ture on the Odessa and that on the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion, how­ev­er, are two dif­fer­ent things. No writer in the field Of Nazi stud­ies has yet explic­it­ly asso­ci­at­ed the two, despite the fact that Gen­er­al Rein­hard Gehlen was tied polit­i­cal­ly as well as per­son­al­ly with Sko­rzeny and Schacht. More­over, Gehlen’s fabled post-war organ­za­tion was in large part staffed by SS Nazis who are pos­i­tive­ly iden­ti­fied with the Odessa, men such as the infa­mous Franz Alfred Six and Emil Augs­burg of the Wannsee Insti­tute. An even more com­pelling rea­son for asso­ci­at­ing Gehlen with the Odessa is that, with­out his orga­ni­za­tion as a screen, the var­i­ous Odessa projects would have been direct­ly exposed to Amer­i­can intel­li­gence. If the Counter Intel­li­gence Corps (CIC) and the Office of Strate­gic Ser­vices (OSS) had not been neu­tral­ized by the Gehlen ploy, the Odessa’s great escape scheme would have been dis­cov­ered and bro­ken up.

At 43, Brigadier Gen­er­al Rein­hard Gehlen was a stiff, unpre­pos­sess­ing man of pounds when he pre­sent­ed him­self for sur­ren­der at the U.S. com­mand cen­ter in Fis­chhausen. But there was noth­ing small about his ego. “I am head of the sec­tion For­eign Armies East in Ger­man Army Head­quar­ters,” he announced to the GI at the desk. “I have infor­ma­tion to give of the high­est impor­tance to your gov­ern­ment.” The GI was not impressed, how­ev­er, and Gehlen spent weeks stew­ing in a POW com­pound before an evi­dent Sovi­et eager­ness to find him final­ly aroused the Amer­i­cans’ atten­tion.14

Gehlen became chief of the Third Reich’s For­eign Armies East (FHO), on April 1, 1942. He was thus respon­si­ble for Ger­many’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence oper­a­tions through­out East­ern Europe and the Sovi­et Union. His FHO was con­nect­ed in this role with a num­ber of secret fas­cist orga­ni­za­tions in the coun­tries to Ger­many’s east. These includ­ed Stepan Ban­der­a’s “B Fac­tion” of the Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists (OUN/B),15 Roma­ni­a’s Iron Guard,16 the Ustachis of Yugoslavia,17 the Vanagis of Latvia18 and, after the sum­mer of 1942, “Vlassov’s Army,“19 the band of defec­tors from Sovi­et Com­mu­nism march­ing behind for­mer Red hero Gen­er­al Andrey Vlassov. Lat­er on in the war, Gehlen placed one of his top men in con­trol of For­eign Armies West, which broad­ened his pow­er; and then after Admi­ral Wil­helm Canaris was purged and his Abwehr intel­li­gence ser­vice can­ni­bal­ized by the SS, Gehlen became in effect Nazi Ger­many’s over-all top intel­li­gence chief. . . .

. . . . Indeed, a part­ly declas­si­fied CIA doc­u­ment reca­pit­u­lat­ed this sto­ry in the ear­ly 1970s, not­ing at this time:

Gehlen met with Admi­ral Karl Doenitz, who had been appoint­ed by Hitler as his suc­ces­sor dur­ing the last days of the Third Reich. Gehlen and the Admi­ral were now in a U.S. Army VIP prison camp in Wies­baden; Gehlen sought and received approval from Doenitz too!44

. . . . . . . . 47. As Gehlen was about to leave for the Unit­ed States, he left a mes­sage for Baun with anoth­er of his top aides, Ger­hard Wes­sel: “I am to tell you from Gehlen that he has dis­cussed with [Hitler’s suc­ces­sor Admi­ral Karl] Doenitz and [Gehlen’s supe­ri­or and chief of staff Gen­er­al Franz] Halder the ques­tion of con­tin­u­ing his work with the Amer­i­cans. Both were in agree­ment.” Hohne and Zolling, op. cit., n. 14, p. 61.

In oth­er words, the Ger­man chain of com­mand was still in effect, and it approved of what Gehlen was doing with the Amer­i­cans. . . .

. . . . And the whole con­cept of the deal he was about to offer his con­querors had been approved by a Nazi chain of com­mand that was still func­tion­ing despite what the world thought and still does think was the Nazis’ uncon­di­tion­al sur­ren­der.47

. . . . “6. Should the orga­ni­za­tion at any time find itself in a posi­tion where the Amer­i­can and Ger­man inter­ests diverged, it was accept­ed that the orga­ni­za­tion would [con­sid­er the inter­ests of Ger­many first.“56

3. Gestapo chief Gen­er­al Hein­rich Mueller was cap­tured by U.S. forces, sub­se­quent­ly released and the files about his activ­i­ties redact­ed: ” . . . . on grounds of ‘nation­al secu­ri­ty,’ includ­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ty that more com­plete dis­clo­sure could com­pro­mise intel­li­gence-gath­er­ing meth­ods. . . . .”

“New Ques­tions Arise on Fate of Gestapo Chief” by Hen­ry Wein­stein; Los Ange­les Times; 2/26/2001; pp. A1-A6.

U.S. Army Intel­li­gence records indi­cate that Mueller–who was nick­named ‘Gestapo Mueller’ to dis­tin­guish him from the hun­dreds of oth­er Muellers in the Nazi hierarchy–was cap­tured by Amer­i­cans in 1945, says his­to­ri­an George Chalou, who worked at the Nation­al Archives for 28 years. . . .

. . . . a Ger­man tele­vi­sion net­work aired a program–based in part on doc­u­ments from the U.S. Nation­al Archives in Maryland–claiming that Mueller was cap­tured by the U.S. Army, but released for unknown rea­sons. . . .

. . . . Despite the fact that the files were opened more than 50 years after the end of World War II, numer­ous por­tions have been redact­ed. In Feb­ru­ary 1999, eight months before the Army records were made pub­lic by the Nation­al Archives, Army offi­cials sent Rab­bi Hier a let­ter say­ing some of his requests for infor­ma­tion on Mueller were being denied on grounds of ‘nation­al secu­ri­ty,’ includ­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ty that more com­plete dis­clo­sure could com­pro­mise intel­li­gence-gath­er­ing meth­ods. . . . .

. . . . Index cards stat­ing that Mueller was in cus­tody first in the town of Ilme­nau and then in Decem­ber 1945 in a ‘civil­ian intern­ment’ camp in Altenstadt in Upper Bavaria. . . . It ends with the cryp­tic and provoca­tive sen­tence, ‘case closed 29 Jan 46.’ It is unclear who placed the infor­ma­tion on the card, which states that a Mueller dossier was to be sent to Frank­furt. . . .

. . . there have been uncon­firmed reports that he served as an ‘enforcer’ for for­mer Nazis liv­ing in South Amer­i­ca. . . .

4. As vet­er­an lis­ten­ers know, these reports are far more than “uncon­firmed.” Mueller served as the secu­ri­ty direc­tor for the Bor­mann group and, in that capac­i­ty, worked direct­ly with U.S. intel­li­gence, the CIA, in par­tic­u­lar.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; by Paul Man­ning; copy­right 1981; Lyle Stu­art [hard­cov­er]; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; p.211.

. . . . The Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion had many com­mer­cial and polit­i­cal links to the cap­i­tals of these three nations, and real clout was avail­able should the chase become too hot. The CIA could have pulled aside the gray cur­tain that obscured Bormann—at any time. But the CIA and Mueller’s crack orga­ni­za­tion of for­mer SS men found it to their mutu­al advan­tage to coop­er­ate in many sit­u­a­tions. There is no moral­i­ty in the sense that most of us know it in the strange world of pro­fes­sion­al secre­cy, and when it was to the advan­tage of each to work togeth­er they did so. . . .

5. As might be sur­mised, Mueller’s oper­a­tives also worked with the orga­ni­za­tion of Rein­hard Gehlen.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; by Paul Man­ning; copy­right 1981; Lyle Stu­art [hard­cov­er]; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; p.274.

  . . . . Even Gen­er­al Gehlen, when he was chief of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic’s intel­li­gence ser­vice, sent his agents to con­fer with Gen­er­al Hein­rich Mueller in South Amer­i­ca. . . .

6. Paul Man­ning had direct and exten­sive con­tact with the Mueller orga­ni­za­tion, while doing the research for his remark­able book.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; by Paul Man­ning; copy­right 1981; Lyle Stu­art [hard­cov­er]; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; pp.272–273.

. . . . Dur­ing years of research for this book, I have become aware of Hein­rich Mueller and his secu­ri­ty force, which pro­vides pro­tec­tion for the lead­er­ship in Latin Amer­i­ca and wher­ev­er else they may trav­el to Europe and to the Unit­ed States to check on invest­ments and prof­its. Through inter­me­di­aries, I have attempt­ed unceas­ing­ly to pen­e­trate to the cen­tral core of the orga­ni­za­tion in South Amer­i­ca, but have been denied access. At the last meet­ing that I know about, it was vot­ed: ‘Herr Man­ning’s writ­ing would focus undue atten­tion on our activ­i­ties and his request must once again be denied.’ The elder­ly lead­ers, includ­ing Reich­min­is­ter Bor­mann, who is now eighty, want­ed me on the scene to write of their side of the sto­ry, above all his sto­ry, of one of the most amaz­ing and suc­cess­ful finan­cial and indus­tri­al cloak­ing actions in his­to­ry, of which he is jus­ti­fi­ably proud. I had sent word to Bor­mann that the true sto­ry, his first­hand account, should become a mat­ter of his­tor­i­cal record, and stat­ed that I would be agree­able to writ­ing it if I could tell his true sto­ry, warts and all. . . .

. . . . Back came the word: ‘You are a free world jour­nal­ist, and can write as you think best. We, too, are inter­est­ed only in truth.’ They agreed to my request to bring along a three-man cam­era crew from CBS News to film my con­ver­sa­tions with Mar­tin Bor­mann, and even approved my wish for at least a per­son­al thumbprint of the for­mer Reich­sleit­er and par­ty min­is­ter, which would be pos­i­tive proof of his iden­ti­ty. At the orga­ni­za­tion’s request, I sent the back­ground, names, pho­tos and cre­den­tials of the par­tic­u­lar CBS cam­era­men: Lawrence Wal­ter Pierce, Richard Hen­ry Perez, and Oden Lester Kitzmiller, an award-win­ning cam­era crew (which got the exclu­sive film cov­er­age of the attempt­ed assas­si­na­tion of Gov­er­nor George Wal­lace when he was run­ning for pres­i­dent). . . .

. . . . I am sor­ry to say that the younger lead­ers , the ones now in vir­tu­al com­mand, vot­ed ‘No.’ They did agree, how­ev­er that 232 his­tor­i­cal doc­u­ments from World War II, which Bor­mann had had shipped out of Berlin in the wan­ing days of the war, and which are stored in his archives in South Amer­i­ca, could be sent to me anony­mous­ly, to be pub­lished. They said their lengthy inves­ti­ga­tion of me had pro­duced con­fi­dence that I was an objec­tive jour­nal­ist, as well as a brave one, for their prob­ing stretched back to World War II days, and up to the present. . . .

. . . . Hein­rich Mueller, now sev­en­ty-nine years old, who also serves as keep­er of these archives as well as chief of all secu­ri­ty for the NSDAP, reject­ed this deci­sion: when the couri­er reached the Buenos Aires inter­na­tion­al air­port bear­ing these doc­u­ments for me he was relieved of them by the Argen­tine secret police act­ing under an ini­tia­tive from Mueller. . . .

. . . . As Mueller had explained pre­vi­ous­ly, he had noth­ing against me per­son­al­ly; I had been cleared of any ‘strange con­nec­tions’ by his agents in New York City, whose sur­veil­lance efforts were sup­ple­ment­ed by the old pros of the Gestapo, up from South Amer­i­ca to assist in watch­ing me. This con­tin­ued inter­mit­tent­ly for years, and efforts were stepped up in response to the inten­si­ty of my inves­ti­ga­tions. The state­ment I had orig­i­nal­ly made to their rep­re­sen­ta­tives in West Ger­many, that I was only a dili­gent jour­nal­ist try­ing to dig out an impor­tant sto­ry, final­ly proved sat­is­fac­to­ry to them. I observed that Mueller had­n’t lost his touch in the field of sur­veil­lance, judg­ing by the qual­i­ty, skill, and num­ber of men and women who tracked me, at what must have been enor­mous cost, wher­ev­er I went in New York City, Wash­ing­ton, and over­seas. . . .

7. Mueller did­n’t restrict his secu­ri­ty activ­i­ties on behalf of the Bor­mann group to sur­veil­lance.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; by Paul Man­ning; copy­right 1981; Lyle Stu­art [hard­cov­er]; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; pp.289–290.

. . . . Israeli agents who move too close­ly to these cen­ters of pow­er are elim­i­nat­ed. One such ter­mi­na­tion was Fritz Bauer, for­mer­ly attor­ney gen­er­al for the State of Hesse in Frank­furt, a sur­vivor of Auschwitz and the man who tipped off the Israeli Mossad about the pres­ence of Adolf Eich­mann in Buenos Aires, who was killed on orders of Gen­er­al Mueller. . . .Mueller’s ruth­less­ness even today is what deters Artur Axmann from alter­ing his tes­ti­mo­ny that he saw Bor­mann lying dead on the road­way the night of their escape from the Fuehrerbunker, May 1–2, 1945. . . .To this day, Axmann, the only so-called liv­ing wit­ness to the ‘death’ of Bor­mann in Berlin, knows his life is in jeop­ardy if he revers­es him­self. Gen­er­al Mueller is thor­ough and has a long mem­o­ry, and for a Nazi such as Axmann to go against Mueller’s orig­i­nal direc­tive would make him a trai­tor; ret­ri­bu­tion would sure­ly fol­low. . . .

8. T. H. Tetens’ The New Ger­many and the Old Nazis details the coup attempt of 1953, in which SS offi­cer Wern­er Nau­mann (pro­pa­gan­da min­is­ter Goebbels’ hand-picked suc­ces­sor) tried to seize pow­er, with the assis­tance of oth­er Third Reich alum­ni.

Of con­sum­mate sig­nif­i­cance in this con­text is the exec­u­tive force behind Nau­man­n’s attempt–a fuehrungsring that admin­is­tered the “new” Ger­many on behalf of a Nazi gov­ern­ment in exile in  Spain.

Tak­en in con­junc­tion with the mate­r­i­al in Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile, the dis­clo­sure that Rein­hard Gehlen’s relo­ca­tion of his spy out­fit to U.S. intel­li­gence was cleared with a Ger­man chain of com­mand that had been pre­served intact,  as well as the rela­tion­ship between Helene Von DammOtto von Bolschwing and the Nazi fac­tion of the GOP, the Tetens dis­cus­sion of the Nau­mann coup per­mits us to view much of the struc­ture of this Under­ground Reich.

Wern­er Nau­mann after the war

We also note that BND, the suc­ces­sor orga­ni­za­tion to the Gehlen out­fit, destroyed the files of 250 exec­u­tives of the orga­ni­za­tion, who had held sig­nif­i­cant posi­tions in the SS, SD (the SS intel­li­gence ser­vice) or Gestapo. Fur­ther­more, BND has delib­er­ate­ly recruit­ed from the fam­i­lies of BND per­son­nel, there­by enabling the per­pet­u­a­tion of the Nazi ethos down through the gen­er­a­tions.

 The New Ger­many and the Old Nazis by T.H. Tetens; Ran­dom House [HC]; Copy­right 1961 by T.H. Tetens; pp. 24–33.

. . . . The next morn­ing short­ly after sev­en, the head of the press divi­sion of the For­eign Office, Sir William Rids­dale, dis­trib­uted a com­mu­nique which stat­ed that a group of sev­en for­mer high Nazi offi­cials had been arrest­ed in Dues­sel­dorf and Ham­burg for hav­ing plot­ted the over­throw of the Bonn Repub­lic. The offi­cial announce­ment said that the British author­i­ties had been aware for some time that the sev­en men had been involved in a plot and that the arrest had been made under the author­i­ty of For­eign Min­is­ter Eden. The ring­leader of the group was a Dr. Wern­er Nau­mann, who, until the Ger­man col­lapse, had served as State Sec­re­tary in Dr. Goebbels’ Pro­pa­gan­da Min­istry. Dr. Nau­mann had been with Hitler dur­ing the very last days in the bunker of the Chan­cellery in Berlin, and he was the one des­ig­nat­ed by the Fuehrer in his tes­ta­ment to suc­ceed Dr. Goebbels as Pro­pa­gan­da Min­is­ter. . . .

. . . The British reply was polite but deter­mined. It point­ed out that the occu­pa­tion author­i­ties had been pro­found­ly dis­turbed when they had found evi­dence of an advanced plot,  insti­gat­ed by a vast Nazi net­work  spread­ing from Dus­sel­dorf to Cairo,  Madrid,  Buenos AIres,  and Mal­mo,  Swe­den. They stat­ed fur­ther­more that they had had to pro­ceed with the utmost secre­cy, since the plot­ters had close con­tacts with high gov­ern­ment cir­cles in Bonn. Accord­ing to the New York Times) the British sub­mit­ted evi­dence to the Chan­cel­lor which “revealed a wide-spread plot with ram­i­fi­ca­tions into many polit­i­cal par­ties and oth­er influ­en­tial orga­ni­za­tions of West Ger­many.” Faced with the grave impli­ca­tions of the Nau­mann con­spir­a­cy, Dr. Ade­nauer and his Min­is­ter of Jus­tice, Dr. Thomas Dehler, had to con­firm the seri­ous­ness of the case. . . .

. . . After tak­ing over the inves­ti­ga­tion, Dr. Ade­nauer admit­ted at a press con­fer­ence “the exis­tence of a far-flung plot” and that Nau­man­n’s activ­i­ties “had been financed with con­sid­er­able sums by Nazi groups in for­eign coun­tries.” Min­is­ter of Jus­tice Dehler told reporters that the Nau­mann group had devel­oped “a most cun­ning and dia­bol­ic sys­tem of infil­tra­tion” and that the con­spir­a­cy rep­re­sent­ed “an acute threat to the demo­c­ra­t­ic insti­tu­tions in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic.” The cap­tured Nau­mann doc­u­ments, he said, “gave clear proof that the aim of the group had been to fill key posi­tions m all Right­ist par­ties with hard-core Nazis and there­by cre­ate pro­pa­gan­da vehi­cles which lat­er could be used for a broad neo-Nazi mass move­ment.”  Accord­ing to the Wies­baden­er Kuri­er of May 6, 1953, Dr. Dehler quot­ed from one doc­u­ment in which Nau­mann expressed the hope that, if his scheme suc­ceed­ed, “the com­ing elec­tion might be the last of its kind.”

Soon after the British had trans­ferred the pros­e­cu­tion of the case to the Ger­man author­i­ties, the lawyers of the arrest­ed plot­ters began to put pres­sure on the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment to sup­press the case and release their clients. The Bre­mer Nachricht­en report­ed on June 15, 1953, that the Nau­mann lawyers had even threat­ened to dis­cuss “the true back­ground of the case open­ly” if their clients were not released soon.

By the end of June 1953 Dr. Nau­mann and his co-plot­ters were sud­den­ly released, in vio­la­tion of the most rigid stip­u­la­tions of Ger­man law and court pro­ce­dure. A year and a half lat­er, in Decem­ber 1954, in spite of the fact that the pros­e­cu­tor had brought an indict­ment against Nau­mann charg­ing con­spir­a­cy against the con­sti­tu­tion of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic, the high­est court qui­et­ly dis­missed the case with­out any tri­al or hear­ing. Even before the plot­ters were released, the British became sus­pi­cious about the han­dling of the Nau­mann case and leaked some of the incrim­i­nat­ing mate­r­i­al to a staunch­ly demo­c­ra­t­ic Ger­man news­pa­per which had gained quite a rep­u­ta­tion for its reveal­ing arti­cles on the infil­tra­tion of for­mer Nazis into the Ade­nauer admin­is­tra­tion. Dur­ing the ear­ly part of June 1953 the Frank­furter Rund­schau pub­lished five arti­cles deal­ing with Nau­man­n’s tapped tele­phone con­ver­sa­tions, notes from his appoint­ment cal­en­dar, cor­re­spon­dence between the plot­ters, and sig­nif­i­cant excerpts from his diary. The pub­lished mate­r­i­al gave a full inside view of the scope and char­ac­ter of the con­spir­a­cy. The descrip­tion of the intri­cate struc­ture of the plot and the back­ground of the many peo­ple involved filled whole pages in the Frank­furter Rund­schau. Here it is suf­fi­cient to state the main objec­tives as they emerged from the con­fis­cat­ed mate­r­i­al:

1] Use the demo­c­ra­t­ic con­sti­tu­tion as a facade behind which a new Nazi move­ment could be orga­nized, designed to take over the appa­ra­tus of the state when time and cir­cum­stances would make such a step nec­es­sary and prof­itable.

2] Let Chan­cel­lor Ade­nauer serve as a front, exact­ly as Gus­tav Stre­se­mann did dur­ing the twen­ties, behind which a new Ger­man pow­er could devel­op undis­turbed with­out arous­ing pre­ma­ture sus­pi­cions.

3] Apply a new method of infil­tra­tion (Unter­wan­derung) in order to con­quer the exist­ing par­ties and the admin­is­tra­tive machin­ery of the state from with­in. Avoid noisy nation­al­is­tic demon­stra­tions, flag-wav­ing and inci­dents; use the more effi­cient and unsus­pi­cious pro­ce­dure of work­ing in small cells, which some day, at an oppor­tune moment, might con­sol­i­date them­selves into a broad mass orga­ni­za­tion.

The detailed plan, which the Ger­mans soon called the “Nau-Nau” strat­e­gy, instruct­ed for­mer well-known Nazi lead­ers to stay dis­creet­ly in the back­ground until the time was ripe for action. In the mean­time the lead­ers were to use all their con­nec­tions to bring bright and capa­ble young Nazis, espe­cial­ly those trained in the Hitler Youth, into influ­en­tial posi­tions, not only in the Ade­nauer coali­tion par­ties but also into all oth­er polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tions.

The Nau­mann doc­u­ments revealed much more than a mere strate­gic blue­print of how to sub­vert a state appa­ra­tus or the exist­ing par­ties from with­in. There was a detailed record of how Dr. Nau­mann had used his con­tacts with top indus­tri­al­ists and lead­ing politi­cians to fill well-paid posi­tions in the Free Demo­c­ra­t­ic par­ty with scores of young, able Nazis who once had learned the tricks of the trade in the Goebbels’ Pro­pa­gan­da Min­istry. Dr. Nau­man­n’s most devot­ed col­lab­o­ra­tor in this enter­prise was his inti­mate friend, Dr. Ernst Achen­bach, a for­mer Ribben­trop diplo­mat who, after the war, had become a promi­nent lawyer in the Ruhr dis­trict. It was report­ed that Achen­bach and Nau­mann had been close friends dur­ing the war when they served togeth­er in impor­tant posi­tions under Ambas­sador Otto Abetz in the Ger­man Embassy in occu­pied Paris. It was Dr. Achen­bach who, in 1943, rec­om­mend­ed to the For­eign Office that two thou­sand Jews be shipped to the East as reprisal for an attack on two Nazi offi­cers. . . .

. . . A lengthy British white paper on the Nau­mann-Achen­bach plot was ready to be released in August 1953, when it was sud­den­ly “with­drawn at the last moment on Cab­i­net instruc­tions, for rea­sons which nev­er have been made quite clear.” There were rumors that the British had yield­ed under the com­bined pres­sure of Wash­ing­ton and Bonn.  The con­fis­cat­ed mate­r­i­al dis­closed that the Achenbach/Naumann group rep­re­sent­ed a so-called Fuehrungsring‑a Nazi high command‑a kind of polit­i­cal Mafia, with head­quar­ters in Madrid, which oper­at­ed by remote con­trol through clever orga­ni­za­tion­al schemes on dif­fer­ent lev­els, serv­ing var­i­ous pur­pos­es. This Gauleit­er group met peri­od­i­cal­ly in the strictest secre­cy, main­ly in Dues­sel­dorf or Ham­burg.

Up to thir­ty for­mer Nazi top offi­cials assem­bled under false names as “old friends” in hotels, where they car­ried on their polit­i­cal schem­ing. Among them were the ex-Gauleit­ers Kauf­mann,  Gro­he,  Flo­ri­an,  Wegen­er,  Frauen­feld,  and Scheel, a num­ber of high offi­cials from the Pro­pa­gan­da Min­istry, some Ribben­trop diplo­mats, and top-rank­ing SS offi­cers. Accord­ing to the British cor­re­spon­dent Alis­tair Horne, the “roll calls of the ex-Gauleit­ers and high SS offi­cials present read like a page from some night­mare Who’s Who of the Third Reich.” These Nazi lead­ers had either escaped the drag­net of the vic­to­ri­ous Allies by false iden­ti­fi­ca­tion papers or had been released from intern­ment after a year or two with­out any sub­stan­tial penal­ty. The aim of the group was “to form the gen­er­al staff of the ‘Nation­al Oppo­si­tion’ ” and build “a new polit­i­cal par­ty out of the exist­ing par­ties of the right.”

Besides the infil­tra­tion of co-con­spir­a­tors into posi­tions of com­mand with­in the exist­ing par­ties and into gov­ern­ment depart­ments and par­ty orga­ni­za­tions on the mid­dle and low­er lev­els, anoth­er task of the Fuehrungsring was to orga­nize and direct mass orga­ni­za­tions, such as vet­er­ans’ and refugee asso­ci­a­tions, which one day could eas­i­ly be used as instru­ments for polit­i­cal action. Oth­er fields of activ­i­ties for the group were polit­i­cal pro­pa­gan­da in for­eign coun­tries, car­ried out in close con­tact with the Nazi head­quar­ters in Madrid, and the ini­ti­a­tion of con­spir­a­cies in for­eign coun­tries on behalf of Ger­man indus­tri­al car­tels. . . .

. . . Long before, they had cap­tured numer­ous key posi­tions in the Ade­nauer admin­is­tra­tion, in polit­i­cal par­ties, and in the Laen­der (state) par­lia­ments. They were exu­ber­ant about their suc­cess­es in one of their secret direc­tives cir­cu­lat­ed by the Nazi head­quar­ters in Madrid. This lengthy doc­u­ment, issued in Sep­tem­ber 1950, spoke  of the total fail­ure of the West­ern occu­pa­tion pol­i­cy and point­ed glee­ful­ly to the suc­cess of the “flex­i­ble and smooth­ly-work­ing orga­ni­za­tion which, at the end of the war, pro­vid­ed the pre­con­di­tion for all the gains that by neces­si­ty emerged for Ger­many out of the chaos of the post­war peri­od.”

“. . . Five years after Pots­dam, we can look back with pride at our accom­plish­ments .... Noth­ing hap­pened by chance; every­thing was care­ful­ly planned.” There is con­sid­er­able mate­r­i­al avail­able which gives con­clu­sive proof that the Nazis had made prepa­ra­tions long before their col­lapse to train an army of agents, often skill­ful­ly cam­ou­flaged as “resis­tance fight­ers.” About the suc­cess­ful con­tin­u­a­tion of the Nazi sub­ver­sive activ­i­ties, the Madrid Cir­cu­lar Let­ter had this to say: ‘Even after the col­lapse, the Nation­al Social­ist par­ty con­tin­ued to work in a cam­ou­flaged way [getarnt] in dozens of seem­ing­ly innocu­ous soci­eties and groups, in order to keep the nation­al out­look of the Ger­man peo­ple alive and undi­lut­ed. Just as many small brooks go toward mak­ing a mighty stream, the var­i­ous nation­al­is­tic and rad­i­cal groups in the Zonen-Reich car­ried out, almost with­out excep­tion, worth­while and pow­er­ful pro­pa­gan­da. Each of these groups had its spe­cial task and had to adjust its work to cer­tain sit­u­a­tions and cir­cum­stances. How­ev­er, it was of chief impor­tance to direct the under­ly­ing trend of the patri­ot­ic pro­pa­gan­da toward the same goal. The more diverse and dis­con­nect­ed these groups appeared on the sur­face, the less they were apt to arouse sus­pi­cion that they were direct­ed and influ­enced by a cen­tral orga­ni­za­tion. We  have placed our con­fi­den­tial agents, observers, and rep­re­sen­ta­tives for spe­cial assign­ments in all par­ties, even among Com­mu­nist orga­ni­za­tions and their fronts. The greater the num­ber of orga­ni­za­tions con­trolled and influ­enced by us, the more effec­tive will be the results of our work.” . . . .

9. A fas­ci­nat­ing intel­li­gence involve­ment of Shaw’s is his work with Per­min­dex.

Des­tiny Betrayed by Jim DiEu­ge­nio; Sky­horse Pub­lish­ing [SC]; Copy­right 1992, 2012 by Jim DiEu­ge­nio; ISBN 978–1‑62087–056‑3; pp. 385–386.

 . . . . The next step in the CIA lad­der after his high-lev­el over­seas infor­mant ser­vice was his work with the strange com­pa­ny called Per­min­dex. When the announce­ment for Per­min­dex was first made in Switzer­land in late 1956, its prin­ci­pal back­ing was to come from a  local banker named  Hans Selig­man. But as more inves­ti­ga­tion by the local papers was done, it became clear that the real backer was J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Cor­po­ra­tion. This infor­ma­tion was quite reveal­ing. Schroed­er’s had been close­ly asso­ci­at­ed with Allen Dulles and the CIA for years. Allen Dulles’s con­nec­tions to the Schroder bank­ing fam­i­ly went back to the thir­ties when his law firm, Sul­li­van and Cromwell, first began rep­re­sent­ing them through him. Lat­er, Dulles was the bank’s Gen­er­al Coun­sel. In fact, when Dulles became CIA direc­tor, Schroed­er’s was a repos­i­to­ry for a fifty mil­lion dol­lar con­tin­gency fund that Dulles per­son­al­ly con­trolled. Schroder’s was a wel­come con­duit because the bank ben­e­fit­ed from pre­vi­ous CIA over­throws in Guatemala and Iran. Anoth­er rea­son that there began to be a furor over Per­min­dex in Switzer­land was the fact that the bank’s founder, Baron Kurt von Schroder, was asso­ci­at­ed with the Third Reich, specif­i­cal­ly Hein­rich Himm­ler. The project now became stalled in Switzer­land. It now moved to Rome. In a Sep­tem­ber 1069 inter­view Shaw did for Pent­house Mag­a­zine, he told James Phe­lan that he only grew inter­est­ed in the project when it moved to Italy. Which was in Octo­ber 1958. Yet a State Depart­ment cable dat­ed April 9 of that year says that Shaw showed great inter­est in Per­min­dex from the out­set.

One can see why. The board of direc­tors as made up of bankers who had been tied up with fas­cist gov­ern­ments, peo­ple who worked the Jew­ish refugee rack­et dur­ing World War II, a for­mer mem­ber of Mus­solin­i’s cab­i­net, and the son-in-law of Hjal­mar Schacht, the eco­nom­ic wiz­ard behind the Third Reich, who was a friend of Shaw’s. These peo­ple would all appeal to the con­ser­v­a­tive Shaw. There were at least four inter­na­tion­al news­pa­pers that exposed the bizarre activ­i­ties of Per­min­dex when it was in Rome. One prob­lem was the mys­te­ri­ous source of fund­ing: no one knew where it was com­ing from. Anoth­er was that its activ­i­ties report­ed­ly includ­ed assas­si­na­tion attempts on French Pre­mier Charles De Gaulle. Which would make sense since the found­ing mem­ber of Per­min­dex, Fer­enc Nagy, was a close friend of Jacques Soustelle. Soustelle was a leader of the OAS, a group of for­mer French offi­cers who broke with De Gaulle over his Alger­ian pol­i­cy. They lat­er made sev­er­al attempts on De Gaulle’s life, which the CIA was privy to. Again, this mys­te­ri­ous source of fund­ing, plus the rightwing, neo-Fas­cist direc­tors cre­at­ed anoth­er wave of con­tro­ver­sy. One news­pa­per wrote that the orga­ni­za­tion may have been “a crea­ture of the CIA . . . set up as a cove for the trans­fer of CIA . . . funds in Italy for legal polit­i­cal-espi­onage activ­i­ties.” The Schroder con­nec­tion would cer­tain­ly sug­gest that. . . .

10. One of the oper­a­tions in which Fer­rie and Shaw par­tic­i­pat­ed was an effort to bol­ster Freeport Sul­phur. Note the net­work­ing with Cana­di­an nick­el inter­ests, and cor­re­late this with the infor­ma­tion below about John Fos­ter Dulles’s mid­wiv­ing of I.G. Far­ben and Fos­ter Dulles’s rela­tion­ship with Clay Shaw’s friend.

Des­tiny Betrayed by Jim DiEu­ge­nio; Sky­horse pub­lish­ing [SC]; Copy­right 1992, 2012 by Jim DiEu­ge­nio; ISBN 978–1‑62087–056‑3; pp. 208–209.

. . . . In Chap­ter 1, the author intro­duced Freeport Sul­phur and its sub­sidiaries Moa Bay Min­ing and Nicaro Nick­el. These com­pa­nies all had large invest­ments in Cuba pri­or to Castro’s rev­o­lu­tion. And this end­ed up being one of the ways that Gar­ri­son con­nect­ed Clay Shaw and David Fer­rie. This came about for two rea­sons. First, with Cas­tro tak­ing over their oper­a­tions in Cuba, Freeport was attempt­ing to inves­ti­gate bring­ing in nick­el ore from Cuba, through Cana­da, which still had trade rela­tions with Cuba. The ore would then be refined in Louisiana, either at a plant already in New Orleans or at anoth­er plant in Braith­waite. Shaw, an impres­sario of inter­na­tion­al trade, was on this explorato­ry team for Freeport. And he and two oth­er men had been flown to Cana­da by Fer­rie as part of this effort. More evi­dence of this con­nec­tion through Freeport was found dur­ing their inves­ti­ga­tion of Guy Ban­is­ter. Ban­is­ter appar­ent­ly knew about anoth­er flight tak­en by Shaw with an offi­cial of Freeport, like­ly Charles Wight, to Cuba. Again the pilot was David Fer­rie. Anoth­er rea­son this Freeport con­nec­tion was impor­tant to Gar­ri­son is that he found a wit­ness named James Plaine in Hous­ton who said that Mr. Wight of Freeport Sul­phur had con­tact­ed him in regards to an assas­si­na­tion plot against Cas­tro. Con­sid­er­ing the amount of mon­ey Freeport was about to lose in Cuba, plus the num­ber of East­ern Estab­lish­ment lumi­nar­ies asso­ci­at­ed with the company–such as Jock Whit­ney, Jean Mauze and God­frey Rockefeller–it is not sur­pris­ing that such a thing was con­tem­plat­ed with­in their ranks. . . .

11a. Before high­light­ing John Fos­ter Dulles’ mid­wif­ing of I.G. Far­ben involving–among oth­er things– Cana­di­an-linked nick­el inter­ests, we set forth events rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the fun­da­men­tal place of Sul­li­van & Cromwell in the devel­op­ment of Amer­i­can Big Mon­ey.

The Broth­ers: John Fos­ter Dulls, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War by Stephen Kinz­er; St. Mar­tin Grif­fin [SC]; Copy­right 2013 by Stephen Kinz­er; ISBN 978–1‑250–05312‑1; pp. 18–19.

 . . . . . . . . In 1882, it cre­at­ed Edi­son Gen­er­al Elec­tric. Sev­en years lat­er, with the financier J.P. Mor­gan as its client, it wove twen­ty-one steel­mak­ers into the Nation­al Tube Com­pa­ny and then, in 1891, merged Nation­al Tube with sev­en oth­er com­pa­nies to cre­ate U.S. Steel, cap­i­tal­ized at more than one bil­lion dol­lars, an astound­ing sum at that time. The rail­road mag­nate E.H. Har­ri­man, whom Pres­i­dent Theodore Roo­sevelt had denounced as a “male­fac­tor of great wealth” and “an ene­my of the Repub­lic,” hired the firm to wage two of his leg­endary proxy wars, one to take over the Illi­nois Cen­tral Rail­road and anoth­er to fend off angry share­hold­ers at Wells Far­go Bank. It won the first with tac­tics that a New York news­pa­per called “one of those ruth­less exer­cis­es of the pow­er of sheer mil­lions,” and the sec­ond with com­plex maneu­vers that, accord­ing to a book about the firm, amount­ed to “deceit, bribery and trick­ery [that] was all legal.”

Soon after­ward, work­ing on behalf of French investors who were fac­ing ruin after their effort to build a canal across Pana­ma col­lapsed, Sul­li­van & Cromwell achieved a unique tri­umph in glob­al pol­i­tics. Through a mas­ter­ful lob­by­ing cam­paign, its end­less­ly resource­ful man­ag­ing part­ner, William Nel­son Cromwell, per­suad­ed the Unit­ed States Con­gress to reverse its deci­sion to build a canal across Nicaragua and to pay his French clients $40 mil­lion for their land in Pana­ma instead. Then he helped engi­neer a rev­o­lu­tion that pulled the province of Pana­ma away from Colom­bia and estab­lished it as an inde­pen­dent coun­try, led by a clique will­ing to show its grat­i­tude by allow­ing con­struc­tion of a canal on terms favor­able to the Unit­ed States. One news­pa­per called him “the man whose mas­ter­ful mind, whet­ted on the grind­stone of cor­po­rate cun­ning, con­ceived and car­ried out the rape of the Isth­mus.” . . .

11b. In an inter­est­ing devel­op­ment not described in the orig­i­nal pro­gram, we note that Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el faced an anti-trust suit in the imme­di­ate after­math of World Wart II.

Trea­son’s Peace: Ger­man Dyes and Amer­i­can Dupes by Howard Wat­son Ambruster; Beech­hurst Press (1947); p. 347.

. . . . A year was to pass before anoth­er alleged Far­ben anti-trust plot was hauled into court, after mys­te­ri­ous delays inside gov­ern­ment. On May 16, 1946, the Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el Com­pa­ny of Cana­da and its whol­ly-owned name­sake, both locat­ed in New York, with three of their offi­cers, were named as defen­dants in a civ­il action accus­ing them of car­tel price fix­ing alliance with Far­ben, and ille­git­i­mate aid to Ger­man re-arma­ment.

Why action on this alleged con­spir­a­cy with Far­ben had been delayed has not been explained as a tight sit­u­a­tion on nick­el had long been a mat­ter of com­mon knowl­edge and con­sid­er­a­tion inside the Jus­tice Depart­ment. Per­haps the delay may have been influ­enced by the effect that one of the direc­tors of Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el was none oth­er than that cel­e­brat­ed Repub­li­can states­man and advis­er of high Demo­c­ra­t­ic offi­cials, John Fos­ter Dulles, of the law firm of Sul­li­van and Cromwell. . . .

11c. Of note in the con­text of Clay Shaw’s friend­ship with Hjal­mar Schacht, asso­ci­a­tion with the Schroder inter­ests, work with Cana­di­an nick­el inter­ests on behalf of Freeport Sul­phur and Allen Dulles is John Fos­ter Dulles and his shep­herd­ing of the for­ma­tion of the I.G. Far­ben car­tel.

Note the role of nick­el and Cana­di­an nick­el inter­ests in the coa­les­cence of Far­ben.

The Broth­ers: John Fos­ter Dulls, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War by Stephen Kinz­er; St. Mar­tin Grif­fin [SC]; Copy­right 2013 by Stephen Kinz­er; ISBN 978–1‑250–05312‑1; pp. 49–52.

. . . . Fos­ter had helped design the Dawes Plan of 1924, which restruc­tured Ger­many’s repa­ra­tion pay­ments in ways that opened up huge new mar­kets for Amer­i­can banks, and lat­er that year he arranged for five of them to lend $100 mil­lion to Ger­man bor­row­ers. In the sev­en years that fol­lowed, he and his part­ners bro­kered anoth­er $900 mil­lion in loans to Ger­many–the equiv­a­lent of more than $15 bil­lion in ear­ly-twen­ty-first cen­tu­ry dol­lars. This made him the pre­em­i­nent sales­man of Ger­man bonds in the Unit­ed States, prob­a­bly the world. He sharply reject­ed crit­ics who argued that Amer­i­can banks should invest more inside the Unit­ed States and protest­ed when the State Depart­ment sought to restrict loans to Ger­many that were unre­lat­ed to repa­ra­tion pay­ments or that sup­port­ed car­tels or monop­o­lies.

Fos­ter made much mon­ey build­ing and advis­ing car­tels, which are based on agree­ments among com­pet­ing firms to con­trol sup­plies, fix prices, and close their sup­ply and dis­tri­b­u­tion net­works to out­siders. Reform­ers in many coun­tries railed against these car­tels, but Fos­ter defend­ed them as guar­an­tors of sta­bil­i­ty that ensured prof­its while pro­tect­ing economies from unpre­dictable swings. Two that he shaped became glob­al forces.

Among Fos­ter’s pre­mier clients was the New Jer­sey-based Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el Com­pa­ny, for which he was not only coun­sel but also a direc­tor and mem­ber of the exec­u­tive board. In the ear­ly 1930s, he steered it, along with its Cana­di­an affil­i­ate, into a car­tel with France’s two major nick­el pro­duc­ers. In 1934, he brought the biggest Ger­man nick­el pro­duc­er, I.G. Far­ben, into the car­tel. This gave Nazi Ger­many access to the cartel’s resources. “With­out Dulles,” accord­ing to a study of Sul­li­van & Cromwell, “Ger­many would have lacked any nego­ti­at­ing strength with [Inter­na­tion­al Nick­el], which con­trolled the world’s sup­ply of nick­el, a cru­cial ingre­di­ent in stain­less steel and armor plate.”

I.G. Far­ben was also one of the world’s largest chem­i­cal companies–it would pro­duce the Zyk­lon B gas used at Nazi death camps–and as Fos­ter was bring­ing it into the nick­el car­tel, he also helped it estab­lish a glob­al chem­i­cal car­tel. He was a board mem­ber and legal coun­sel for anoth­er chem­i­cal pro­duc­er, the Solvay con­glom­er­ate, based in Bel­gium. Dur­ing the 1930s, he guid­ed Solvay, I. G. Far­ben, the Amer­i­can firm Allied Chem­i­cal & Dye, and sev­er­al oth­er com­pa­nies into a chem­i­cal car­tel just as potent as the one he had orga­nized for nick­el pro­duc­ers.

In mid-1931, a con­sor­tium of Amer­i­can banks, eager to safe­guard their invest­ments in Ger­many, per­suad­ed the Ger­man gov­ern­ment to accept a loan of near­ly $500 mil­lion to pre­vent default. Fos­ter was their agent. His ties to the Ger­man gov­ern­ment tight­ened after Hitler took pow­er at the begin­ning of 1933 and appoint­ed Fos­ter’s old friend Hjal­mar Schacht as min­is­ter of eco­nom­ics.

Allen [Dulles] had intro­duced the two men a decade ear­li­er, when he was a diplo­mat in Berlin and Fos­ter passed through reg­u­lar­ly on Sul­li­van & Cromwell busi­ness. They were imme­di­ate­ly drawn to each oth­er, Schacht spoke flu­ent Eng­lish and under­stood the Unit­ed States well. Like Dulles, he pro­ject­ed an air of brisk author­i­ty. He was tall, gaunt, and always erect, with close-cropped hair and high, tight col­lars. Both men had con­sid­ered enter­ing the cler­gy before turn­ing their pow­er­ful minds toward more remu­ner­a­tive pur­suits. Each admired the cul­ture that had pro­duced the oth­er. Both believed that a resur­gent Ger­many would stand against Bol­she­vism. Mobi­liz­ing Amer­i­can cap­i­tal to finance its rise was their com­mon inter­est.

Work­ing with Schacht, Fos­ter helped the Nation­al Social­ist state find rich sources of financ­ing in the Unit­ed States for its pub­lic agen­cies, banks, and indus­tries. The two men shaped com­plex restruc­tur­ings of Ger­man loan oblig­a­tions at sev­er­al “debt con­fer­ences” in Berlin–conferences that were offi­cial­ly among bankers, but were in fact close­ly guid­ed by the Ger­man and Amer­i­can governments–and came up with new for­mu­las that made it eas­i­er for the Ger­mans to bor­row mon­ey from Amer­i­can banks. Sul­li­van & Cromwell float­ed the first Amer­i­can bonds issued by the giant Ger­man steel­mak­er and arms man­u­fac­tur­er Krupp A.G., extend­ed I.G. Far­ben’s glob­al reach, and fought suc­cess­ful­ly to block Canada’s effort to restrict the export of steel to Ger­man arms mak­ers. Accord­ing to one his­to­ry, the firm “rep­re­sent­ed sev­er­al provin­cial gov­ern­ments, some large indus­tri­al com­bines, a num­ber of big Amer­i­can com­pa­nies with inter­ests in the Reich, and some rich indi­vid­u­als.” By anoth­er account it “thrived on its car­tels and col­lu­sion with the new Nazi regime.” The colum­nist Drew Pear­son glee­ful­ly list­ed the Ger­man clients of Sul­li­van & Cromwell who had con­tributed mon­ey to the Nazis, and described Fos­ter as chief agent for “the bank­ing cir­cles that res­cued Adolf Hitler from the finan­cial depths and set up his Nazi par­ty as a going con­cern.”

Although the rela­tion­ship between Fos­ter and Schacht began well and thrived for years, it end­ed bad­ly. Schacht con­tributed deci­sive­ly to Ger­man rear­ma­ment and pub­licly urged Jews to “real­ize that their influ­ence in Ger­many has dis­ap­peared for all time.” Although he lat­er broke with Hitler and left the gov­ern­ment, he would be tried at Nurem­berg for “crimes against peace.” He was acquit­ted, but the chief Amer­i­can pros­e­cu­tor, Robert Jack­son, called him “the facade of starched respon­si­bil­i­ty, who in the ear­ly days pro­vid­ed the win­dow dress­ing, the bait for the hes­i­tant.” He bait­ed no one more suc­cess­ful­ly than Fos­ter.

Dur­ing the mid-1930s, through a series of cur­ren­cy maneu­vers, dis­count­ed buy­backs, and oth­er forms of finan­cial war­fare, Ger­many effec­tive­ly default­ed on its debts to Amer­i­can investors. Fos­ter rep­re­sent­ed the investors in unsuc­cess­ful appeals to Ger­many, many of them addressed to his old friend Schacht. Clients who had fol­lowed Sul­li­van & Cromwell’s advice to buy Ger­man bonds lost for­tunes. That advice, accord­ing to one study, “cost Amer­i­cans a bil­lion dol­lars because Schacht seduced Dulles into sup­port­ing Ger­many for far too long.’ . . . .

. . . . Fos­ter had clear finan­cial rea­sons to col­lab­o­rate with the Nazi regime, and his ide­o­log­i­cal reason–Hitler was fierce­ly anti-Bolshevik–was equal­ly com­pelling. In lat­er years, schol­ars would ask about his actions in the world. Did he do it out of a desire to pro­tect eco­nom­ic priv­i­lege, or out of anti-Com­mu­nist fer­vor? The best answer may be that to him there was no dif­fer­ence. In his mind defend­ing multi­na­tion­al busi­ness and fight­ing Bol­she­vism were the same thing.

Since 1933, all let­ters writ­ten from the Ger­man offices of Sul­li­van & Cromwell had end­ed, as required by Ger­man reg­u­la­tions, with the salu­ta­tion Heil Hitler! That did not dis­turb Fos­ter. He churned out mag­a­zine and news­pa­per arti­cles assert­ing that the “dynam­ic” coun­tries of the world–Germany, Italy, and Japan–“feel with­in them­selves poten­tial­i­ties which are sup­pressed,” and that Hitler’s semi-secret rear­ma­ment project sim­ply showed that “Ger­many, by uni­lat­er­al action, has now tak­en back her free­dom of action.” . . . .

12a. Both Dulles broth­ers con­spired to shut down Oper­a­tion Safe­haven, safe­guard­ing their cor­po­rate rela­tion­ships with Third Reich indus­try and paving the way for the rise of the Bor­mann cap­i­tal net­work. “. . . . While Allen Dulles was using his OSS post in Switzer­land to pro­tect the inter­ests of Sul­li­van and Cromwell’s Ger­man clients, his broth­er was doing the same in New York. . . . More­over, like many in the upper ech­e­lons of U.S. finance and nation­al secu­ri­ty, [Allen] Dulles believed that a good num­ber of these pow­er­ful Ger­man fig­ures should be returned to pow­er, to ensure that Ger­many would be a strong bul­wark against the Sovi­et Union. And dur­ing the Cold War, he would be more intent on using Nazi loot to finance covert anti-Sovi­et oper­a­tions than on return­ing it to the fam­i­lies of Hitler’s vic­tims. .  . .”

Note that for­mer Supreme Court Jus­tice Arthur Gold­berg was a pos­si­ble choice to head the House Select Com­mit­tee on Assas­si­na­tions.

The Dev­il’s Chess­board: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of Amer­i­ca’s Secret Gov­ern­ment by David Tal­bot; Harp­er [HC]; 2015; Copy­right 2015 by The Tal­bot Play­ers LLC; ISBN 978–0‑06–227616‑2; pp. 27–29.

. . . . Dulles and [Thomas] McKit­trick [of the Bank of Inter­na­tion­al Set­tle­ments] con­tin­ued to work close­ly togeth­er for the rest of the war. In the final months of the con­flict, the two men col­lab­o­rat­ed against a Roo­sevelt oper­a­tion called Project Safe­haven that sought to track down and con­fis­cate Nazi assets that were stashed in neu­tral coun­tries. Admin­is­tra­tion offi­cials feared that, by hid­ing their ill-got­ten wealth, mem­bers of the Ger­man elite planned to bide their time after the war and would then try to regain pow­er. Mor­gen­thau’s Trea­sury Depart­ment team, which spear­head­ed Project Safe­haven, reached out to the OSS and BIS for assis­tance. But Dulles and McKit­trick were more inclined to pro­tect their clients’ inter­ests. More­over, like many in the upper ech­e­lons of U.S. finance and nation­al secu­ri­ty, Dulles believed that a good num­ber of these pow­er­ful Ger­man fig­ures should be returned to pow­er, to ensure that Ger­many would be a strong bul­wark against the Sovi­et Union. And dur­ing the Cold War, he would be more intent on using Nazi loot to finance covert anti-Sovi­et oper­a­tions than on return­ing it to the fam­i­lies of Hitler’s vic­tims.

Dulles real­ized that none of his argu­ments against Project Safe­haven would be well received by Mor­gen­thau. So he resort­ed to time-hon­ored meth­ods of bureau­crat­ic stalling and sab­o­tage to help sink the oper­a­tion, explain­ing in a Decem­ber 1944 memo to his OSS supe­ri­ors that his Bern office lacked “ade­quate per­son­nel to do [an] effec­tive job in this field and meet oth­er demands.” . . . .

. . . . While Allen Dulles was using his OSS post in Switzer­land to pro­tect the inter­ests of Sul­li­van and Cromwell’s Ger­man clients, his broth­er was doing the same in New York. By play­ing an intri­cate cor­po­rate shell game, Fos­ter was able to hide the U.S. assets of major Ger­man car­tels like IG Far­ben and Mer­ck KGaA, the chem­i­cal and phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal giant, and pro­tect these sub­sidiaries from being con­fis­cat­ed by the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment as alien prop­er­ty. Some of Fos­ter’s legal origa­mi allowed the Nazi regime to cre­ate bot­tle­necks in the pro­duc­tion of essen­tial war materials–such as diesel-fuel injec­tion motors that the U.S. mil­i­tary need­ed for trucks, sub­marines, and air­planes. By the end of the war, many of Fos­ter’s clients were under inves­ti­ga­tion by the Jus­tice Depart­men­t’s antitrust divi­sion. And Fos­ter him­self was under scruti­ny for col­lab­o­ra­tion with the ene­my.

But Fos­ter’s broth­er was guard­ing his back. From his front­line posi­tion in Europe, Allen was well-placed to destroy incrim­i­nat­ing evi­dence and to block any inves­ti­ga­tions that threat­ened the two broth­ers and their law firm. “Shred­ding of cap­tured Nazi records was the favorite tac­tic of Dulles and his [asso­ciates] who stayed behind to help run the occu­pa­tion of post­war Ger­many,” observed Nazi hunter John Lof­tus, who pored through numer­ous war doc­u­ments relat­ed to the Dulles broth­ers when he served as a U.S. pros­e­cu­tor in the Jus­tice Depart­ment under Pres­i­dent Jim­my Carter.

If their pow­er­ful ene­my in the White House had sur­vived the war, the Dulles broth­ers would like­ly have faced seri­ous crim­i­nal charges for their wartime activ­i­ties. Supreme Court Jus­tice Arthur Gold­berg, who as a young man served with Allen in the OSS, lat­er declared that both Dulle­ses were guilty of trea­son. . . .

13. We have spo­ken for years about The Cru­sade For Free­dom, a covert oper­a­tion with both for­eign and domes­tic venues. Abroad, the CFF was a vehi­cle for financ­ing the use of East­ern Euro­pean Third Reich alum­ni as “fas­cist free­dom fight­ers” in para­mil­i­tary oper­a­tions in the Sovi­et Union and East­ern Europe. Domes­ti­cal­ly, the CFF spawned a Nazi branch of the Repub­li­can Par­ty, with roots in the Third Reich and the Rein­hard Gehlen spy orga­ni­za­tion.

The CFF became a major ele­ment of the U.S. Cold War estab­lish­ment.

Many of its par­tic­i­pants and asso­ciates were promi­nent not only on the far right but in the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Estab­lish­ment as well.

Many of them also fig­ure in the milieu of the JFK assas­si­na­tion:

” . . . . Mem­bers of the Texas Cru­sade for Free­dom would become a who’s who of Tex­ans con­nect­ed to the events sur­round­ing the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy. In addi­tion to Neil Mal­lon, mem­bers includ­ed [Paul] Raig­orod­sky, Lewis W. Mac­Naughton, Everette De Goly­er, and Dal­las may­or Ear­le Cabell, broth­er of Charles Cabell, who was Allen Dulles’s deputy CIA direc­tor [fired by JFK for his con­duct in the Bay of Pigs oper­a­tion along with Dulles him­self]. Anoth­er mem­ber was D. Harold Byrd, who owned the build­ing in down­town Dal­las that would become known as the Texas School Book Depos­i­to­ry. Anoth­er mem­ber was E.M. ‘Ted’ Dealey, pub­lish­er of The Dal­las Morn­ing News, who was a harsh crit­ic of Kennedy. . . .”

Allen Dulles

Some of the most impor­tant Repub­li­cans on the nation­al stage not only were essen­tial parts of the CFF/Nazi GOP nexus but also fig­ure into the inves­ti­ga­tion into the JFK assas­si­na­tion.

  • CFF god­fa­ther Allen Dulles was the prin­ci­pal mem­ber of the War­ren Com­mis­sion and appears to have been an archi­tect of the assas­si­na­tion itself.
  • Richard Nixon was in Dal­las on 11/22/1963, flew out about an hour and a half before the fatal shots were fired and then lied about it to the FBI.
  • Ronald Rea­gan was on the Rock­e­feller Com­mis­sion that found (incor­rect­ly) that the CIA was not involved in the assas­si­na­tion. He also refused to hon­or Jim Gar­rison’s request to extra­dite Edgar Eugene Bradley from Cal­i­for­nia.
  • George H.W. Bush was in Dal­las on 11/22/1963 and says he can’t remem­ber where he was when Kennedy was killed.

13a. The Secret War Against the Jews by John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; Copy­right 1994 by Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; [HC] ISBN 0–312-11057‑X; pp. 122–123.

. . . . Frus­tra­tion over Truman’s 1948 elec­tion vic­to­ry over Dewey (which they blamed on the “Jew­ish vote”) impelled Dulles and his pro­tégé Richard Nixon to work toward the real­iza­tion of the fas­cist free­dom fight­er pres­ence in the Repub­li­can Party’s eth­nic out­reach orga­ni­za­tion. As a young con­gress­man, Nixon had been Allen Dulles’s con­fi­dant. They both blamed Gov­er­nor Dewey’s razor-thin loss to Tru­man in the 1948 pres­i­den­tial elec­tion on the Jew­ish vote. When he became Eisenhower’s vice pres­i­dent in 1952, Nixon was deter­mined to build his own eth­nic base. . . .

. . . . Vice Pres­i­dent Nixon’s secret polit­i­cal war of Nazis against Jews in Amer­i­can pol­i­tics was nev­er inves­ti­gat­ed at the time. The for­eign lan­guage-speak­ing Croa­t­ians and oth­er Fas­cist émi­gré groups had a ready-made net­work for con­tact­ing and mobi­liz­ing the East­ern Euro­pean eth­nic bloc. There is a very high cor­re­la­tion between CIA domes­tic sub­si­dies to Fas­cist ‘free­dom fight­ers’ dur­ing the 1950’s and the lead­er­ship of the Repub­li­can Party’s eth­nic cam­paign groups. The motive for the under-the-table financ­ing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to off­set the Jew­ish vote for the Democ­rats. . . .

. . . . In 1952, Nixon had formed an Eth­nic Divi­sion with­in the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee. Dis­placed fas­cists, hop­ing to be returned to pow­er by an Eisen­how­er-Nixon ‘lib­er­a­tion’ pol­i­cy signed on with the com­mit­tee. In 1953, when Repub­li­cans were in office, the immi­gra­tion laws were changed to admit Nazis, even mem­bers of the SS. They flood­ed into the coun­try. Nixon him­self over­saw the new immi­gra­tion pro­gram. As Vice Pres­i­dent, he even received East­ern Euro­pean Fas­cists in the White House. . . .

13b. The Secret War Against the Jews by John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; Copy­right 1994 by Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; [HC] ISBN 0–312-11057‑X; p. 605.

. . . . As a young movie actor in the ear­ly 1950s, Rea­gan was employed as the pub­lic spokesper­son for an OPC front named the ‘Cru­sade for Free­dom.’ Rea­gan may not have known it, but 99 per­cent for the Crusade’s funds came from clan­des­tine accounts, which were then laun­dered through the Cru­sade to var­i­ous orga­ni­za­tions such as Radio Lib­er­ty, which employed Dulles’s Fas­cists. Bill Casey, who lat­er became CIA direc­tor under Ronald Rea­gan, also worked in Ger­many after World War II on Dulles’ Nazi ‘free­dom fight­ers’ pro­gram. When he returned to New York, Casey head­ed up anoth­er OPC front, the Inter­na­tion­al Res­cue Com­mit­tee, which spon­sored the immi­gra­tion of these Fas­cists to the Unit­ed States. Casey’s com­mit­tee replaced the Inter­na­tion­al Red Cross as the spon­sor for Dulles’s recruits. Con­fi­den­tial inter­views, for­mer mem­bers, OPC; for­mer mem­bers, British for­eign and Com­mon­wealth Office. . . .

13c. The Secret War Against the Jews by John Lof­tus and Mark Aarons; Copy­right 1994 by Mark Aarons; St. Martin’s Press; [HC] ISBN 0–312-11057‑X; pp. 369–370.

 . . . . . It was Bush who ful­filled Nixon’s promise to make the ‘eth­nic emi­gres’ a per­ma­nent part of Repub­li­can pol­i­tics. In 1972, Nixon’s State Depart­ment spokesman con­firmed to his Aus­tralian coun­ter­part that the eth­nic groups were very use­ful to get out the vote in sev­er­al key states. Bush’s tenure as head of the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee exact­ly coin­cid­ed with Las­z­lo Pasztor’s 1972 dri­ve to trans­form the Her­itage Groups Coun­cil into the party’s offi­cial eth­nic arm. The groups Pasz­tor chose as Bush’s cam­paign allies were the émi­gré Fas­cists whom Dulles had brought to the Unit­ed States. . . . 

14. Many of them (par­tic­i­pants in the Cru­sade For Free­dom) also fig­ure in the milieu of the JFK assas­si­na­tion:

Fam­i­ly of Secrets by Russ Bak­er; Blooms­bury Press [SC]; Copy­right 2009 by Russ Bak­er; ISBN 978–1‑60819–006‑5; pp. 77–78.

. . . . In 1951, [George H.W. Bush bene­fac­tor Neil] Mal­lon brought togeth­er many of Dallas’s most pow­er­ful cit­i­zens, from oil­men and titans of the bur­geon­ing mil­i­tary-con­tract­ing indus­try to Ger­man sci­en­tists who had fled the wreck­age of Hitler’s Ger­many to help fash­ion weapons against the Com­mu­nist threat.

George de Mohren­schildt moved to Dal­las in 1952, estab­lished him­self as a con­sult­ing geol­o­gist, and was quick­ly accept­ed into the city’s rul­ing elite. He joined the pow­er­ful Dal­las Petro­le­um Club and became a reg­u­lar at Coun­cil on World Affairs meet­ings. Many of the fig­ures involved in those two enti­ties also showed up on the boards of oth­er influ­en­tial local groups. One was the Texas chap­ter of the Cru­sade for Free­dom, a pri­vate con­duit for laun­dered mon­ey to be sent to “free­dom fight­ers.” . . . .

. . . . Mem­bers of the Texas Cru­sade for Free­dom would become a who’s who of Tex­ans con­nect­ed to the events sur­round­ing the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy. In addi­tion to Neil Mal­lon, mem­bers includ­ed [Paul] Raig­orod­sky, Lewis W. Mac­Naughton, Everette De Goly­er, and Dal­las may­or Ear­le Cabell, broth­er of Charles Cabell, who was Allen Dulles’s deputy CIA direc­tor [fired by JFK for his con­duct in the Bay of Pigs oper­a­tion along with Dulles him­self]. Anoth­er mem­ber was D. Harold Byrd, who owned the build­ing in down­town Dal­las that would become known as the Texas School Book Depos­i­to­ry. Anoth­er mem­ber was E.M. “Ted” Dealey, pub­lish­er of The Dal­las Morn­ing News, who was a harsh crit­ic of Kennedy. . . .

15. One of the con­cepts cen­tral to under­stand­ing an exten­sion of the U.S. intelligence/Hapsburg anti-Com­mu­nist alliance is the con­cept of “The Chris­t­ian West”–explained in the descrip­tion for AFA #37: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeat­ed, it opened secret nego­ti­a­tions with rep­re­sen­ta­tives from the West­ern Allies. Rep­re­sen­ta­tives on both sides belonged to the transat­lantic finan­cial and indus­tri­al fra­ter­ni­ty that had active­ly sup­port­ed fas­cism. The thrust of these nego­ti­a­tions was the estab­lish­ment of The Chris­t­ian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehi­cle for sur­viv­ing mil­i­tary defeat, ‘The Chris­t­ian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich join­ing with the U.S., Britain, France and oth­er Euro­pean nations in a transat­lantic, pan-Euro­pean anti-Sovi­et alliance. In fact, The Chris­t­ian West became a real­i­ty only after the ces­sa­tion of hos­til­i­ties. The de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many was abort­ed. Although a few of the more obvi­ous and obnox­ious ele­ments of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to pow­er at vir­tu­al­ly every lev­el and in almost every capac­i­ty in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. . . .”

Of para­mount sig­nif­i­cance for our pur­pos­es is a “Chris­t­ian West­er” accom­mo­da­tion appar­ent­ly involv­ing Prince Egon Max von Hohen­loe, who mar­ried into the Hab­s­burg fam­i­ly. Oper­at­ing out of Licht­en­stein and trav­el­ing on a Licht­en­stein pass­port, von Hohen­loe served as an inter­me­di­ary between U.S. intel­li­gence and Wal­ter Schel­len­berg, in charge of over­seas intel­li­gence for the SS. (Schel­len­berg was also on the board of direc­tors of Inter­na­tion­al Tele­phone and Tele­graph and became a key oper­a­tive for the post­war Gehlen orga­ni­za­tion.)

Chief among the Amer­i­can nego­tia­tors was Allen Dulles. Dono­van also appears to have played a sig­nif­i­cant part.

The Old Boys: The Amer­i­can Elite and the Ori­gins of The CIA by Bur­ton Hersh; Charles Scrib­n­er’s Sons [HC]; Copy­right 1992 by Bur­ton Hersh; ISBN 0–684-19348–5; pp. 102—104.

 . . . . As ear­ly as win­ter of 1942, Schel­len­berg hint­ed to the uneasy Himm­ler that he now intend­ed to launch dis­creet sound­ings. These ranged from Abram Stevens Hewitt in Stock­holm to Theodore Morde, a Read­er’s Digest cor­re­spon­dent in Ankara. Inevitably, Schel­len­berg dis­cov­ered a go-between with lines to Allen Dulles, and ear­ly in 1943 a series of dis­cus­sions ensued.

Thus opened the con­test­ed exchanges between “Mr. Bull” (Dulles) and “Mr. Pauls” (prince Egon zu Hohen­lo­he-Lan­gen­burg). Max Hohen­lo­he had long been an inter­na­tion­al-set acquain­tance of Dulles, a bustling, pol­ished socialite from the Sude­ten­land whose sta­tus as a minor roy­al drew cus­tomers for muni­tions from the Sko­da works, a con­ces­sion Schel­len­berg helped him snag. Hohen­lo­he already bestowed over vast land­ed prop­er­ties in Spain after mar­ry­ing into the Haps­burg fam­i­ly; he was cur­rent­ly hedg­ing his polit­i­cal future by trav­el­ing on a Licht­en­stein pass­port.

 A Canaris famil­iar, Prince Hohen­lo­he caught Schel­len­berg’s atten­tion ear­ly in 1942 by send­ing the ris­ing SD offi­cial his own jaun­diced appraisal of prospects in Europe. With the all-see­ing SD Com­man­der Rein­hard Hey­drich assas­si­nat­ed at the end of May, pos­si­bil­i­ties had obvi­ous­ly widened for the oppor­tunis­tic Schel­len­berg. Bare­ly thir­ty, scarce­ly beyond his baby fat, the Amt VI chief­tain resem­bled an SS doll decked out in death’s-head cam­paign hat and tai­lored parade uni­form.

The wed­ding of Prince Max Egon von Hohen­loe-Lan­gen­burg

With Schel­len­berg’s cau­tious spon­sor­ship, Max Hohen­lo­he trot­ted out a line of pro­vi­sion­al peace pro­pos­als, first with the British Ambas­sador Sir Samuel Hoare—always a soft touch—and the sym­pa­thet­ic Amer­i­can Coun­selor of Embassy Wlliam Wal­ton But­ter­worth (an inti­mate of George Ken­nan’s since Prince­ton), with Vat­i­can sym­pa­thiz­ers, with Fritz Klein, (a friend of both the Dulles broth­ers), and—evidently at the rec­om­men­da­tion of Amer­i­can nego­tia­tors in Lis­bon, where Ken­nan and Colonel Sol­borg were sta­tioned—with Allen Dulles him­self toward the mid­dle of Feb­ru­ary 1943.

 Exact­ly what was agreed upon has become a mat­ter of dis­pute, large­ly because the SS sum­ma­tions of the exchanges appear to have passed through Russ­ian hands on their way to the archives, after which the USSR News Ser­vices wait­ed until 1948 and the upheavals of the Cold War to put them out as dis­patch­es. Nev­er­the­less, much of their thrust is borne out by relat­ed RSHA paper­work, pri­vate jour­nals, and intel­li­gence files from a vari­ety of sources.

What seemed most scan­dalous at the time was Dulles’s report­ed pique with “out­dat­ed politi­cians, emi­gres, and prej­u­diced Jews.” The hope in Amer­i­ca was that these mal­con­tents could be reset­tled, per­haps in “Africa.” As one in close touch with Vat­i­can cir­cles, Dulles main­tained, he strong­ly urged the “Ger­man bish­ops” to “plead Ger­many’s cause” in Amer­i­ca, keep­ing in mind that “it had been the Amer­i­can Catholics who forced the Jew­ish-Amer­i­ca papers to stop their bait­ing of Fran­co Spain.”

This has the look of crumbs spread upon the water. Pro­nounce­ments alter­nat­ed with rich meals in a Liecht­en­stein chateau; Hohen­lo­he bit by bit exposed his qua­si-offi­cial sta­tus as a spokesman for SS ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment who now looked beyond the “wild men” in con­trol.

What casts a longer shad­ow is the out­line of Allen’s geopo­lit­i­cal ideas. The peace he has in mind, Dulles indi­cates, must avoid the excess­es of Ver­sailles and per­mit the expand­ed Ger­man poli­ty to sur­vive, Aus­tria includ­ed and pos­si­bly at least a sec­tion of Czecho­slo­va­kia, while exclud­ing all thought of “vic­tors and van­quished . . . . as a fac­tor of order and progress.” With­in this decen­tral­ized nation, the impor­tance of Prus­sia must be reduced, to ward off for the future—Dulles is quot­ed direct­ly here—the “inward­ly unbal­anced, infe­ri­or­i­ty-com­plex-rid­den Pruss­ian mil­i­tarism.”

The resul­tant “Greater Ger­many” would back­stop the “for­ma­tion of a cor­don san­i­taire against Bol­she­vism and pan-Slav­ism through the east­ward enlarge­ment of Poland and the preser­va­tion of a strong Hun­gary.” This “Fed­er­al Greater Ger­many (sim­i­lar to the Unit­ed States), with an asso­ci­at­ed Danube Con­fed­er­a­tion, would be the best guar­an­tee of order and progress in Cen­tral and East­ern Europe.” . . . . 

. . . . An Abwehr offi­cer, F. Jus­tus von Einem, lat­er claimed to have sat in on a care­ful­ly pre­pared meet­ing at San­tander in Spain in the sum­mer of 1943 dur­ing which both Men­zies and Dono­van agreed to Chris­t­ian West­er terms as  reca­pit­u­lat­ed by Canaris per­son­al­ly. If this exchange occurred, Dono­van kept it qui­et.

Such explorato­ry talks point­ed well beyond the uproar of the moment. “I have known Max Hohen­lo­he since the days of the war,” Dulles assured a lawyer at Sul­li­van and Cromwell in 1965, apro­pos a legal favor request­ed by the aging prince, “when he worked with me on some rather dif­fi­cult and del­i­cate prob­lems.” The exchanges in Liecht­en­stein amount­ed to a recon­noi­ter­ing. . . .

16. Inter­est­ing per­spec­tive on the Hapsburg/U.S./Underground Reich alliance and the sen­si­tive nature of the deal­ings of OSS/Wall Street oper­a­tives like Dono­van and Dulles can be gleaned by the account of the fre­quent­ly lethal attempts by four dif­fer­ent authors to write the account of the OSS from the orga­ni­za­tion’s micro­filmed files.

When for­mer Lieu­tenant Edwin J. Putzell fell seri­ous­ly ill, he destroyed his copy of the micro­filmed files.

We remind lis­ten­ers, in this con­text, that major intel­li­gence ser­vices have pos­sessed tox­ins that will kill with­out leav­ing a trace for a very long time.

The Last Hero by Antho­ny Cave Brown; New York Times Books [HC]; Copy­right 1982 by Antho­ny Cave Brown; ISBN 0–8129-1021–4; pp. xi-xii.

 In what was his last act of World War II, Major Gen­er­al William J. Dono­van, direc­tor of the Office of Strate­gic Ser­vices, the first Amer­i­can secret intel­li­gence and spe­cial oper­a­tions ser­vice and the orga­ni­za­tion from which sprang the CIA, spent sev­er­al nights at OSS head­quar­ters in Wash­ing­ton, D.C., with his exec­u­tive offi­cer, Lieu­tenant Edwin J. Putzell, Jr., micro­film­ing the direc­tor’s files. Doing the work them­selves because of the polit­i­cal sen­si­tiv­i­ty of the doc­u­men­ta­tion, they pro­duced two copies; Dono­van took pos­ses­sion of one, Putzell the oth­er. The pur­pose of this large oper­a­tion was to pro­vide the basis of his­to­ry of Dono­van’s incum­ben­cy when that became polit­i­cal­ly pos­si­ble.

Sev­er­al starts were made on the work. Pro­fes­sor Cony­ers Read, the Har­vard his­to­ri­an, pro­duced many draft chap­ters before Dono­van him­self asked him to stop work, because he felt the direc­tor’s papers were still too sen­si­tive. Read did not resume his work, for death inter­vened. One of Dono­van’s wartime majors, Corey Ford, then began work on the project in the mid-1950’s, pro­duc­ing a draft man­u­script of what was real­ly a bio­graph­i­cal his­to­ry of Dono­van and the OSS, but again death inter­vened before Ford could com­plete his vol­ume.

After Dono­van’s death in 1959, the project was tak­en over by Whit­ney Shep­ard­son, Dono­van’s chief of secret intel­li­gence dur­ing World War II. For the third time, the author died before com­plet­ing the work. Then came the fourth attempt, this time by Cor­nelius Ryan, the author of The Longest Day. How­ev­er, although Ryan had the sup­port of Dono­van’s friends Pres­i­dent Dwight D. Eisen­how­er and Allen W. Dulles, then direc­tor of cen­tral intel­li­gence, the work was stopped before it real­ly began; a mid­dle-rank offi­cial at the CIA man­aged to stop the project because he believed the book con­tem­plat­ed by Ryan would be too con­tro­ver­sial. When he found him­self denied access to the direc­tor’s files, Ryan was com­pelled to aban­don the project tem­porar­i­ly. Then he, too died before it was pos­si­ble to resume work.

 In all these attempt none of the authors saw the micro­film, except Read, who saw two or three reels hav­ing to do with the OSS’s for­ma­tion. Dur­ing this time Putzell had been tak­en so seri­ous­ly ill that he burned his copy of micro­film rather than leave it unguard­ed in his estate should die. Hap­pi­ly, Putzell did not die; nonethe­less, the only copy of the micro­film out­side the CIA (where in 1982 it was still clas­si­fied) was Dono­van’s. . . .

 17. In FTR #‘s 278, 370, 435 and 475, we dis­cussed the Bush fam­i­ly, their links to Nazi indus­try and Mr. Emory’s belief that the Bush fam­i­ly is the point ele­ment of the Bor­mann net­work in the U.S. FTR #370, in par­tic­u­lar, high­lights the vio­lent cov­er-up of the Bush family/Thyssen link. Note that Bor­mann saw Fritz Thyssen as a pipeline to Allen Dulles.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Man­ning; Copy­right 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stu­art Inc.; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; p. 254.

. . . . Also, Bor­mann felt [Fritz] Thyssen was his ace in the hole if he ever need­ed a pipeline to Allen W. Dulles. . . .

18. In the wake of the Jim DiEu­ge­nio inter­views, we found our­selves absorbed by a cou­ple of the many, many con­sum­mate­ly impor­tant items pre­sent­ed by the author in his mas­ter­work.

Despite the fact that Mr. Emory has researched and broad­cast about the JFK assas­si­na­tion for decades, the sheer pow­er of the forces that dis­posed of Kennedy impressed itself once more. JFK was dis­patched like a pimp on a down­town Sat­ur­day night and any­one or any­thing attempt­ing to right that wrong was eas­i­ly sub­vert­ed, be they legal pro­fes­sion­als, authors or jour­nal­ists.

A review of some key ele­ments of what is termed deep pol­i­tics seems in order here.

In FTR #‘s 1058, 1059 and 1060–a series com­posed large­ly of review, we are flesh­ing out the con­cept of the Chris­t­ian West, World War II-era geopo­lit­i­cal con­struct that was sup­pos­ed­ly hypo­thet­i­cal. In fact, we have come to believe that it was, in fact real­ized. Again, as expressed in AFA #37: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeat­ed, it opened secret nego­ti­a­tions with rep­re­sen­ta­tives from the West­ern Allies. Rep­re­sen­ta­tives on both sides belonged to the transat­lantic finan­cial and indus­tri­al fra­ter­ni­ty that had active­ly sup­port­ed fas­cism. The thrust of these nego­ti­a­tions was the estab­lish­ment of The Chris­t­ian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehi­cle for sur­viv­ing mil­i­tary defeat, ‘The Chris­t­ian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich join­ing with the U.S., Britain, France and oth­er Euro­pean nations in a transat­lantic, pan-Euro­pean anti-Sovi­et alliance. In fact, The Chris­t­ian West became a real­i­ty only after the ces­sa­tion of hos­til­i­ties. The de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many was abort­ed. Although a few of the more obvi­ous and obnox­ious ele­ments of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to pow­er at vir­tu­al­ly every lev­el and in almost every capac­i­ty in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. . . .”

Cen­tral to under­stand­ing the con­cept of the actu­al real­iza­tion of the essence of the Chris­t­ian West–the merg­ing of the U.S. with Nazi Ger­many in an anti-Sovi­et alliance–is the under­stand­ing of what glob­al­iza­tion real­ly is and how it pre­cip­i­tat­ed fas­cism and the Sec­ond World War. ” . . . . Some of the books pre­sent­ed here illus­trate the extent to which fas­cism (Nazism in par­tic­u­lar) was an out­growth of glob­al­iza­tion and the con­struc­tion of inter­na­tion­al monop­o­lies (car­tels). Key to under­stand­ing this phe­nom­e­non is analy­sis of the Webb-Pomerene act, leg­is­lat­ed near the end of the First World War. A loop­hole in the Anti-trust leg­is­la­tion of 1914, it effec­tive­ly legal­ized the for­ma­tion of cartels—international monopolies—for firms that were barred from domes­tic monop­o­lis­tic prac­tices. Decry­ing what they viewed as exces­sive and restric­tive ‘reg­u­la­tion’ here in the Unit­ed States, U.S.-based transna­tion­al cor­po­ra­tions invest­ed their prof­its from the indus­tri­al boom of the 1920’s abroad, pri­mar­i­ly in Japan and Ger­many. This process might well be viewed as the real begin­ning of what is now known as ‘glob­al­iza­tion.’ . . . . It was this cap­i­tal that drove the engines of con­quest that sub­dued both Europe and Asia dur­ing the con­flict. . . .”

Also cen­tral to an under­stand­ing of the real­iza­tion of the Chris­t­ian West–the con­sum­mate real­iza­tion of both glob­al­iza­tion and fascism/Nazism–is analy­sis of the machi­na­tions of the Bush fam­i­ly. The hero­ic Jus­tice Depart­ment inves­ti­ga­tor (lat­er author) John Lof­tus delin­eat­ed the Bush fam­i­ly’s role in the laun­der­ing of Nazi funds between the Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart, N.V. and the Union Bank in the U.S.

The net­work­ing of the Bush fam­i­ly with the Thyssens, the Schroed­ers and the Rock­e­fellers, in turn, is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the coa­les­cence and oper­a­tion of the remark­able and dead­ly Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal net­work, high­lighed in FTR #305, among oth­er pro­grams.

The fol­low­ing arti­cle, the main focal point of FTR #370, this arti­cle war­rants more intense scruti­ny, both because of the increase in the dynam­ics of both glob­al­iza­tion and con­cen­tra­tion of wealth since 2002 and in the con­text of the Chris­t­ian West and the links of Clay Shaw to the forces dis­cussed here.

Key ele­ments of dis­cus­sion and analy­sis include:

  1. The cor­po­rate mask­ing effect­ed by the Thyssens and their Amer­i­can asso­ciates, George Her­bert Walk­er, Prescott Bush, Aver­ill Har­ri­man and Allen Dulles. ” . . . . Thyssen did not need any for­eign bank accounts because his fam­i­ly secret­ly owned an entire chain of banks. He did not have to trans­fer his Nazi assets at the end of World War II, all he had to do was trans­fer the own­er­ship doc­u­ments – stocks, bonds, deeds and trusts–from his bank in Berlin through his bank in Hol­land to his Amer­i­can friends in New York City: Prescott Bush and Her­bert Walk­er. Thyssen’s part­ners in crime were the father and father-in-law of a future Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States. The allied inves­ti­ga­tors under­es­ti­mat­ed Thyssen’s reach, his con­nec­tions, his motives, and his means. The web of finan­cial enti­ties Thyssen helped cre­ate in the 1920’s remained a mys­tery for the rest of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry, an almost per­fect­ly hid­den under­ground sew­er pipeline for mov­ing dirty mon­ey, mon­ey that bankrolled the post-war for­tunes not only of the Thyssen indus­tri­al empire…but the Bush fam­i­ly as well. . . .”
  2. The role in this cor­po­rate shell game of Baron Hein­rich Thyssen-Borne­misza, who mar­ried into the Hun­gar­i­an nobil­i­ty and whose daugh­ter Francesca mar­ried Karl von Haps­burg. ” . . . . Fritz Thyssen joined the Nazis in 1923; his younger broth­er mar­ried into Hun­gar­i­an nobil­i­ty and changed his name to Baron [Hein­rich] Thyssen-Borne­misza. The Baron lat­er claimed Hun­gar­i­an as well as Dutch cit­i­zen­ship. In pub­lic, he pre­tend­ed to detest his Nazi broth­er, but in pri­vate they met at secret board meet­ings in Ger­many to coor­di­nate their oper­a­tions. If one broth­er were threat­ened with loss of prop­er­ty, he would trans­fer his hold­ings to the oth­er. To aid his sons in their shell game, August Thyssen had estab­lished three dif­fer­ent banks dur­ing the 1920’s — The August Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart in Rot­ter­dam, and the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York City. To pro­tect their cor­po­rate hold­ings, all the broth­ers had to do was move the cor­po­rate paper­work from one bank to the oth­er. This they did with some reg­u­lar­i­ty. When Fritz Thyssen ‘sold’ the Hol­land-Amer­i­can Trad­ing Com­pa­ny for a tax loss, the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York bought the stock. Sim­i­lar­ly, the Bush fam­i­ly invest­ed the dis­guised Nazi prof­its in Amer­i­can steel and man­u­fac­tur­ing cor­po­ra­tions that became part of the secret Thyssen empire. . . .”
  3. The dual role of Allen Dulles as cor­po­rate lawyer and col­lab­o­ra­tor with the Thyssens, Bush­es, Shroed­ers et al and his work as the head of the Bern (Switzer­land) OSS office. ” . . . . If the inves­ti­ga­tors real­ized that the US intel­li­gence chief in post­war Ger­many, Allen Dulles, was also the Rot­ter­dam bank’s lawyer, they might have asked some very inter­est­ing ques­tions. They did not know that Thyssen was Dulles’ client as well. Nor did they ever real­ize that it was Allen Dulles’s oth­er client, Baron Kurt Von Schroed­er who was the Nazi trustee for the Thyssen com­pa­nies which now claimed to be owned by the Dutch. The Rot­ter­dam Bank was at the heart of Dulles’ cloak­ing scheme, and he guard­ed its secrets jeal­ous­ly. . . . As soon as Berlin fell to the allies, it was time to ship the doc­u­ments back to Rot­ter­dam so that the ‘neu­tral’ bank could claim own­er­ship under the friend­ly super­vi­sion of Allen Dulles, who, as the OSS intel­li­gence chief in 1945 Berlin, was well placed to han­dle any trou­ble­some inves­ti­ga­tions. . . .”
  4. Prince Bern­hard of the Nether­lands–SS offi­cer, I.G. Far­ben spy and nom­i­nal head of the Dutch “resis­tance” super­vised a mis­sion to retrieve poten­tial­ly incrim­i­nat­ing doc­u­ments from the August Thyssen Bank in Berlin: ” . . . . Prince Bern­hard com­mand­ed a unit of Dutch intel­li­gence, which dug up the incrim­i­nat­ing cor­po­rate papers in 1945 and brought them back to the “neu­tral” bank in Rot­ter­dam. The pre­text was that the Nazis had stolen the crown jew­els of his wife, Princess Juliana, and the Rus­sians gave the Dutch per­mis­sion to dig up the vault and retrieve them. Oper­a­tion Juliana was a Dutch fraud on the Allies who searched high and low for the miss­ing pieces of the Thyssen for­tune. . . .”
  5. Both the head of the Rot­ter­dam Bank, who dis­cov­ered the true Nazi own­er­ship of his insti­tu­tion trav­eled to New York to protest to Prescott Bush. He was found dead of a “heart attack.” ” . . . . In 1945, the for­mer Dutch man­ag­er of the Rot­ter­dam bank resumed con­trol only to dis­cov­er that he was sit­ting on a huge pile of hid­den Nazi assets. In 1947, the man­ag­er threat­ened to inform Dutch author­i­ties, and was imme­di­ate­ly fired by the Thyssens. The some­what naive bank man­ag­er then fled to New York City where he intend­ed to talk to Union Bank direc­tor Prescott Bush. As Gowen’s Dutch source recalled, the man­ag­er intend­ed ‘to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Hein­rich and the Rot­ter­dam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the Thyssen inter­ests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and con­fis­cat­ed as Ger­man ene­my prop­er­ty.’ The manager’s body was found in New York two weeks lat­er. . . .”
  6. Both of the Dulles broth­ers were in a posi­tion to influ­ence the oper­a­tions of the Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an dur­ing World War II: ” . . . . “The Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an, Leo Crow­ley, was on the pay­roll of the New York J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Bank where Fos­ter and Allen Dulles both sat as board mem­bers. Fos­ter arranged an appoint­ment for him­self as spe­cial legal coun­sel for the Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an while simul­ta­ne­ous­ly rep­re­sent­ing [Ger­man] inter­ests against the cus­to­di­an. . . .” 
  7. A sim­i­lar fate befell Eddie Roev­er, a Dutch reporter who attempt­ed to inter­view Baron Hein­rich Thyssen-Borne­misza in 1996. ” . . . . Sim­i­lar­ly, in 1996 a Dutch jour­nal­ist Eddy Roev­er went to Lon­don to inter­view the Baron, who was neigh­bors with Mar­garet Thatch­er. Roever’s body was dis­cov­ered two days lat­er. Per­haps, Gowen remarked dry­ly, it was only a coin­ci­dence that both healthy men had died of heart attacks imme­di­ate­ly after try­ing to uncov­er the truth about the Thyssens. . . .”
  8. Of para­mount impor­tance is the role of the two insti­tu­tions in which Prescott Bush served–Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man and the Union Bank–as a fun­da­men­tal vehi­cle for laun­der­ing mon­ey from the con­sum­mate­ly pow­er­ful Rock­e­feller fam­i­ly and relat­ed inter­ests in Nazi Ger­many. ” . . . . But what did the Bush fam­i­ly know about their Nazi con­nec­tion and when did they know it? As senior man­agers of Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man, they had to have known that their Amer­i­can clients, such as the Rock­e­fellers, were invest­ing heav­i­ly in Ger­man cor­po­ra­tions, includ­ing Thyssen’s giant Vere­inigte Stahlw­erke. As not­ed his­to­ri­an Christo­pher Simp­son repeat­ed­ly doc­u­ments, it is a mat­ter of pub­lic record that Brown Brother’s invest­ments in Nazi Ger­many took place under the Bush fam­i­ly stew­ard­ship. . . . It should be recalled that in Jan­u­ary 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to ‘cloak’ his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that hap­py lit­tle Hol­land was going to declare war on Amer­i­ca? The cloak­ing oper­a­tion only makes sense in antic­i­pa­tion of a pos­si­ble war with Nazi Ger­many. If Union Bank was not the con­duit for laun­der­ing the Rockefeller’s Nazi invest­ments back to Amer­i­ca, then how could the Rock­e­feller-con­trolled Chase Man­hat­tan Bank end up own­ing 31% of the Thyssen group after the war? It should be not­ed that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest indus­tri­al con­glom­er­ate in Ger­many, and with a net worth of more than $50 bil­lion dol­lars, one of the wealth­i­est cor­po­ra­tions in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp fam­i­ly, famous arms mak­ers for Hitler, leav­ing the Thyssens as the undis­put­ed cham­pi­on sur­vivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up mon­ey to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II? . . . . A for­tune this size could only have come from the Thyssen prof­its made from rearm­ing the Third Reich, and then hid­den, first from the Nazi tax audi­tors, and then from the Allies. The Bush­es knew per­fect­ly well that Brown Broth­ers was the Amer­i­can mon­ey chan­nel into Nazi Ger­many, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi mon­ey back to Amer­i­ca from Hol­land. The Bush­es had to have known how the secret mon­ey cir­cuit worked because they were on the board of direc­tors in both direc­tions: Brown Broth­ers out, Union Bank in. . . .”
  9. Note that Paul Man­ning also came across the Bush, Thyssen, Nether­lands link: ” . . . . Sev­er­al decades after the war, inves­tiga­tive reporter Paul Man­ning, Edward R. Murrow’s col­league, stum­bled across the Thyssen inter­ro­ga­tions in the US Nation­al Archives. Man­ning intend­ed to write a book about Nazi mon­ey laun­der­ing. Manning’s man­u­script was a dag­ger at Allen Dulles’ throat: his book specif­i­cal­ly men­tioned the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart by name, albeit in pass­ing. . . .”

“How the Bush Fam­i­ly Made Its For­tune from the Nazis” by John Lof­tus; accessed at Jim Craven’s Blog; 9/27/2000.

For the Bush fam­i­ly, it is a lin­ger­ing night­mare. For their Nazi clients, the Dutch con­nec­tion was the moth­er of all mon­ey laun­der­ing schemes. From 1945 until 1949, one of the length­i­est and, it now appears, most futile inter­ro­ga­tions of a Nazi war crimes sus­pect began in the Amer­i­can Zone of Occu­pied Ger­many. Multi­bil­lion­aire steel mag­nate Fritz Thyssen-the man whose steel com­bine was the cold heart of the Nazi war machine-talked and talked and talked to a joint US-UK inter­ro­ga­tion team. For four long years, suc­ces­sive teams of inquisi­tors tried to break Thyssen’s sim­ple claim to pos­sess nei­ther for­eign bank accounts nor inter­ests in for­eign cor­po­ra­tions, no assets that might lead to the miss­ing bil­lions in assets of the Third Reich. The inquisi­tors failed utter­ly.

Why? Because what the wily Thyssen deposed was, in a sense, true. What the Allied inves­ti­ga­tors nev­er under­stood was that they were not ask­ing Thyssen the right ques­tion. Thyssen did not need any for­eign bank accounts because his fam­i­ly secret­ly owned an entire chain of banks. He did not have to trans­fer his Nazi assets at the end of World War II, all he had to do was trans­fer the own­er­ship doc­u­ments – stocks, bonds, deeds and trusts–from his bank in Berlin through his bank in Hol­land to his Amer­i­can friends in New York City: Prescott Bush and Her­bert Walk­er. Thyssen’s part­ners in crime were the father and father-in-law of a future Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States.

The allied inves­ti­ga­tors under­es­ti­mat­ed Thyssen’s reach, his con­nec­tions, his motives, and his means. The web of finan­cial enti­ties Thyssen helped cre­ate in the 1920’s remained a mys­tery for the rest of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry, an almost per­fect­ly hid­den under­ground sew­er pipeline for mov­ing dirty mon­ey, mon­ey that bankrolled the post-war for­tunes not only of the Thyssen indus­tri­al empire…but the Bush fam­i­ly as well. It was a secret Fritz Thyssen would take to his grave.

It was a secret that would lead for­mer US intel­li­gence agent William Gowen, now push­ing 80, to the very doorstep of the Dutch roy­al fam­i­ly. The Gowens are no strangers to con­tro­ver­sy or nobil­i­ty. His father was one of Pres­i­dent Roosevelt’s diplo­mat­ic emis­saries to Pope Pius XII, lead­ing a futile attempt to per­suade the Vat­i­can to denounce Hitler’s treat­ment of Jews. It was his son, William Gowen, who served in Rome after World War II as a Nazi hunter and inves­ti­ga­tor with the U.S. Army Counter Intel­li­gence Corps. It was Agent Gowen who first dis­cov­ered the secret Vat­i­can Rat­line for smug­gling Nazis in 1949. It was also the same William Gowen who began to uncov­er the secret Dutch pipeline for smug­gling Nazi mon­ey in 1999.

A half-cen­tu­ry ear­li­er, Fritz Thyssen was telling the allied inves­ti­ga­tors that he had no inter­est in for­eign com­pa­nies, that Hitler had turned on him and seized most of his prop­er­ty. His remain­ing assets were most­ly in the Russ­ian Occu­pied Zone of Ger­many (which he knew were a write-off any­way). His dis­tant (and dis­liked) rel­a­tives in neu­tral nations like Hol­land were the actu­al own­ers of a sub­stan­tial per­cent­age of the remain­ing Ger­man indus­tri­al base. As inno­cent vic­tims of the Third Reich, they were lob­by­ing the allied occu­pa­tion gov­ern­ments in Ger­many, demand­ing resti­tu­tion of the prop­er­ty that had been seized from them by the Nazis.

Under the rules of the Allied occu­pa­tion of Ger­many, all prop­er­ty owned by cit­i­zens of a neu­tral nation which had been seized by the Nazis had to be returned to the neu­tral cit­i­zens upon prop­er pre­sen­ta­tion of doc­u­ments show­ing proof of own­er­ship. Sud­den­ly, all sorts of neu­tral par­ties, par­tic­u­lar­ly in Hol­land, were claim­ing own­er­ship of var­i­ous pieces of the Thyssen empire. In his cell, Fritz Thyssen just smiled and wait­ed to be released from prison while mem­bers of the Dutch roy­al fam­i­ly and the Dutch intel­li­gence ser­vice reassem­bled his pre-war hold­ings for him.

The British and Amer­i­can inter­roga­tors may have grave­ly under­es­ti­mat­ed Thyssen but they nonethe­less knew they were being lied to. Their sus­pi­cions focused on one Dutch Bank in par­tic­u­lar, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart, in Rot­ter­dam. This bank did a lot of busi­ness with the Thyssens over the years. In 1923, as a favor to him, the Rot­ter­dam bank loaned the mon­ey to build the very first Nazi par­ty head­quar­ters in Munich. But some­how the allied inves­ti­ga­tions kept going nowhere, the intel­li­gence leads all seemed to dry up.

If the inves­ti­ga­tors real­ized that the US intel­li­gence chief in post­war Ger­many, Allen Dulles, was also the Rot­ter­dam bank’s lawyer, they might have asked some very inter­est­ing ques­tions. They did not know that Thyssen was Dulles’ client as well. Nor did they ever real­ize that it was Allen Dulles’s oth­er client, Baron Kurt Von Schroed­er who was the Nazi trustee for the Thyssen com­pa­nies which now claimed to be owned by the Dutch. The Rot­ter­dam Bank was at the heart of Dulles’ cloak­ing scheme, and he guard­ed its secrets jeal­ous­ly.

Sev­er­al decades after the war, inves­tiga­tive reporter Paul Man­ning, Edward R. Murrow’s col­league, stum­bled across the Thyssen inter­ro­ga­tions in the US Nation­al Archives. Man­ning intend­ed to write a book about Nazi mon­ey laun­der­ing. Manning’s man­u­script was a dag­ger at Allen Dulles’ throat: his book specif­i­cal­ly men­tioned the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart by name, albeit in pass­ing. . . .

. . . . And so the Dutch con­nec­tion remained unex­plored until 1994 when I pub­lished the book The Secret War Against the Jews. As a mat­ter of his­tor­i­cal curios­i­ty, I men­tioned that Fritz Thyssen (and indi­rect­ly, the Nazi Par­ty) had obtained their ear­ly financ­ing from Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man, and its affil­i­ate, the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion. Union Bank, in turn, was the Bush family’s hold­ing com­pa­ny for a num­ber of oth­er enti­ties, includ­ing the “Hol­land Amer­i­can Trad­ing Com­pa­ny.”

It was a mat­ter of pub­lic record that the Bush hold­ings were seized by the US gov­ern­ment after the Nazis over­ran Hol­land. In 1951, the Bush­es reclaimed Union Bank from the US Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an, along with their “neu­tral” Dutch assets. I did not real­ize it, but I had stum­bled across a very large piece of the miss­ing Dutch con­nec­tion. Bush’s own­er­ship of the Hol­land-Amer­i­can invest­ment com­pa­ny was the miss­ing link to Manning’s ear­li­er research in the Thyssen inves­tiga­tive files. In 1981, Man­ning had writ­ten:

“Thyssen’s first step in a long dance of tax and cur­ren­cy frauds began [in the late 1930’s] when he dis­posed of his shares in the Dutch Hol­lan­dis­che-Amerikanis­che Invest­ment Cor­po­ra­tion to be cred­it­ed to the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart, N.V., Rot­ter­dam, the bank found­ed in 1916 by August Thyssen Senior.”

In this one obscure para­graph, in a lit­tle known book, Man­ning had unwit­ting­ly doc­u­ment­ed two intrigu­ing points: 1) The Bush­es’ Union Bank had appar­ent­ly bought the same cor­po­rate stock that the Thyssens were sell­ing as part of their Nazi mon­ey laun­der­ing, and 2) the Rot­ter­dam Bank, far from being a neu­tral Dutch insti­tu­tion, was found­ed by Fritz Thyssen’s father. In hind­sight, Man­ning and I had uncov­ered dif­fer­ent ends of the Dutch con­nec­tion.

After read­ing the excerpt in my book about the Bush’s own­er­ship of the Hol­land-Amer­i­can trad­ing Com­pa­ny, retired US intel­li­gence agent William Gowen began to put the pieces of the puz­zle togeth­er. Mr. Gowen knew every cor­ner of Europe from his days as a diplomat’s son, an Amer­i­can intel­li­gence agent, and a news­pa­per­man. William Gowen deserves sole cred­it for uncov­er­ing the mys­tery of how the Nazi indus­tri­al­ists hid their mon­ey from the Allies at the end of World War II.

In 1999, Mr. Gowen trav­eled to Europe, at his own expense, to meet a for­mer mem­ber of Dutch intel­li­gence who had detailed inside infor­ma­tion about the Rot­ter­dam bank. The scrupu­lous Gowen took a writ­ten state­ment and then had his source read and cor­rect it for error. Here, in sum­ma­ry form, is how the Nazis hid their mon­ey in Amer­i­ca.

After World War I, August Thyssen had been bad­ly burned by the loss of assets under the harsh terms of the Ver­sailles treaty. He was deter­mined that it would nev­er hap­pen again. One of his sons would join the Nazis; the oth­er would be neu­tral. No mat­ter who won the next war, the Thyssen fam­i­ly would sur­vive with their indus­tri­al empire intact. Fritz Thyssen joined the Nazis in 1923; his younger broth­er mar­ried into Hun­gar­i­an nobil­i­ty and changed his name to Baron [Hein­rich] Thyssen-Borne­misza. The Baron lat­er claimed Hun­gar­i­an as well as Dutch cit­i­zen­ship. In pub­lic, he pre­tend­ed to detest his Nazi broth­er, but in pri­vate they met at secret board meet­ings in Ger­many to coor­di­nate their oper­a­tions. If one broth­er were threat­ened with loss of prop­er­ty, he would trans­fer his hold­ings to the oth­er.

To aid his sons in their shell game, August Thyssen had estab­lished three dif­fer­ent banks dur­ing the 1920’s — The August Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart in Rot­ter­dam, and the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York City. To pro­tect their cor­po­rate hold­ings, all the broth­ers had to do was move the cor­po­rate paper­work from one bank to the oth­er. This they did with some reg­u­lar­i­ty. When Fritz Thyssen “sold” the Hol­land-Amer­i­can Trad­ing Com­pa­ny for a tax loss, the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York bought the stock. Sim­i­lar­ly, the Bush fam­i­ly invest­ed the dis­guised Nazi prof­its in Amer­i­can steel and man­u­fac­tur­ing cor­po­ra­tions that became part of the secret Thyssen empire.

When the Nazis invad­ed Hol­land in May 1940, they inves­ti­gat­ed the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart in Rot­ter­dam. Fritz Thyssen was sus­pect­ed by Hitler’s audi­tors of being a tax fraud and of ille­gal­ly trans­fer­ring his wealth out­side the Third Reich. The Nazi audi­tors were right: Thyssen felt that Hitler’s eco­nom­ic poli­cies would dilute his wealth through ruinous war infla­tion. He had been smug­gling his war prof­its out through Hol­land. But the Rot­ter­dam vaults were emp­ty of clues to where the mon­ey had gone. The Nazis did not know that all of the doc­u­ments evi­denc­ing secret Thyssen own­er­ship had been qui­et­ly shipped back to the August Thyssen Bank in Berlin, under the friend­ly super­vi­sion of Baron Kurt Von Schroed­er. Thyssen spent the rest of the war under VIP house arrest. He had fooled Hitler, hid­den his immense prof­its, and now it was time to fool the Amer­i­cans with same shell game.

As soon as Berlin fell to the allies, it was time to ship the doc­u­ments back to Rot­ter­dam so that the “neu­tral” bank could claim own­er­ship under the friend­ly super­vi­sion of Allen Dulles, who, as the OSS intel­li­gence chief in 1945 Berlin, was well placed to han­dle any trou­ble­some inves­ti­ga­tions. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, the August Thyssen Bank had been bombed dur­ing the war, and the doc­u­ments were buried in the under­ground vaults beneath the rub­ble. Worse, the vaults lay in the Sovi­et Zone of Berlin.

Accord­ing to Gowen’s source, Prince Bern­hard com­mand­ed a unit of Dutch intel­li­gence, which dug up the incrim­i­nat­ing cor­po­rate papers in 1945 and brought them back to the “neu­tral” bank in Rot­ter­dam. The pre­text was that the Nazis had stolen the crown jew­els of his wife, Princess Juliana, and the Rus­sians gave the Dutch per­mis­sion to dig up the vault and retrieve them. Oper­a­tion Juliana was a Dutch fraud on the Allies who searched high and low for the miss­ing pieces of the Thyssen for­tune.

In 1945, the for­mer Dutch man­ag­er of the Rot­ter­dam bank resumed con­trol only to dis­cov­er that he was sit­ting on a huge pile of hid­den Nazi assets. In 1947, the man­ag­er threat­ened to inform Dutch author­i­ties, and was imme­di­ate­ly fired by the Thyssens. The some­what naive bank man­ag­er then fled to New York City where he intend­ed to talk to Union Bank direc­tor Prescott Bush. As Gowen’s Dutch source recalled, the man­ag­er intend­ed “to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Hein­rich and the Rot­ter­dam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the Thyssen inter­ests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and con­fis­cat­ed as Ger­man ene­my prop­er­ty. The manager’s body was found in New York two weeks lat­er.

Sim­i­lar­ly, in 1996 a Dutch jour­nal­ist Eddy Roev­er went to Lon­don to inter­view the Baron, who was neigh­bors with Mar­garet Thatch­er. Roever’s body was dis­cov­ered two days lat­er. Per­haps, Gowen remarked dry­ly, it was only a coin­ci­dence that both healthy men had died of heart attacks imme­di­ate­ly after try­ing to uncov­er the truth about the Thyssens.

Nei­ther Gowen nor his Dutch source knew about the cor­rob­o­rat­ing evi­dence in the Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an archives or in the OMGUS archives. Togeth­er, the two sep­a­rate sets of US files over­lap each oth­er and direct­ly cor­rob­o­rate Gowen’s source. The first set of archives con­firms absolute­ly that the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion in New York was owned by the Rot­ter­dam Bank. The sec­ond set (quot­ed by Man­ning) con­firms that the Rot­ter­dam Bank in turn was owned by the Thyssens.

It is not sur­pris­ing that these two Amer­i­can agen­cies nev­er shared their Thyssen files. As the not­ed his­to­ri­an Bur­ton Hersh doc­u­ment­ed:

“The Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an, Leo Crow­ley, was on the pay­roll of the New York J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Bank where Fos­ter and Allen Dulles both sat as board mem­bers. Fos­ter arranged an appoint­ment for him­self as spe­cial legal coun­sel for the Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an while simul­ta­ne­ous­ly rep­re­sent­ing [Ger­man] inter­ests against the cus­to­di­an.” 

. . . .  He [Man­ning] was very close to uncov­er­ing the fact that the Bush’s bank in New York City was secret­ly owned by the Nazis, before dur­ing and after WWII. Once Thyssen own­er­ship of the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion is proven, it makes out a pri­ma facie case of trea­son against the Dulles and Bush fam­i­lies for giv­ing aid and com­fort to the ene­my in time of war.

PART TWO

The first key fact to be proven in any crim­i­nal case is that the Thyssen fam­i­ly secret­ly owned the Bush’s Bank. Apart from Gowen’s source, and the twin Amer­i­can files, a third set of cor­rob­o­ra­tion comes from the Thyssen fam­i­ly them­selves. In 1979, the present Baron Thyssen-Borne­misza (Fritz Thyssen’s nephew) pre­pared a writ­ten fam­i­ly his­to­ry to be shared with his top man­age­ment. A copy of this thir­ty-page tome enti­tled “The His­to­ry of the Thyssen Fam­i­ly and Their Activities”was pro­vid­ed by Gowen’s source. It con­tains the fol­low­ing Thyssen admis­sions:

“Thus, at the begin­ning of World War II the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart had become the hold­ing of my father’s com­pa­nies – a Dutch firm whose only share­hold­er was a Hun­gar­i­an cit­i­zen. Pri­or to 1929, it held the shares of .the August Thyssen Bank, and also Amer­i­can sub­sidiaries and the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion, New York. The shares of all the affil­i­ates were [in 1945] with the August Thyssen Bank in the East Sec­tor of Berlin, from where I was able to have them trans­ferred into the West at the last moment”

“After the war the Dutch gov­ern­ment ordered an inves­ti­ga­tion into the sta­tus of the hold­ing com­pa­ny and, pend­ing the result, appoint­ed a Dutch for­mer gen­er­al man­ag­er of my father who turned against our fam­i­ly.. In that same year, 1947, I returned to Ger­many for the first time after the war, dis­guised as a Dutch dri­ver in mil­i­tary uni­form, to estab­lish con­tact with our Ger­man direc­tors”

“The sit­u­a­tion of the Group grad­u­al­ly began to be resolved but it was not until 1955 that the Ger­man com­pa­nies were freed from Allied con­trol and sub­se­quent­ly dis­en­tan­gled. For­tu­nate­ly, the com­pa­nies in the group suf­fered lit­tle from dis­man­tling. At last we were in a posi­tion to con­cen­trate on pure­ly eco­nom­ic prob­lems — the recon­struc­tion and exten­sion of the com­pa­nies and the expan­sion of the orga­ni­za­tion.”

“The bank­ing depart­ment of the Bank voor Han­del en Scheep­vaart, which also func­tioned as the Group’s hold­ing com­pa­ny, merged in 1970 with Ned­er­landse Credi­et­bank N.V. which increased its cap­i­tal. The Group received 25 percent.The Chase Man­hat­tan Bank holds 31%. The name Thyssen-Borne­misza Group was select­ed for the new hold­ing com­pa­ny.”

Thus the twin US Archives, Gowen’s Dutch source, and the Thyssen fam­i­ly his­to­ry all inde­pen­dent­ly con­firm that Pres­i­dent Bush’s father and grand­fa­ther served on the board of a bank that was secret­ly owned by the lead­ing Nazi indus­tri­al­ists. The Bush con­nec­tion to these Amer­i­can insti­tu­tions is a mat­ter of pub­lic record. What no one knew, until Gowen’s bril­liant research opened the door, was that the Thyssens were the secret employ­ers of the Bush fam­i­ly.

But what did the Bush fam­i­ly know about their Nazi con­nec­tion and when did they know it? As senior man­agers of Brown Broth­ers Har­ri­man, they had to have known that their Amer­i­can clients, such as the Rock­e­fellers, were invest­ing heav­i­ly in Ger­man cor­po­ra­tions, includ­ing Thyssen’s giant Vere­inigte Stahlw­erke. As not­ed his­to­ri­an Christo­pher Simp­son repeat­ed­ly doc­u­ments, it is a mat­ter of pub­lic record that Brown Brother’s invest­ments in Nazi Ger­many took place under the Bush fam­i­ly stew­ard­ship.

When war broke out was Prescott Bush strick­en with a case of Wald­heimers dis­ease, a sud­den amne­sia about his Nazi past? Or did he real­ly believe that our friend­ly Dutch allies owned the Union Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion and its par­ent bank in Rot­ter­dam? It should be recalled that in Jan­u­ary 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to “cloak” his accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that hap­py lit­tle Hol­land was going to declare war on Amer­i­ca? The cloak­ing oper­a­tion only makes sense in antic­i­pa­tion of a pos­si­ble war with Nazi Ger­many. If Union Bank was not the con­duit for laun­der­ing the Rockefeller’s Nazi invest­ments back to Amer­i­ca, then how could the Rock­e­feller-con­trolled Chase Man­hat­tan Bank end up own­ing 31% of the Thyssen group after the war?

It should be not­ed that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the largest indus­tri­al con­glom­er­ate in Ger­many, and with a net worth of more than $50 bil­lion dol­lars, one of the wealth­i­est cor­po­ra­tions in the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp fam­i­ly, famous arms mak­ers for Hitler, leav­ing the Thyssens as the undis­put­ed cham­pi­on sur­vivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the start-up mon­ey to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War II?

The enor­mous sums of mon­ey deposit­ed into the Union Bank pri­or to 1942 are the best evi­dence that Prescott Bush know­ing­ly served as a mon­ey laun­der­er for the Nazis. Remem­ber that Union Banks’ books and accounts were frozen by the U.S. Alien Prop­er­ty Cus­to­di­an in 1942 and not released back to the Bush fam­i­ly until 1951. At that time, Union Bank shares rep­re­sent­ing hun­dreds of mil­lions of dol­lars’ worth of indus­tri­al stocks and bonds were unblocked for dis­tri­b­u­tion. Did the Bush fam­i­ly real­ly believe that such enor­mous sums came from Dutch enter­pris­es? One could sell tulip bulbs and wood­en shoes for cen­turies and not achieve those sums. A for­tune this size could only have come from the Thyssen prof­its made from rearm­ing the Third Reich, and then hid­den, first from the Nazi tax audi­tors, and then from the Allies.

The Bush­es knew per­fect­ly well that Brown Broth­ers was the Amer­i­can mon­ey chan­nel into Nazi Ger­many, and that Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi mon­ey back to Amer­i­ca from Hol­land. The Bush­es had to have known how the secret mon­ey cir­cuit worked because they were on the board of direc­tors in both direc­tions: Brown Broth­ers out, Union Bank in.

More­over, the size of their com­pen­sa­tion is com­men­su­rate with their risk as Nazi mon­ey laun­der­ers. In 1951, Prescott Bush and his father in law each received one share of Union Bank stock, worth $750,000 each. One and a half mil­lion dol­lars was a lot of mon­ey in 1951. But then, from the Thyssen point of view, buy­ing the Bush­es was the best bar­gain of the war.

The bot­tom line is harsh: It is bad enough that the Bush fam­i­ly helped raise the mon­ey for Thyssen to give Hitler his start in the 1920’s, but giv­ing aid and com­fort to the ene­my in time of war is trea­son. The Bush’s bank helped the Thyssens make the Nazi steel that killed allied sol­diers. As bad as financ­ing the Nazi war machine may seem, aid­ing and abet­ting the Holo­caust was worse. Thyssen’s coal mines used Jew­ish slaves as if they were dis­pos­able chem­i­cals. There are six mil­lion skele­tons in the Thyssen fam­i­ly clos­et, and a myr­i­ad of crim­i­nal and his­tor­i­cal ques­tions to be answered about the Bush family’s com­plic­i­ty.

19. Prescott Bush, Sr. was the Sen­ate’s liai­son with Dulles’s CIA. As can be seen from the Lof­tus post above, Dulles and Prescott Bush have the most pro­found of deep polit­i­cal con­nec­tions.

The Dev­il’s Chess­board: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of Amer­i­ca’s Secret Gov­ern­ment by David Tal­bot; Harp­er [HC]; 2015; Copy­right 2015 by The Tal­bot Play­ers LLC; ISBN 978–0‑06–227616‑2; pp. 249–250.

 . . . . Dulles’s CIA oper­at­ed with vir­tu­al­ly no con­gres­sion­al over­sight. In the Sen­ate, Dulles relied on Wall Street friends like Prescott Bush of Connecticut–the father and grand­fa­ther of two future presidents–to pro­tect the CIA’s inter­ests. Accord­ing to CIA vet­er­an Robert Crow­ley, who rose to become sec­ond-in-com­mand of the CIA’s action arm, Bush “was the day-to-day con­tact man for the CIA. It was very bipar­ti­san and friend­ly. Dulles felt that he had the Sen­ate just where he want­ed them.” . . . .

Discussion

One comment for “FTR #1058, FTR #1059 and FTR #1060 The Christian West, Parts 1, 2 and 3: Contextual Foundation of the Jim DiEugenio Interviews”

  1. I just want­ed to point out that the Schroed­er bank­ing fam­i­ly, accord­ing to a 18 Jan­u­ary 2000 arti­cle by The Guardian (which can be found at this link: https://www.theguardian.com/business/2000/jan/19/4), helped finance the Amer­i­can Con­fed­er­a­cy dur­ing to Civ­il War to the tune of three-mil­lion dol­lars in bonds (that’s three mil­lion in 1863 mon­ey, which is hun­dreds of mil­lions in 2019 mon­ey)!

    Strange that the Deputy Direc­tor of the Cen­tral Intel­li­gence Agency, under Allen Welsh Dulles (a legal coun­sel to the J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Bank­ing Cor­po­ra­tion), would be Unit­ed States Air Force Gen­er­al Charles Pearre Cabell, the grand­son of Con­fed­er­ate Army Brigadier Gen­er­al William Lewis Cabell!

    So, when John F. Kennedy accept­ed the man­tel of Pres­i­dent Of The Unit­ed States Of Amer­i­ca in 1961, the two senior intel­li­gence agents were a Nazi financier and the grand­son of a man who tried to rip the coun­try in half just nine decades pri­or.

    I should note, that Avery Rock­e­feller was pres­i­dent of the J. Hen­ry Schroed­er Bank­ing Coop­er­a­tion in 1936, and over­saw the financ­ing and cre­ation of the Bech­tel Cor­po­ra­tion. Bech­tel was nom­i­nal­ly con­trolled by John Alexan­der McCone, Allen W. Dulles’ replace­ment.

    I would also like to note that Mr. McCone was chair­man of the Unit­ed States Atom­ic Ener­gy Com­mis­sion from 1958 to 1960. The man who cre­at­ed the Office Of Pol­i­cy Coor­di­na­tion’s assas­si­na­tion capa­bil­i­ties “Pro­gram Branch 7”, a one Col. Boris Theodore Pash, was also the Chief Of Secu­ri­ty for the Atom­ic Ener­gy Com­mis­sion until 1957!

    Col. Pash’s deputy dur­ing his reign as PB7’s assas­si­na­tion capa­bil­i­ties was Everette Howard Hunt Jr., who in 1962 was Chief Of Cov­et Action for the Domes­tic Oper­a­tion’s Divi­sion.

    Read em and weep: https://www.nytimes.com/1975/12/26/archives/hunt-says-cia-had-assassin-unit-watergate-figure-tells-of-small.html

    I do not know who gave the order to have Pres­i­dent Kennedy mur­dered, how­ev­er, just maybe the Grand­son of a Con­fed­er­ate Gen­er­al and a Nazi bag­man had some­thing to do with it. The two men who were clos­est to JFK wiped him out and per­vert­ed his mem­o­ry.

    Posted by Robert Ward Montenegro | May 18, 2019, 1:56 am

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