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FTR #1072 Doin’ Wind Sprints with the Snake in Ukraine

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This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.

Celebration of the 75th Anniversary of the founding of the 14th Waffen SS Division in Lviv, Ukraine

Introduction: We proceed from our previous program with continued reading of an article about the rise of fascism in Ukraine that details the numerous, multi-faceted examples of the capture of Ukrainian society and government by the OUN/B successor organizations elevated to power through the Maidan coup.

* The elevation of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion that was formally incorporated into Ukraine’s armed forces yet remains a neo-Nazi battalion.
* Azov is now engaged in policing with its National Druzhina street patrol units that have engaged in anti-Roma pogroms
* Azov’s campaign to turn Ukraine into an international hub of white supremacy
* Andriy Parubiy’s role in creating Ukraine’s Nazi Party that he continues to embrace and that’s routinely ignored as he has become the parliament speaker
* The deputy minister of the Interior—which controls the National Police—is a veteran of Azov, Vadim Troyan
* Government sponsorship of historical revisionism and holocaust denial though agencies like Ukrainian Institute of National Memory
* Torchlight parades are now normal
* Within several years, an entire generation will be indoctrinated to worship Holocaust perpetrators as national heroes
* Books that criticize the now-glorified WWII Nazi collaborators like Stepan Bandera are getting banned
* Public officials make threats against Ukraine’s Jewish community with no repercussions
* The neo-Nazi C14’s street patrol gangs are both responsible for anti-Roma pogroms and also the recipient of government funds to run a children’s educational camp. Last October, C14 leader Serhiy Bondar was welcomed at America House Kyiv, a center run by the US government
* It’s open season on the LGBT community and far right groups routinely attack LGBT gatherings
* Ukraine is extremely dangerous for journalists and the government has supported the doxxing and intimidation of journalist by the far right like Myrovorets group
* The government is trying to repeal laws protecting the many minority languages used in Ukraine

Yet, as the article notes at the end, its many examples were just a small sampling of what has transpired in Ukraine since 2014.

We have spoken repeatedly about the Nazi tract Serpent’s Walk, in which the Third Reich goes underground, buys into the opinion-forming media and, eventually, takes over.

Hitler, the Third Reich and their actions are glorified and memorialized. The essence of the book is synopsized on the back cover:

“It assumes that Hitler’s warrior elite – the SS – didn’t give up their struggle for a White world when they lost the Second World War. Instead their survivors went underground and adopted some of their tactics of their enemies: they began building their economic muscle and buying into the opinion-forming media. A century after the war they are ready to challenge the democrats and Jews for the hearts and minds of White Americans, who have begun to have their fill of government-enforced multi-culturalism and ‘equality.'”

Something analogous is happening in Ukraine and India.

In Ukraine, fascism in being remade as a heroic bulwark against communism and Russia. In India, it is being remade as a liberating anti-colonial, anti-imperial force.

In FTR #889, we noted that Pierre Omidyar, a darling of the so-called “progressive” sector for his founding of The Intercept, was deeply involved with the financing of the ascent of both Narendra Modi’s Hindutva fascist BJP and the OUN/B successor organizations in Ukraine.

Omidyar’s anointment as an icon of investigative reporting could not be more ironic, in that journalists and critics of his fascist allies in Ukraine and India are being repressed and murdered, thereby furthering the suppression of truth in those societies. This suppression of truth feeds in to the Serpent’s Walk scenario.

The Snake is doing wind sprints in the  U.S. as well.

We have noted the photo of Baraboo, Wisconsin high school students giving the Nazi salute at their junior prom.

Now, Baraboo Ukrainian-American youth have erected statues of Ukrainian pogromist Simonon Petlura (transliterated spellings vary), along with Ukrainian Nazi leaders Roman Shukhevych and Stephan Bandera.

This is to be seen against the background of the re-institution of OUN/B fascists in Ukraine.

To provide historical and political context to the discussion, we conclude the broadcast with information supplementing previous analysis of the development of “The Christian West.” It is within the creation of The Christian West that the foundation of the present, unfortunate developments is to be found.In FTR #’s 1058, 1059, 1060, we revisited the concept of “The Christian West”: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeated, it opened secret negotiations with representatives from the Western Allies. Representatives on both sides belonged to the transatlantic financial and industrial fraternity that had actively supported fascism. The thrust of these negotiations was the establishment of The Christian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehicle for surviving military defeat, ‘The Christian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich joining with the U.S., Britain, France and other European nations in a transatlantic, pan-European anti-Soviet alliance. In fact, The Christian West became a reality only after the cessation of hostilities. The de-Nazification of Germany was aborted. Although a few of the more obvious and obnoxious elements of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to power at virtually every level and in almost every capacity in the Federal Republic of Germany. . . .”

In FTR #1009, we detailed “Christian West” negotiations to have a Hitler-less Third Reich join with the Western Allies, undertaken by OSS representatives Allen Dulles and William Donovan, networking with Prince Max Egon von Hohenlohe, a proxy for SD officer Walter Schellenberg.

Allen Dulles

In in his 1985 volume American Swastika, the late author Charles Higham provides us with insight into the Christian West concept, revealing the extent to which these SS/OSS negotiations set the template for the post-World War II world, as well as the degree of resonance that key Americans, such as Allen Dulles, had with Nazi ideology, anti-Semitism in particular.

The postwar political and economic realities of the Dulles, Hohenlohe, Schellenberg meetings were further solidified when William (Wild Bill) Donovan entered into his “M” Project.

Important to note in this context, is the dominant role in world affairs played by cartels, the fundamental element in the industrial and financial axis that was essential to the creation and perpetuation of fascism. Much of the Third Reich’s military industrial complex, the primacy of Germany in the postwar EU, as well as the correlation between postwar Europe as constructed in the Christian West negotiations and long-standing German plans for European domination are derivative of the power of cartels.

The Christian West and “M” Projects:

  1. Revealed that Allen Dulles’ views resonated with Third Reich anti-Semitism, and that his opinions were shared by other, like-minded American power brokers: ” . . . . He said that it would be unbearable for any decent European to think that the Jews might return someday, and that there must be no toleration of a return of the Jewish power positions. . . . He made the curious assertion that the Americans were only continuing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were people in America who were intending to send the Jews to Africa. . . .”
  2. Set the template for the postwar Federal Republic of Germany and the EU: ” . . . . He [Dulles] reiterated his desire for a greater European political federation–and foresaw the federal Germany that in fact took place. . . . Germany would be set up as the dominating force in industry and agriculture in continental Europe, at the heart of a continental state run by Germany, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .”
  3. Were the vehicle for Allen Dulles to betray much of the Allied military plans for Southern Europe to the Third Reich: “. . . . Dulles now proceeded to supply Hohenlohe with dollops of secret intelligence, announcing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after conquering Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the German oil supplies. He said it was likely the Allies would land in Sicily to cut off Rommel and control Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balkans. Having given virtually the entire battle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Germany’s agents, Allen Dulles proceeded to the almost unnecessary rider that he had very good relations with the Vatican. . . .”
  4. Directly foreshadowed the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union which became the Cold War.  “. . . . In other meetings, Dulles . . . . predicted that ‘the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.’ . . . .”
  5. Were the occasion for Dulles to laud the “genius” of Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels: “He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as ‘a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such rational pleasure.’ . . . .”

1. We proceed from our previous program with an article about the rise of fascism in Ukraine that details the numerous, multi-faceted examples of the capture of Ukrainian society and government by the OUN/B successor organizations elevated to power through the Maidan coup.

* The elevation of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion that was formally incorporated into Ukraine’s armed forces yet remains a neo-Nazi battalion.
* Azov is now engaged in policing with its National Druzhina street patrol units that have engaged in anti-Roma pogroms
* Azov’s campaign to turn Ukraine into an international hub of white supremacy
* Andriy Parubiy’s role in creating Ukraine’s Nazi Party that he continues to embrace and that’s routinely ignored as he has become the parliament speaker
* The deputy minister of the Interior—which controls the National Police—is a veteran of Azov, Vadim Troyan
* Government sponsorship of historical revisionism and holocaust denial though agencies like Ukrainian Institute of National Memory
* Torchlight parades are now normal
* Within several years, an entire generation will be indoctrinated to worship Holocaust perpetrators as national heroes
* Books that criticize the now-glorified WWII Nazi collaborators like Stepan Bandera are getting banned
* Public officials make threats against Ukraine’s Jewish community with no repercussions
* The neo-Nazi C14’s street patrol gangs are both responsible for anti-Roma pogroms and also the recipient of government funds to run a children’s educational camp. Last October, C14 leader Serhiy Bondar was welcomed at America House Kyiv, a center run by the US government
* It’s open season on the LGBT community and far right groups routinely attack LGBT gatherings
* Ukraine is extremely dangerous for journalists and the government has supported the doxxing and intimidation of journalist by the far right like Myrovorets group
* The government is trying to repeal laws protecting the many minority languages used in Ukraine

And yet, as the article notes at the end, its many examples were just a small sampling of what has transpired in Ukraine since 2014:

“Neo-Nazis and the Far Right Are On the March in Ukraine” by Lev Golinkin; The Nation; 02/22/2019.

Five years ago, Ukraine’s Maidan uprising ousted President Viktor Yanukovych, to the cheers and support of the West. Politicians and analysts in the United States and Europe not only celebrated the uprising as a triumph of democracy, but denied reports of Maidan’s ultranationalism, smearing those who warned about the dark side of the uprising as Moscow puppets and useful idiots. Freedom was on the march in Ukraine.

Today, increasing reports of far-right violence, ultranationalism, and erosion of basic freedoms are giving the lie to the West’s initial euphoria. There are neo-Nazi pogroms against the Roma, rampant attacks on feminists and LGBT groups, book bans, and state-sponsored glorification of Nazi collaborators.

These stories of Ukraine’s dark nationalism aren’t coming out of Moscow; they’re being filed by Western media, including US-funded Radio Free Europe (RFE); Jewish organizations such as the World Jewish Congress and the Simon Wiesenthal Center; and watchdogs like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Freedom House, which issued a joint report warning that Kiev is losing the monopoly on the use of force in the country as far-right gangs operate with impunity.

Five years after Maidan, the beacon of democracy is looking more like a torchlight march.

Combat helmets of the Azov Battalion.

A neo-Nazi battalion in the heart of Europe

Volunteer Ukrainian Unit Includes Nazis.”—USA Today, March 10, 2015

The DC establishment’s standard defense of Kiev is to point out that Ukraine’s far right has a smaller percentage of seats in the parliament than their counterparts in places like France. That’s a spurious argument: What Ukraine’s far right lacks in polls numbers, it makes up for with things Marine Le Pen could only dream of—paramilitary units and free rein on the streets.

Post-Maidan Ukraine is the world’s only nation to have a neo-Nazi formation in its armed forces. The Azov Battalion was initially formed out of the neo-Nazi gang Patriot of Ukraine. Andriy Biletsky, the gang’s leader who became Azov’s commander, once wrote that Ukraine’s mission is to “lead the White Races of the world in a final crusade…against the Semite-led Untermenschen.” Biletsky is now a deputy in Ukraine’s parliament.

In the fall of 2014, Azov—which is accused of human-rights abuses, including torture, by Human Rights Watchand the United Nations—was incorporated into Ukraine’s National Guard.

While the group officially denies any neo-Nazi connections, Azov’s nature has been confirmed by multiple Western outlets: The New York Times called the battalion“openly neo-Nazi,” while USA TodayThe Daily BeastThe Telegraph, and Haaretzdocumented group members’ proclivity for swastikas, salutes, and other Nazi symbols, and individual fighters have also acknowledged being neo-Nazis.

In January 2018, Azov rolled out its National Druzhinastreet patrol unit whose members swore personal fealty to Biletsky and pledged to “restore Ukrainian order” to the streets. The Druzhina quickly distinguished itself by carrying out pogroms against the Roma and LGBTorganizations and storming a municipal council. Earlier this year, Kiev announced the storming unit will be monitoring polls in next month’s presidential election.

In 2017, Congressman Ro Khanna led the effort to ban Azov from receiving U.S. arms and training. But the damage has already been done: The research group Bellingcat proved that Azov had already received access to American grenade launchers, while a Daily Beast investigation showed that US trainers are unable to prevent aid from reaching white supremacists. And Azov itself had proudly posted a video of the unit welcoming NATO representatives.

(Azov isn’t the only far-right formation to get Western affirmation. In December 2014, Amnesty International accused the Dnipro-1 battalion of potential war crimes, including “using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare.” Six months later, Senator John McCain visited and praised the battalion.)

Particularly concerning is Azov’s campaign to transform Ukraine into a hub for transnational white supremacy. The unit has recruited neo-Nazis from Germany, the UKBrazilSweden, and America; last October, the FBI arrested four California white supremacists who had allegedly received training from Azov. This is a classic example of blowback: US support of radicals abroad ricocheting to hit America.

Far right ties to government

Ukrainian police declare admiration for Nazi collaborators”—RFE, February 13, 2019

Speaker of Parliament Andriy Parubiycofounded and led two neo-Nazi organizations: the Social-National Party of Ukraine(later renamed Svoboda), and Patriot of Ukraine, whose members would eventually form the core of Azov.

Although Parubiy left the far right in the early 2000’s, he hasn’t rejected his past. When asked about it in a 2016 interview, Parubiy replied that his “values” haven’t changed. Parubiy, whose autobiography shows him marching with the neo-Nazi wolfsangel symbol used by Aryan Nationsregularly meets with Washington think tanksand politicians; his neo-Nazi background is ignored or outright denied.

Even more disturbing is the far right’s penetration of law enforcement. Shortly after Maidan, the US equipped and trainedthe newly founded National Police, in what was intended to be a hallmark program buttressing Ukrainian democracy.

The deputy minister of the Interior—which controls the National Police—is Vadim Troyan, a veteran of Azov and Patriot of Ukraine. In 2014, when Troyan was being considered for police chief of Kiev, Ukrainian Jewish leaders were appalled by his neo-Nazi background. Today, he’s deputy of the department running US-trained law enforcement in the entire nation.

Earlier this month, RFE reportedon National Police leadership admiring Stepan Bandera—a Nazi collaborator and Fascist whose troops participated in the Holocaust—on social media.

The fact that Ukraine’s police is peppered with far-right supporters explains why neo-Nazis operate with impunity on the streets.

State-sponsored glorification of Nazi collaborators

Ukrainian extremists celebrate Ukrainian Nazi SS divisions…in the middle of a major Ukrainian city”—Anti-Defamation League Director of European Affairs, April 28, 2018

It’s not just the military and street gangs: Ukraine’s far right has successfully hijacked the post-Maidan government to impose an intolerant and ultranationalist culture over the land.

In 2015, the Ukrainian parliament passed legislation making two WWII paramilitaries—the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)—heroes of Ukraine, and made it a criminal offenseto deny their heroism. The OUN had collaborated with the Nazis and participated in the Holocaust, while the UPA slaughtered thousands of Jews and 70,000-100,000 Poles on their own volition.

The government-funded Ukrainian Institute of National Memory is institutionalizing the whitewashing of Nazi collaborators. Last summer, the Ukrainian parliament featured an exhibitcommemorating the OUN’s 1941 proclamation of cooperation with the Third Reich (imagine the French government installing an exhibit celebrating the Vichy state!).

Torchlight marches in honor of OUN/UPA leaders like Roman Shukhevych (a commander in a Third Reich auxiliary battalion) are a regular feature of the new Ukraine. The recuperation even extends to SS Galichina, a Ukrainian division of the Waffen-SS; the director of the Institute of National Memory proclaimed that the SS fighters were “war victims.” The government’s embrace of Bandera is not only deplorable, but also extremely divisive, considering the OUN/UPA are reviledin eastern Ukraine.

Predictably, the celebration of Nazi collaborators has accompanied a rise in outright anti-Semitism.

Jews Out!” chanted thousands during a January 2017 march honoring OUN leader Bandera. (The next day the police denied hearing anything anti-Semitic.) That summer, a three-day festivalcelebrating the Nazi collaborator Shukhevych capped off with the firebombing of a synagogue. In November 2017, RFE reported Nazi salutes as 20,000 marched in honor of the UPA. And last April, hundreds marched in L’viv with coordinated Nazi salutes honoring SS Galichina; the march was promotedby the L’viv regional government.

The Holocaust revisionism is a multi-pronged effort, ranging from government-funded seminarsbrochures, and board games, to the proliferation of plaquesstatues, and streetsrenamed after butchers of Jews, to far-right children camps, where youth are inculcated with ultranationalist ideology.

Within several years, an entire generation will be indoctrinated to worship Holocaust perpetrators as national heroes.

Book bans

No state should be allowed to interfere in the writing of history.”—British historian Antony Beevor, after his award-winning book was banned in Ukraine, The Telegraph, January 23, 2018

Ukraine’s State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting is enforcing the glorification of Ukraine’s new heroes by banning“anti-Ukrainian” literature that goes against the government narrative. This ideological censorship includes acclaimed books by Western authors.

In January 2018, Ukraine made international headlines by banning Stalingrad by award-winning British historian Antony Beevor because of a single paragraphabout a Ukrainian unit massacring 90 Jewish children during World War II. In December, Kiev bannedThe Book Thieves by Swedish author Anders Rydell (which, ironically, is about the Nazis’ suppression of literature) because he mentioned troops loyal to Symon Petliura(an early 20th-century nationalist leader) had slaughtered Jews.

This month, the Ukrainian embassy in Washington exported this intolerance to America by brazenly demanding the United States ban a Russian movie from American theaters. Apparently, the billions Washington invested in promoting democracy in Ukraine have failed to teach Kiev basic concepts of free speech.

Anti-Semitism

“I’m telling you one more time—go to hell, kikes. The Ukrainian people have had it to here with you.”—Security services reserve general Vasily Vovk, May 11, 2017

Unsurprisingly, government-led glorification of Holocaust perpetrators was a green light for other forms of anti-Semitism. The past three years saw an explosion of swastikas and SS runes on city streets, death threats, and vandalism of Holocaustmemorials, Jewish centerscemeteriestombs, and places of worship, all of which led Israel to take the unusual step of publicly urging Kiev to address the epidemic.

Public officials make anti-Semitic threats with no repercussions. These include: a security services general promising to eliminate the zhidi (a slur equivalent to ‘kikes’); a parliament deputy going off on an anti-Semitic rant on television; a far-right politician lamenting Hitler didn’t finish offthe Jews; and an ultranationalist leader vowing to cleanse Odessa of zhidi.

For the first few years after Maidan, Jewish organizations largely refrained from criticizing Ukraine, perhaps in the hope Kiev would address the issue on its own. But by 2018, the increasing frequency of anti-Semitic incidents led Jewish groups to break their silence.

Last year, the Israeli government’s annual reporton anti-Semitism heavily featured Ukraine, which had more incidents than all post-Soviet states combined. The World Jewish Congress, the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, and 57 membersof the US Congress all vociferously condemned Kiev’s Nazi glorification and the concomitant anti-Semitism.

Ukrainian Jewish leaders are also speaking out. In 2017, the director of one of Ukraine’s largest Jewish organizations published a New York Times op-ed urging the West to address Kiev’s whitewashing. Last year, 41 Ukrainian Jewish leaders denounced the growth of anti-Semitism. That’s especially telling, given that many Ukrainian Jewish leaders supported the Maidan uprising.

None of these concerns have been addressed in any meaningful way.

Roma pogroms

“‘They wanted to kill us’: masked neo-fascists strike fear into Ukraine’s Roma.”—The Guardian , August 27, 2018

Ukraine’s far right has resisted carrying out outright attacks on Jews; other vulnerable groups haven’t been so lucky.

Last spring, a lethal wave of anti-Roma pogroms swept through Ukraine, with at least six attacks in two months. Footage from the pogroms evokes the 1930s: Armed thugs attack women and children while razing their camps. At least one man was killed, while others, including a child, were stabbed.

Two gangs behind the attacks—C14 and the National Druzhina—felt comfortable enough to proudly post pogrom videos on social mediaThat’s not surprising, considering that the National Druzhina is part of Azov, while the neo-Nazi C14 receives government funding for “educational” programs. Last October, C14 leader Serhiy Bondar was welcomed at America House Kyiv, a center run by the US government.

Appeals from international organizations and the US embassy fell on deaf ears: Months after the United Nations demanded Kiev end “systematic persecution” of the Roma, a human-rights group reported C14 were allegedly intimidating Roma in a jointpatrol with the Kiev police.

LGBT and Women’s-rights groups

“‘It’s even worse than before’: How the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ Failed LGBT Ukrainians.”—RFE, November 21, 2018

In 2016, after pressure from the US Congress, the Kiev government began providing security for the annual Kiev Pride parade. However, this increasingly looks like a Potemkin affair: two hours of protection, with widespread attacks on LGBT individuals and gatherings during the rest of the year. Nationalist groups have targeted LGBT meetings with impunity, going so far as to shut down an event hosted by Amnesty International as well as assault a Western journalist at a transgender rights rally. Women’s-rights marches have also been targeted, including brazen attacks in March.

Attacks on press

“The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns a Ukrainian law enforcement raid at the Kiev offices of Media Holding Vesti…more than a dozen masked officers ripped open doors with crowbars, seized property, and fired tear gas in the offices.”—The Committee to Protect Journalists, February 9, 2018

In May 2016, Myrotvorets, an ultranationalist website with links to the government, published  the personal data of thousands of journalists who had obtained accreditation from Russia-backed rebels in eastern Ukraine. Myrotvorets labeled the journalists “terrorist collaborators.”

A government-tied website declaring open season on journalists would be dangerous anywhere, but it is especially so in Ukraine, which has a disturbing track record of journalist assassinations. This includes Oles Buzina, gunned down in 2015, and Pavel Sheremet, assassinated by car bomb a year later.

The Myrotvorets doxing was denounced by Western reporters, the Committee to Protect Journalists, and ambassadorsfrom the G7 nations. In response, Kiev officials, including Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, praised the site: “This is your choice to cooperate with occupying forces,” Avakov told journalists, while posting“I Support Myrotvorets” on Facebook. Myrotvorets remains operational today.

Last fall brought another attack on the media, this time using the courts. The Prosecutor General’s office was granted a warrant to seize records of RFE anti-corruption reporter Natalie Sedletska. An RFE spokeswoman warned that Kiev’s actions created “a chilling atmosphere for journalists,” while parliament deputy Mustafa Nayyem called it “an example of creeping dictatorship.”

Language laws

“[Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk] also made a personal appeal to Russian-speaking Ukrainians, pledging to support…a special status to the Russian language.”—US Secretary of State John KerryApril 24, 2014

Ukraine is extraordinarily multilingual: In addition to the millions of Russian-speaking eastern Ukrainians, there are areas where Hungarian, Romanian, and other tongues are prevalent. These languages were protected by a 2012 regional-language law.

The post-Maidan government alarmed Russian-speaking Ukrainians by attempting to annul that law. The US State Department and Secretary of State John Kerry sought to assuage fears in 2014 by pledgingthat Kiev would protect the status of Russian. Those promises came to naught.

A 2017 law mandated that secondary education be conducted strictly in Ukrainian, which infuriatedHungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece. Several regions passed legislation banningthe use of Russian in public life. Quotas enforce Ukrainian usage on TV and radio. (This would be akin to Washington forcing Spanish-language media to broadcast mostly in English.)

And in February 2018, Ukraine’s supreme court struck down the 2012 regional language law—the one Kerry promised eastern Ukrainians would stay in effect.

Currently, Kiev is preparing to pass a draconian law that would mandate the use of Ukrainian in most aspects of public life. It’s another example of Kiev alienating millions of its own citizens, while claiming to embrace Western values.

The price of willful blindness

These examples are only a tiny fraction of Ukraine’s slide toward intolerance, but they should be enough to point out the obvious: Washington’s decision to ignore the proliferation of armed neo-Nazi groups in a highly unstable nation only led to them gaining more power.

In essay after essay, DC foreign-policy heads have denied or celebrated the influence of Ukraine’s far right. (Curiously, the same analysts vociferously denounce rising nationalism in Hungary, Poland, and Italy as highly dangerous.) Perhaps think-tankers deluded themselves into thinking Kiev’s far-right phase would tucker itself out. More likely, they simply embraced DC’s go-to strategy of “my enemy’s enemy is my friend.” Either way, the ramifications stretch far beyond Ukraine.

America’s backing of the Maidan uprising, along with the billions DC sinks into post-Maidan Kiev, make it clear: Starting February 2014, Ukraine became Washington’s latest democracy-spreading project. What we permit in Ukraine sends a green light to others.

By tolerating neo-Nazi gangs and battalions, state-led Holocaust distortion, and attacks on LGBT and the Roma, the United States is telling the rest of Europe: “We’re fine with this.” The implications—especially at a time of a global far-right revival—are profoundly disturbing.

2. The essence of the book Serpent’s Walk  is presented on the back cover:

Serpent’s Walk by “Randolph D. Calverhall;” Copyright 1991 [SC]; National Vanguard Books; 0-937944-05-X.

It assumes that Hitler’s warrior elite – the SS – didn’t give up their struggle for a White world when they lost the Second World War. Instead their survivors went underground and adopted some of the tactics of their enemies: they began building their economic muscle and buying into the opinion-forming media. A century after the war they are ready to challenge the democrats and Jews for the hearts and minds of White Americans, who have begun to have their fill of government-enforced multi-culturalism and ‘equality.’

3. This process is described in more detail in a passage of text, consisting of a discussion between Wrench (a member of this Underground Reich) and a mercenary named Lessing.

Serpent’s Walk by “Randolph D. Calverhall;” Copyright 1991 [SC]; National Vanguard Books; 0-937944-05-X; pp. 42-43.

. . . . The SS . . . what was left of it . . . had business objectives before and during World War II. When the war was lost they just kept on, but from other places: Bogota, Asuncion, Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City, Colombo, Damascus, Dacca . . . you name it. They realized that the world is heading towards a ‘corporacracy;’ five or ten international super-companies that will run everything worth running by the year 2100. Those super-corporations exist now, and they’re already dividing up the production and marketing of food, transport, steel and heavy industry, oil, the media, and other commodities. They’re mostly conglomerates, with fingers in more than one pie . . . . We, the SS, have the say in four or five. We’ve been competing for the past sixty years or so, and we’re slowly gaining . . . . About ten years ago, we swung a merger, a takeover, and got voting control of a supercorp that runs a small but significant chunk of the American media. Not openly, not with bands and trumpets or swastikas flying, but quietly: one huge corporation cuddling up to another one and gently munching it up, like a great, gubbing amoeba. Since then we’ve been replacing executives, pushing somebody out here, bringing somebody else in there. We’ve swing program content around, too. Not much, but a little, so it won’t show. We’ve cut down on ‘nasty-Nazi’ movies . . . good guys in white hats and bad guys in black SS hats . . . lovable Jews versus fiendish Germans . . . and we have media psychologists, ad agencies, and behavior modification specialists working on image changes. . . .

4. The broadcast addresses the gradual remaking of the image of the Third Reich that is represented in Serpent’s Walk. In the discussion excerpted above, this process is further described.

Serpent’s Walk by “Randolph D. Calverhall;” Copyright 1991 [SC]; National Vanguard Books; 0-937944-05-X; pp. 42-44.

. . . . Hell, if you can con granny into buying Sugar Turds instead of Bran Farts, then why can’t you swing public opinion over to a cause as vital and important as ours?’ . . . In any case, we’re slowly replacing those negative images with others: the ‘Good Bad Guy’ routine’ . . . ‘What do you think of Jesse James? John Dillinger? Julius Caesar? Genghis Khan?’ . . . The reality may have been rough, but there’s a sort of glitter about most of those dudes: mean honchos but respectable. It’s all how you package it. Opinion is a godamned commodity!’ . . . It works with anybody . . . Give it time. Aside from the media, we’ve been buying up private schools . . . and helping some public ones through philanthropic foundations . . . and working on the churches and the Born Agains. . .

5. We have noted the photo of Baraboo, Wisconsin high school students giving the Nazi salute at their junior prom.

Now, Baraboo Ukrainian-American youth have erected statues of Ukrainian pogromist Simonon Petlura (transliterated spellings vary), along with Ukrainian Nazi leaders Roman Shukhevych and Stephan Bandera.

This is to be seen against the background of the re-institution of OUN/B fascists in Ukraine. We  will resume our examination of the return of fascism to Ukraine in a For The Record series to begin next week.

What a shame! US based Ukrainian Youth Union in summer camp in Baraboo, Wisconsin erected monuments in honor of Ukrainian nationalists, antisemites, organizers of Jewish pogroms, perpetrators of Holocaust, mass killings of Poles: Simon Petlura, Roman Shukhevych and Stepan Bandera

6. To provide historical and political context to the discussion, we present information supplementing previous analysis of the development of “The Christian West.” It is within the creation of The Christian West that the foundation of the present, unfortunate developments is to be found.In FTR #’s 1058, 1059, 1060, we revisited the concept of “The Christian West”: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeated, it opened secret negotiations with representatives from the Western Allies. Representatives on both sides belonged to the transatlantic financial and industrial fraternity that had actively supported fascism. The thrust of these negotiations was the establishment of The Christian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehicle for surviving military defeat, ‘The Christian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich joining with the U.S., Britain, France and other European nations in a transatlantic, pan-European anti-Soviet alliance. In fact, The Christian West became a reality only after the cessation of hostilities. The de-Nazification of Germany was aborted. Although a few of the more obvious and obnoxious elements of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to power at virtually every level and in almost every capacity in the Federal Republic of Germany. . . .”

In FTR #1009, we detailed “Christian West” negotiations to have a Hitler-less Third Reich join with the Western Allies, undertaken by OSS representatives Allen Dulles and William Donovan, networking with Prince Max Egon von Hohenlohe, a proxy for SD officer Walter Schellenberg.

In in his 1985 volume American Swastika, the late author Charles Higham provides us with insight into the Christian West concept, revealing the extent to which these SS/OSS negotiations set the template for the post-World War II world, as well as the degree of resonance that key Americans, such as Allen Dulles, had with Nazi ideology, anti-Semitism in particular.

The postwar political and economic realities of the Dulles, Hohenlohe, Schellenberg meetings were further solidified when William (Wild Bill) Donovan entered into his “M” Project.

Important to note in this context, is the dominant role in world affairs played by cartels, the fundamental element in the industrial and financial axis that was essential to the creation and perpetuation of fascism. Much of the Third Reich’s military industrial complex, the primacy of Germany in the postwar EU, as well as the correlation between postwar Europe as constructed in the Christian West negotiations and long-standing German plans for European domination are derivative of the power of cartels.

The Christian West and “M” Projects:

  1. Revealed that Allen Dulles’ views resonated with Third Reich anti-Semitism, and that his opinions were shared by other, like-minded American power brokers: ” . . . . He said that it would be unbearable for any decent European to think that the Jews might return someday, and that there must be no toleration of a return of the Jewish power positions. . . . He made the curious assertion that the Americans were only continuing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were people in America who were intending to send the Jews to Africa. . . .”
  2. Set the template for the postwar Federal Republic of Germany and the EU: ” . . . . He [Dulles] reiterated his desire for a greater European political federation–and foresaw the federal Germany that in fact took place. . . . Germany would be set up as the dominating force in industry and agriculture in continental Europe, at the heart of a continental state run by Germany, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .”
  3. Were the vehicle for Allen Dulles to betray much of the Allied military plans for Southern Europe to the Third Reich: “. . . . Dulles now proceeded to supply Hohenlohe with dollops of secret intelligence, announcing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after conquering Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the German oil supplies. He said it was likely the Allies would land in Sicily to cut off Rommel and control Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balkans. Having given virtually the entire battle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Germany’s agents, Allen Dulles proceeded to the almost unnecessary rider that he had very good relations with the Vatican. . . .”
  4. Directly foreshadowed the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union which became the Cold War.  “. . . . In other meetings, Dulles . . . . predicted that ‘the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.’ . . . .”
  5. Were the occasion for Dulles to laud the “genius” of Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels: “He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as ‘a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such rational pleasure.’ . . . .”

 American Swastika by Charles Higham; Doubleday & Co. [HC]; Copyright 1985 by Charles Higham; ISBN 0-385-17874-3; pp. 191-194.

. . . . Dulles pressed ahead. He said that it would be unbearable for any decent European to think that the Jews might return someday, and that there must be no toleration of a return of the Jewish power positions. He reiterated his desire for a greater European political federation–and foresaw the federal Germany that in fact took place. . . . He made the curious assertion that the Americans were only continuing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were people in America who were intending to send the Jews to Africa. This was Hitler’s dream of course: that the Jews would go to Madagascar and stay there. . . .

. . . . Dulles now proceeded to supply Hohenlohe with dollops of secret intelligence, announcing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after conquering Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the German oil supplies. He said it was likely the Allies would land in Sicily to cut off Rommel and control Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balkans.

Having given virtually the entire battle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Germany’s agents, Allen Dulles proceeded to the almost unnecessary rider that he had very good relations with the Vatican. . . .

. . . . In other meetings, Dulles . . . . predicted that “the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.” . . . . Dulles obtained a great deal of information relating to Germany and plans for its reconstruction after the war. He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as “a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such rational pleasure.” . . . .

. . . . In July, [OSS chief William] Donovan and the OSS began to take matters into their own hands. No doubt inspired by the invigorating meeting in Switzerland, Donovan embarked on the so-called “M” project. . . .

. . . . By now, the German [Franz Von Papen] had read the details of the peace proposal on microfilm and learned that it was more or less on the same lines as the Dulles proposals. Germany would be set up as the dominating force in industry and agriculture in continental Europe, at the heart f a continental state run by Germany, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .

 

 

Discussion

4 comments for “FTR #1072 Doin’ Wind Sprints with the Snake in Ukraine”

  1. This is an unexpected turn of events for Ukraine: The district administrative court of Kiev ordered the reversal of the 2016 renaming of two main streets in Kiev. The streets were renamed after Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych. The court hasn’t revealed the reasoning for its ruling yet, and the actually renaming of the streets back to their old names won’t take place until an appeal is considered, so it’s possible the return of the old names won’t actually happen, but given the aggressive official embrace of Nazi collaborators as national heroes it’s still pretty remarkable that this even being considered at all:

    UNIAN.info

    Kyiv court overturns City Council decision on naming avenues after Bandera, Shukhevych

    Until the appeal is considered, the decision of the District Administrative Court of Kyiv to return the avenues their old names – Moscow Avenue and General Vatutin Avenue – will not take effect.

    23:10, 25 June 2019

    The Kyiv District Administrative Court overturned the decision of the Kyiv City Council to rename two avenues in honor of Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych, lawyer Dmytro Bilovchuk told an UNIAN correspondent.

    He said that today, June 20, the court partially satisfied the claims of the director of the Institute of Legal Policy and Social Protection Olena Berezhna and two public organizations, by restoring the Soviet-era names of the two Kyiv avenues: Moskovsky [Moscow] (now – Bandera) Avenue and General Vatutin (now – Shukhevych) Avenue.

    However, the lawyer noted that the court had not read out the reasoning part of the ruling, therefore he does not know what the court was guided by when drafting its decision.

    At the same time, the lawyer stated that as soon as he receives the full text of the ruling, he will file an appeal.

    Also, he added that until the appeal is considered, the decision of the District Administrative Court of Kyiv to return the avenues their old names will not take effect.

    ———-

    “Kyiv court overturns City Council decision on naming avenues after Bandera, Shukhevych”, UNIAN.info, 06/25/2019

    “Also, he added that until the appeal is considered, the decision of the District Administrative Court of Kyiv to return the avenues their old names will not take effect.”

    So this name reversal might happen, but it’s an open question. And as the following article notes, the court’s ruling does not have the support of Kiev’s Mayor Vitaly Klitschko, who announced that the city will be appealing the ruling:

    Jewish Telegraphic Agency

    2 streets in Kiev will no longer be named for Nazi collaborators

    By Cnaan Liphshiz
    June 27, 2019 5:59 am

    (JTA) — A court in Ukraine issued an injunction against the naming of two streets in Kiev after nationalists who collaborated with the Nazis during World War II.

    The district administrative court of Kiev ordered the municipality to undo the 2016 renaming of two main streets for Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych on Tuesday.

    But Mayor Vitaly Klitschko on Wednesday wrote on Facebook that the city will appeal the ruling, the Regnum news agency reported. In the meantime, the streets in question will be renamed Moscow Avenue and another will be named for Nikolai Vatutin, a Soviet general who was killed in 1944 by soldiers from Shukhevych’s Ukrainian Insurgent Army, or UPA.

    Despite protests by Jews, this glorification became mainstream following the 2014 overthrow of the government of former president Viktor Yanukovych, whose critics call him a corrupt Russian stooge. It ushered in a wave of nationalist sentiment.

    In 2015, a law passed making it illegal to insult the memory of any anti-Soviet fighter, including war criminals, declared a national hero.

    In Lviv last year, hundreds of men marched wearing the SS uniforms of Ukrainian collaborators in a city-approved event. At least three Ukrainian municipalities in recent years have unveiled statues for Bandera’s deputy, Yaroslav Stetsko, who during the Holocaust openly called for “the extermination of the Jews.”

    ———-

    “2 streets in Kiev will no longer be named for Nazi collaborators” by Cnaan Liphshiz, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 06/27/2019

    But Mayor Vitaly Klitschko on Wednesday wrote on Facebook that the city will appeal the ruling, the Regnum news agency reported. In the meantime, the streets in question will be renamed Moscow Avenue and another will be named for Nikolai Vatutin, a Soviet general who was killed in 1944 by soldiers from Shukhevych’s Ukrainian Insurgent Army, or UPA.”

    So this is going to be a story to watch, in part because it’s unclear at this point how much popular support there is for returning the names of those streets to Moscow Avenue and Nikolai Vatutin Ave. But it’s worth noting that changing the name of Vatutin Ave to Shukhevych Ave wasn’t uncontroversial at the time. There were protests. And as the following article notes, when the Kiev City Council voted to rename the street Roman Shukhevych Avenue back in June of 2017, the Kyiv District Administrative Court banned the City Council from signing and publishing this resolution. As the article also notes, the renaming to Shukhevych Ave was done at the recommendation of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance. So the Nazi-coddling Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance will presumably be involved in any upcoming fights over these name changes:

    Interfax-Ukraine

    Activists marching in protest against renaming Vatutin Avenue in Kyiv in honor of Shukhevych

    By Interfax-Ukraine.
    Published June 16, 2017 at 7:28 pm

    Activists in Kyiv have started a flash-mob under the motto ‘Vatutin Avenue Welcomes You!’ against the idea of renaming the avenue in honor of Roman Shukhevych, former ‘commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’.

    About 200 elderly people carrying pink flags with the inscription ‘Socialists,’ accompanied by about 50 young and athletically-built men, marched along Vatutin Avenue toward Moscow Bridge on the sidewalk, not impeding traffic, an Interfax-Ukraine correspondent reported from the scene.

    At the same time, about 100 members of the Ukrainian nationalist organization National Corps have also arrived at the scene.

    The atmosphere at the venue is calm at the moment, and there are no law enforcement officials.

    It was reported earlier that a toponymy commission at Kyiv City Council recommended in June 2016 that the Kyiv mayor submit a motion to the City Council on renaming a number of city toponyms, including renaming Vatutin Avenue Roman Shukhevych Avenue, in line with a proposal by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance. However, Kyiv City Council did not support this proposal in December 2016.

    On June 1, 2017, Kyiv City Council voted to rename Gen. Vatutin Avenue Roman Shukhevych Avenue. However, the Kyiv District Administrative Court banned the City Council from signing and publishing this resolution.

    Shukhevych is a controversial figure in Ukraine, with some seeing him as a national hero and freedom fighter and others as a Nazi collaborator and war criminal.

    Roman Shukhevych was a member of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and later, after 1943, its leader. From January 1944 until his death in 1950, Shukhevych was commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.

    Gen. of the Army Nikolai Vatutin, a Hero of the Soviet Union, was commander of the 1st Ukrainian Front that took part in liberating Kyiv and Ukraine from the Nazis. Vatutin was badly wounded when his automobile was attacked by Ukrainian Insurgent Army members near Rivne in February 1944 and later died in hospital.
    ———-

    “Activists marching in protest against renaming Vatutin Avenue in Kyiv in honor of Shukhevych”, Interfax-Ukraine, 06/16/2017

    “It was reported earlier that a toponymy commission at Kyiv City Council recommended in June 2016 that the Kyiv mayor submit a motion to the City Council on renaming a number of city toponyms, including renaming Vatutin Avenue Roman Shukhevych Avenue, in line with a proposal by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance. However, Kyiv City Council did not support this proposal in December 2016.”

    And note how, in addition to the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (Ukrainian Institute of National Memory), there were around 100 members of the Azov’s National Corps counter-protesting:


    About 200 elderly people carrying pink flags with the inscription ‘Socialists,’ accompanied by about 50 young and athletically-built men, marched along Vatutin Avenue toward Moscow Bridge on the sidewalk, not impeding traffic, an Interfax-Ukraine correspondent reported from the scene.

    At the same time, about 100 members of the Ukrainian nationalist organization National Corps have also arrived at the scene.

    And that points towards one of the more ominous outcomes to watch out for: Ukraine’s far right has long threatened to ‘march on Kiev’ and overthrow the government. Placating far right had been the Poroshenko government’s primary defense against this threat. So it’s important to keep in mind that kind of street name battle is exactly the kind of symbolic issue the far right could use as a dangerous rallying cry.

    Along those lines, the city council of Kharkiv just voted to return the name of Petro Hryhorenko Avenue back to Marshal Georgy Zhukov Avenue. This was a couple of weeks after National Corps members tore down the statue of Zhukov, a Soviet military hero, and covered it with red paint. How did the National Corps respond to the city council vote reversing the name change? By staging a mock execution of Kharkiv’s city council deputies. It’s an example of why we shouldn’t assume the good news of these street name reversals won’t be followed by some really bad news about Ukraine’s Nazis behaving like Nazis.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 3, 2019, 1:04 pm
  2. Ukraine political establishment just experienced another earthquake over the weekend: a snap election called for by President Volodymyr Zelensky (Zelenskiy) resulted in his party winning big and potentially holding the first ever one-party majority in the parliament. Early results put Zelensky’s Servant of the People Party at more than 42 percent of the vote. The Opposition Bloc (formerly the Party of Regions) came in second place with around 12 percent of the support. Three other smaller pro-EU parties were each expected to get around 6-9 percent of the vote. Zelensky maintained his pledged to So if Zelensky’s party can end up with a majority of the MP it can form its own ruling government but otherwise it will presumably need to form a coalition with one of those smaller pro-EU parties.

    A key part of Zelensky’s political appeal has been his pledge to tackle corruption. Recall that anti-corruption campaigns were a key part of the Poroshenko government’s campaign strategy, manifesting as the “lustration laws” demanded by the far right and designed to systematically remove and investigate people associated with the Yanukovych government. The lustration laws also legally banned criticisms of Ukraine’s Nazi collaborator groups like the UPA and OUN. Lustration was supported by Kiev’s Western backers following the 2014 Maidan protests. Interestingly, Kiev’s Western backers don’t seem to be very supportive of Zelensky similar calls for investigations into the Poroshenko government’s corruption, with G7 governments coming out against this latest round of lustration.

    One area that does appear to have Western governments pleased along with international investors is the hope that Zelensky will follow through with the IMF’s “reform” program. This is basically going to be austerity policies because that’s what virtually all IMF ‘reform’ packages are centered on. Tax cuts for business and the gutting of public programs, with the promise that this will create a booming economy that rarely ever emerges. Zelensky has hinted at his commitment to these ‘reforms’ by suggesting that the next prime minister should be a “technocratic” and an “independent economist”. That’s a strong signal that he’s going to be implementing harsh austerity and using garbage supply-side economic arguments to justify it to the public. So Zelensky has achieved a historic level of popular support, but he also has the support of the international investment class that demands exactly the kind of austerity the rightfully hates. How’s that going to work out?

    The other obvious question raised by the likely embrace of austerity is whether or not the inevitable backlash is going to end up creating a political opportunity for Ukraine’s far right. As the following article reminds us, part of Zelensky’s support comes from oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky, an early sponsor of the neo-Nazi Azov Batallion. So it’s going to be interesting to see how Kolomoisky’s support for Zelenksy’s party shapes the likely far right threats against the government, especially if the IMF austerity ‘reforms’ end up predictably destroying Zelensky’s popular support:

    The Financial Times

    Zelensky’s party set to triumph in Ukraine parliamentary election
    Likely majority for novice president raises hopes for reform

    Roman Olearchyk in Kiev
    07/22/2019 4:47 am

    President Volodymyr Zelensky’s party of neophyte politicians appears to have decisively won Sunday’s parliamentary election in Ukraine, potentially becoming the country’s first political party since independence in 1991 to single-handedly muster a ruling majority.

    On Monday, with almost half of the ballot counted by the election commission, Mr Zelensky’s Servant of the People party had won more than 42 per cent of the vote.

    The result, if confirmed, suggests the novice president’s newly formed party stands to secure more than 240 seats in parliament — a comfortable majority — cementing his power in forming the country’s next government.

    Tomas Fiala, head of Kiev-based investment bank Dragon Capital, said the initial reaction from investors to the election result was “positive”.

    “Investors want Zelensky to be in a position to be able to deliver on his reform promises…without being blocked by vested interests,” Mr Fiala said. He said the government’s priorities should be combating corruption, strengthening the rule of law by reforming Ukraine’s courts and sanctioning the sale of agricultural land.

    Named after a TV series in which Mr Zelensky, a former comedian, played an honest president, the Servant of the People party is composed largely of fresh-faced politicians, including activists and entrepreneurs. Some candidates among its ranks have been linked to Igor Kolomoisky, an oligarch whose television channel provided strong coverage of the poll.

    Mr Zelensky called parliamentary elections upon taking office in late May, pledging to usher a new generation into power. He had beaten veteran politician Petro Poroshenko in the April 21 presidential run-off with 73 per cent of the vote, garnering a wave of anti-establishment support in the war-scarred country.

    After casting his vote in Kiev on Sunday, Mr Zelensky said he envisioned a technocrat as prime minister.

    “I think that this person should be a very professional economist…a completely independent person” from outside politics, he said.

    Stripping immunity from prosecution for MPs remained a priority, Mr Zelensky added in comments geared towards addressing concerns about political corruption.

    Ahead of the vote, investors expressed hope that Mr Zelensky’s party would keep Kiev in a multibillion dollar IMF reform programme by forming a reformist coalition with the new Voice party, founded by pop singer Svyatoslav Vakarchuk. Also stacked with new political faces, it is one of three smaller pro-western parties that exit polls projected had mustered between 6 and 9 per cent of the vote.

    Speaking from his party’s campaign headquarters after the vote, Mr Zelensky invited Mr Vakarchuk to hold coalition talks.

    But as the better than expected election results were announced on Monday Dmytro Razumkov, leader of the Servant of the People party, questioned whether his camp would need coalition partners.

    “It’s probably not necessary to hold talks about forming a coalition…we see our pretty good results,” he said.

    Mr Zelensky has preserved Kiev’s defiant stance towards Moscow and ruled out partnering with the pro-Russian Opposition Platform — For Life party. It finished second with 11-13 per cent support, according to exit polls.

    Voting took place nationwide with the exception of Russian-annexed Crimea and breakaway eastern regions that Kiev and its western backers consider to be “occupied” by Russia.

    Mr Zelensky, who has pledged to speed up reforms while keeping Kiev on a path for EU and Nato integration, has been warmly greeted by Kiev’s foreign backers. But his recent call to purge officials who served under his predecessor was condemned by G7 countries.

    Concern deepened ahead of Sunday’s vote as law enforcement authorities conducted probes on Friday and Saturday into businesses linked to Mr Poroshenko and into the country’s largest steel factory, which is owned by ArcelorMittal, the top national investor.

    During the campaign, Mr Zelensky accused Mr Poroshenko of corruption and ArcelorMittal’s factory, located in his hometown of Kryviy Rih, of pollution.

    ———-

    “Zelensky’s party set to triumph in Ukraine parliamentary election” by Roman Olearchyk, The Financial Times, 07/22/2019

    “The result, if confirmed, suggests the novice president’s newly formed party stands to secure more than 240 seats in parliament — a comfortable majority — cementing his power in forming the country’s next government.”

    The first ever one party parliamentary majority. It’s quite a historic moment for Ukraine, especially given the context of the civil war of that last 5 years. And one of the key elements of this widespread popular support is apparently the IMF’s austerity agenda, as Zelensky signals with his call for a professional economist technocratic prime minister. That’s why international investors are so pleased with the results:


    Tomas Fiala, head of Kiev-based investment bank Dragon Capital, said the initial reaction from investors to the election result was “positive”.

    “Investors want Zelensky to be in a position to be able to deliver on his reform promises…without being blocked by vested interests,” Mr Fiala said. He said the government’s priorities should be combating corruption, strengthening the rule of law by reforming Ukraine’s courts and sanctioning the sale of agricultural land.

    Ahead of the vote, investors expressed hope that Mr Zelensky’s party would keep Kiev in a multibillion dollar IMF reform programme by forming a reformist coalition with the new Voice party, founded by pop singer Svyatoslav Vakarchuk. Also stacked with new political faces, it is one of three smaller pro-western parties that exit polls projected had mustered between 6 and 9 per cent of the vote.

    Speaking from his party’s campaign headquarters after the vote, Mr Zelensky invited Mr Vakarchuk to hold coalition talks.

    But as the better than expected election results were announced on Monday Dmytro Razumkov, leader of the Servant of the People party, questioned whether his camp would need coalition partners.

    “It’s probably not necessary to hold talks about forming a coalition…we see our pretty good results,” he said.

    After casting his vote in Kiev on Sunday, Mr Zelensky said he envisioned a technocrat as prime minister.

    I think that this person should be a very professional economist…a completely independent person” from outside politics, he said.

    At the same time, Kiev’s Western backers don’t appear to be very interested in seeing Zelensky pursue the anti-corruption agenda he campaigned on if that means an investigation of the Western-backed Poroshenko government:

    Mr Zelensky called parliamentary elections upon taking office in late May, pledging to usher a new generation into power. He had beaten veteran politician Petro Poroshenko in the April 21 presidential run-off with 73 per cent of the vote, garnering a wave of anti-establishment support in the war-scarred country.

    Stripping immunity from prosecution for MPs remained a priority, Mr Zelensky added in comments geared towards addressing concerns about political corruption.

    Mr Zelensky, who has pledged to speed up reforms while keeping Kiev on a path for EU and Nato integration, has been warmly greeted by Kiev’s foreign backers. But his recent call to purge officials who served under his predecessor was condemned by G7 countries.

    Concern deepened ahead of Sunday’s vote as law enforcement authorities conducted probes on Friday and Saturday into businesses linked to Mr Poroshenko and into the country’s largest steel factory, which is owned by ArcelorMittal, the top national investor.

    During the campaign, Mr Zelensky accused Mr Poroshenko of corruption and ArcelorMittal’s factory, located in his hometown of Kryviy Rih, of pollution.

    So Zelensky wins big on an anti-corruption and ‘reform’ agenda, he calls for a snap elections, wins that election, and now his party might have enough votes to form its own government. And while Kiev’s Western backers are very much in favor of the ‘reform’ (austerity), they aren’t so keen on seen a new round of anti-corruption investigations targeted at the outgoing Poroshenko government. Poroshenko himself is obviously not happy about the idea either. As the following article also describes, Poroshenko is characterizing this new lustration push as a Kremlin plot. He also lists examples of elected officials who could, unfairly in his mind, end up being targeted by lustration this time around. He lists Right Sector neo-Nazi leader Dmytro Yarosh on that list. It points towards the possibility that the outgoing government officials and the oligarchs behind them might end up trying to enlist the help of the far right militias in intimidating the government into end the anti-corruption investigations.

    At the same time, the article notes that one of the concerns the IMF has with the lustration law is that it might be use to push out the current head Ukraine’s central bank and replace them with someone close to Kolomoisky. This is a touchy subject because Kolomoisky is locked in an ongoing legal dispute with the central bank over the 2016 nationalization of his PrivatBank, previously the largest bank in the country. The IMF feels that nationalization as a major victory in the push to clean up Ukraine’s banking sector. So Kolomoisky, sponsor of the neo-Nazi Azov Batallion, has an additional incentive to promote a new round of lustration at the same time Poroshenko appears to be enlisting Right Sector in opposing it. That’s all part of what makes the latest lustration push potentially so explosive

    bne IntelliNews

    Ukraine’s president under fire over plan to expand lustration

    By bne IntelliNews
    July 15, 2019

    The current situation in Ukraine is not comparable to the one after the Revolution of Dignity, the G7 ambassadors said in a statement on July 12, reacting to a proposal by newly elected President Volodymyr Zelenskiy to expand the lustration of the nation’s officials to those who held high-level posts following the 2014 Euromaidan, including former president Petro Poroshenko.

    “Electoral change and political rotation are the norm in democracies. Indiscriminate bans on all participants in executive and legislative governance are not,” read the statement of the G7 ambassadors.

    “Since 2014, we have been appreciative of reform progress achieved in some important areas. While it is right to hold those guilty of abusing their office to account, the situation in Ukraine today is, in our conviction, not comparable to that after the Revolution of Dignity [in 2013-2014].”

    Zelenskiy wants the lustration law to apply to Ukrainian MPs and government members of this period as well as others holding high-level positions, the president’s media office said in a statement on July 11.

    “I communicate with officials of different levels on a daily basis and realise: it is a hopeless diagnosis. White and blue, red and white, orange, burgundy, pink — in fact, they are all the same. All of them do not care,” the presidential media office quoted Zelenskiy as saying. “I think the least we can do now is to permanently deprive them all of the opportunities to participate in state governance.”

    The next day, July 12, draft amendments to the lustration law were submitted by Zelenskiy to the nation’s parliament. According to the document, the ban on holding important official positions for 10 years should apply, specifically, to the governor of the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU), the head of the Antimonopoly Committee of Ukraine, head of the State Property Fund (FPF), the secretary of the National Security and Defence Council (NSDC) and heads of defence enterprises that held their positions from February 23, 2014 to May 19, 2019.

    “Pro-Russian revanche”

    The statement from G7 ambassadors shows Zelenskiy’s proposed lustration bill has also caused concern outside Ukraine. Steven Pifer, former US ambassador to Ukraine, tweeted on July 12 that it was “an overreach”. “G7 ambassadors in Ukraine are correct,” he added.

    Meanwhile, Poroshenko believes that Zelensky’s idea to extend the effect of the law on lustration to Poroshenko-era public officials would result in vacating offices for the “fifth column”.

    “This [lustration] list is very much reminiscent of another list — the list of those on whom the aggressor state [Russia] has imposed sanctions, the people who defended Ukraine, who defended the Revolution of Dignity,” he said on July 12. “This initiative has been inspired by anti-Ukrainian forces and is proof of an undisguised pro-Russian revanche, as some want to replace patriotic politicians with puppets obeying orders from the Kremlin.”

    According to Poroshenko, many representatives of the new modern Ukrainian politics who have proved their professionalism and love for Ukraine by real deeds could be lustrated in line with the declared criteria.

    The former president mentioned, specifically, the leader of the Crimean Tatar people and a member of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc faction in the nation’s parliament, Mustafa Jemilev, one of the leaders of Ukraine’s nationalists, MP Dmytro Yarosh, the incumbent Defence Minister Stepan Poltorak, and Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin.

    Central bank’s independence under threat?

    The inclusion of the NBU’s head could fuel suspicions among Kyiv-based experts and reform-minded officials about the possible replacement of the NBU’s governor, Yakiv Smolii, and his deputies after Zelenskiy’s victory. The new president is widely considered to be sponsored and mentored by oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky, who is an implacable enemy of the NBU.

    Kolomoisky is locked a snowballing legal dispute over the December 2016 nationalisation of his bank, PrivatBank. On April 18, the Kyiv Administrative Court backed Kolomoisky’s lawsuit, ruling that PrivatBank’s nationalisation was unlawful. This decision had unsettled the likes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which saw the nationalisation of the bank as a major victory for the government’s efforts to clean up a rotten banking sector.

    On April 8, Kolomoisky said that he was going to seek $2bn in compensation from the government. “I don’t need [to get back] PrivatBank. But there was $2bn in capital there. Let them [the Ukrainian government] return it to me and there will be no problems,” Kolomoisky said in an interview with the Ekonomichna Pravda online outlet.

    Zelenskiy’s head of staff

    On May 21, Zelenskiy appointed Andriy Bohdan as head of the presidential staff. Bohdan is a chief lawyer for Kolomoisky.

    According to Ukrainian anti-corruption activists, Bohdan’s appointment violates the incumbent lustration legislation because the official worked as the Government Commissioner for Anticorruption Policy in the Ukrainian government led by pro-Russian PM Mykola Azarov (2010-2014). During the Euromaidan, Bohdan did not resign.

    In May, Kyiv-based NGO Public Lustration Committee filed a lawsuit in a local court over Bohdan’s appointment. The organisation believes that the lustration law defines the position of the head of the presidential staff as the one which is subject to government cleansing measures (lustration).

    On top of this, more than 25,000 Ukrainians have already signed the electronic petition for the dismissal of Bohdan from his post, which is the necessary minimum for the president to consider the issue. However, Zelenskiy refuses to dismiss Bohdan.

    ———-

    “Ukraine’s president under fire over plan to expand lustration”, bne IntelliNews, 07/15/2019

    “Zelenskiy wants the lustration law to apply to Ukrainian MPs and government members of this period as well as others holding high-level positions, the president’s media office said in a statement on July 11.”

    Zelensky wants to treat the last government the same way the last government treated the previous pre-Maidan government: as so corrupt that officials from that government need to be kept out of the new government. It’s the kind of pitch that presumably appealed to much of the Ukrainian electorate given the election results. But the G7 sees the Poroshenko government as fundamentally different and less corrupt than the Yanukovych government and the US ambassador to Ukraine agrees with that assessment:


    The current situation in Ukraine is not comparable to the one after the Revolution of Dignity, the G7 ambassadors said in a statement on July 12, reacting to a proposal by newly elected President Volodymyr Zelenskiy to expand the lustration of the nation’s officials to those who held high-level posts following the 2014 Euromaidan, including former president Petro Poroshenko.

    “Electoral change and political rotation are the norm in democracies. Indiscriminate bans on all participants in executive and legislative governance are not,” read the statement of the G7 ambassadors.

    “Since 2014, we have been appreciative of reform progress achieved in some important areas. While it is right to hold those guilty of abusing their office to account, the situation in Ukraine today is, in our conviction, not comparable to that after the Revolution of Dignity [in 2013-2014].”

    The statement from G7 ambassadors shows Zelenskiy’s proposed lustration bill has also caused concern outside Ukraine. Steven Pifer, former US ambassador to Ukraine, tweeted on July 12 that it was “an overreach”. “G7 ambassadors in Ukraine are correct,” he added.

    So the same international community that is demanding harsh austerity for the Ukrainian people wants to see Zelensky go easy on the last government.

    Poroshenko, unsurprisingly, is portraying this all as a Kremlin plot. A Kremlin plot targeting patriotic politicians like neo-Nazi Right Sector leader Dmytro Yarosh:


    Meanwhile, Poroshenko believes that Zelensky’s idea to extend the effect of the law on lustration to Poroshenko-era public officials would result in vacating offices for the “fifth column”.

    “This [lustration] list is very much reminiscent of another list — the list of those on whom the aggressor state [Russia] has imposed sanctions, the people who defended Ukraine, who defended the Revolution of Dignity,” he said on July 12. “This initiative has been inspired by anti-Ukrainian forces and is proof of an undisguised pro-Russian revanche, as some want to replace patriotic politicians with puppets obeying orders from the Kremlin.”

    According to Poroshenko, many representatives of the new modern Ukrainian politics who have proved their professionalism and love for Ukraine by real deeds could be lustrated in line with the declared criteria.

    The former president mentioned, specifically, the leader of the Crimean Tatar people and a member of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc faction in the nation’s parliament, Mustafa Jemilev, one of the leaders of Ukraine’s nationalists, MP Dmytro Yarosh, the incumbent Defence Minister Stepan Poltorak, and Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin.

    Adding to the complex political dynamic here is the fact that lustration could end up replacing the IMF-favored head of the Ukrainian central bank (the NBU) and Kolomoisky has a big ongoing dispute with central bank of the nationalism of PrivatBank. A nationalization that the IMF feels was the right move:


    Central bank’s independence under threat?

    The inclusion of the NBU’s head could fuel suspicions among Kyiv-based experts and reform-minded officials about the possible replacement of the NBU’s governor, Yakiv Smolii, and his deputies after Zelenskiy’s victory. The new president is widely considered to be sponsored and mentored by oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky, who is an implacable enemy of the NBU.

    Kolomoisky is locked a snowballing legal dispute over the December 2016 nationalisation of his bank, PrivatBank. On April 18, the Kyiv Administrative Court backed Kolomoisky’s lawsuit, ruling that PrivatBank’s nationalisation was unlawful. This decision had unsettled the likes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which saw the nationalisation of the bank as a major victory for the government’s efforts to clean up a rotten banking sector.

    On April 8, Kolomoisky said that he was going to seek $2bn in compensation from the government. “I don’t need [to get back] PrivatBank. But there was $2bn in capital there. Let them [the Ukrainian government] return it to me and there will be no problems,” Kolomoisky said in an interview with the Ekonomichna Pravda online outlet.

    On top of all that is the fact that Zelensky’s chief of staff, Andriy Bohdan, is a top lawyer for Kolomoisky and Bohdan is, himself, someone who’s appointment might technically violate the existing lustration law. So at the same time there’s opposition to Zelensky’s new push for lustration, there’s also a call for the old lustration laws to apply against Zelensky’s appointments:


    Zelenskiy’s head of staff

    On May 21, Zelenskiy appointed Andriy Bohdan as head of the presidential staff. Bohdan is a chief lawyer for Kolomoisky.

    According to Ukrainian anti-corruption activists, Bohdan’s appointment violates the incumbent lustration legislation because the official worked as the Government Commissioner for Anticorruption Policy in the Ukrainian government led by pro-Russian PM Mykola Azarov (2010-2014). During the Euromaidan, Bohdan did not resign.

    In May, Kyiv-based NGO Public Lustration Committee filed a lawsuit in a local court over Bohdan’s appointment. The organisation believes that the lustration law defines the position of the head of the presidential staff as the one which is subject to government cleansing measures (lustration).

    On top of this, more than 25,000 Ukrainians have already signed the electronic petition for the dismissal of Bohdan from his post, which is the necessary minimum for the president to consider the issue. However, Zelenskiy refuses to dismiss Bohdan.

    So while Kiev’s backers in the international community are clearly excited about the prospects of a new round of austerity and pro-international investor legislation, there’s a lot less enthusiasm for his anti-corruption campaign now that the anti-corruption isn’t exclusively targeting the Party of Regions/Opposition Bloc. Some might call that a rather corrupt anti-corruption position.

    At the same time, the point about not wanting to normalize lustration after each election is a valid complaint. It would just be a lot more valid if the last government hadn’t been so corrupt.

    At this point, it’s looking like austerity is basically guaranteed for Ukraine’s future while Zelensky’s signature anti-corruption drive is very much an open question. So Zelensky better enjoy his widespread popularity while he’s still got it. Hopefully he uses it for something that will actually help the Ukrainian public.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 22, 2019, 2:08 pm
  3. Following up on the report of monuments recently erected in honor of Simon Petlura, Roman Shukhevych and Stepan Bandera at a Ukrainian Youth Union summer camp in Baraboo, Wisconsin, here’s an interesting report in the Kyiv Post about the New York-based Ukrainian-American Youth Association camp and resort. The report mostly just describes the kinds of activities that go on that camp and notes that it’s one of four camps run by the group in the US. The Baraboo camp is also one of these camps. So given the reports of monuments those monuments at the camp in Baraboo, we shouldn’t be surprised that the description of activities at the camp in New York includes a focus on Bandera along with lessons on “Russian disinformation and distortion of Ukraine’s history in the past and present attempts by Moscow to pervert the truth and perceptions about Ukraine using “hybrid-war” techniques”:

    Kyiv Post

    Ukrainian youth organization CYM thriving in America

    By Askold Krushelnycky.
    Published July 29, 2019.
    Updated July 29, 2019 at 9:15 pm

    ELLENVILLE, New York — The Kyiv Post joined hundreds of people who came to a Ukrainian-American Youth Association camp and resort in New York state for an extended weekend that included celebrating America’s Independence Day and commemorating Ukrainian heroes who fought throughout the ages for their country’s freedom.

    The association is known by the Ukrainian acronym CYM – pronounced “SUM” – of its name “Spilka Ukrayinskoyi Molodi.” Along with the Ukrainian Scouting movement, Plast, it is one of the two main youth groups that flowered in the post-World War II diaspora and taught younger generations about their heritage and ensured that the Ukrainian community remained vibrant.

    CYM has four camps in various parts of the U.S. The New York one named after the nearest small town of 4,000 residents, Ellenville, is set in picturesque undulating countryside near the Catskill Forest Preserve national park and its territory includes hills, woods and a stream filled with trout and bass. It was bought by the Ukrainian community in the 1960s.

    The association organizes three camps there every summer by different age groups. They each run for two weeks, beginning with one for the older members – between 14 and very early 20s, followed by a camp for ages 7 to 13. The third camp concentrates mostly on sports, including soccer, volley ball, track, weightlifting, and softball for ages 10 to 14.

    This year there are around 100 participants in each camp, split roughly equally between boys and girls. They stay in single-sex barracks with 12 in each, using sleeping bags on military-style wooden and canvas cots. Each barrack has bathrooms and showers and air conditioning to bring relief from summer humidity and temperatures which can rise into the high 30s celsius.

    The first two camps have an educational component, with lessons about Ukraine’s history and contemporary events. But the instructors deliberately try to style them more as interactive discussions rather than schoolroom lessons. These talks are leavened with choir singing and outdoor activities such as hikes and swimming.

    Parents pay $500 per week to send their children to the camp. There are subsidies available for families who have financial difficulties.

    There are elements of military discipline in CYM, as there are in other youth organizations such as the Scouting movement. They learn drill so that they can march or assemble in formation.

    They wear uniforms for Sunday church services and on some other special occasions. Uniforms consist of gray shirts with matching trousers or skirts. Different colored ties denote age groups with green for the youngest, burgundy for teenagers, blue for young adults and brown for the over-thirties. CYM members around the world wear the same uniform except for a shoulder patch saying which country they belong to.

    But daily morning and evening assemblies they wore more relaxed outfits where the uniformity came in the green t-shirts everyone wore emblazoned with a tree design.

    There is a camp commander who has a team of around 10 persons, some in the older teens, who help organize the camp schedule and act as instructors for the various activities. They also act as counsellors to the camp participants advising them, listening to any complaints or problems and generally looking after their wellbeing. One of the team is always someone with medical qualifications.

    Among the most popular activities are military-style games where campers are divided into two teams that have to dodge or capture their opponents by moving stealthily and organizing ambushes. There are also disco dances and bonfires where the campers sing, recite poems, and perform comedy skits of their own invention.

    On a typical day camp members wake early and do gymnastic exercises and runs before a formal assembly, around 8 am, where they line up in ranks to haul up the Ukrainian and American flags that flutter above a central, grassy parade ground surrounded by the sleeping quarters and the camp administration building.

    Then they march off to the canteen for breakfast before proceeding to the first of the scheduled activities which might be a lesson or an outdoor activity.

    The topics that featured in talks for the older members this month included the history of Ukraine’s struggles in the 20th century for freedom. Much time was devoted to the leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Stepan Bandera, as 2019 sees the 110th anniversary of his birth and 60th anniversary of his assassination by the Soviet KGB.

    Other topics included the more recent history of the EuroMaidan Revolution, the mass demonstrations that drove Kremlin-backed former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych from power in 2014, triggering Moscow’s war against Ukraine that continues today.

    Speakers also talked about Russian disinformation and distortion of Ukraine’s history in the past and present attempts by Moscow to pervert the truth and perceptions about Ukraine using “hybrid-war” techniques.

    CYM sprang up in the 1920s in the Soviet Ukraine imposed by the Kremlin on a defeated, short-lived Ukrainian Republic whose army had been crushed by communist forces. It began as a secret society for students and other young people who wanted to keep alive the spirit of a free Ukraine.

    The group, organized in five-member cells, spread rapidly causing alarm to the Soviet government. Communist agents penetrated the groups and in 1929 hundreds of its members were rounded up and sentenced to the Gulags from which few returned.

    One of CYM’s founders, Mykola Pavlushkov, and some 300 members were executed by firing squad at one of the Soviet’s first concentration camps in the Solovetsky Islands on the White Sea in 1937 as part of the Kremlin’s 20th anniversary commemoration of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution.

    After World War II, CYM started to be rebuilt by refugees from Ukraine, tens of thousands of whom lived for several years in displaced persons’ camps in Germany and Austria. Bandera supporters were instrumental in reviving CYM in the West after the war and the association is clearly streaked with their style of impassioned Ukrainian patriotism.

    It also flourished in every country with significant Ukrainian communities including the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Argentina, Brazil, Australia and New Zealand. CYM has some 1,600 members in the U.S. in its 28 branches in 12 of America’s states.

    The man heading up, for the fourth time, the camp for older CYM members this year is Mykola Hryckowian. His parents came to the U.S. after World War Two and both had staunchly patriotic backgrounds.

    Hryckowian said: “The primary purpose of these camps is to give the kids a chance to be in a camp environment where they learn independence and can socialize among their peers.” Also, he said, to allow the participants “to get some Ukrainian spirit – they learn about their ancestral homeland.”

    Hryckowian said another important aspect was to encourage CYM members to take part in the wider Ukrainian community. He said that he had seen many young people who had spent summers at the camps, who became active members of the diaspora, have got married and had children of their own who are now attending the camps.

    This year the camp straddled the July Fourth American Independence Day celebrations and, on July 7, the day called “Svyato Heroyiv,” a festival of heroes, when many diaspora Ukrainians commemorate Ukrainians who have led the struggle for their country’s freedom in years past.

    Hryckowian said that part of CYM’s role is to instill patriotism among its members for both Ukraine and the country they live in.

    He said: “We are citizens of the United States – the best democracy in the world. We teach that you’re born here, you are an American citizen and that’s to be respected. Our name is Ukrainian American Youth Association. On Fourth of July the kids came out at midnight and they sang the American national anthem. So, yes, we try to teach our members to be good citizens.”

    Hundreds of parents of the campers and others from the Ukrainian community visited the camp to take part in events commemorating the important American and Ukrainian dates. Some of the visitors stayed at a little hotel operated by CYM which caters to visitors from the Ukrainian-American community. Others pitched their own tents within the resort.

    On the Saturday evening there was an outdoor concert for the campers and visitors with a traditional dance group and a choir from the diaspora and rock band called “Doox” (pronounced “Dookh”) from Ukraine followed by a dance with music that spanned waltzes to discotheque.

    On July 7, with CYM members in full uniform, and visitors also taking part, there was a church service at the camp’s own chapel. That was followed by a wreath-laying ceremony at a nearby monument dedicated to all Ukraine’s independence heroes.

    Dmitri Lenzcuk, as chief instructor, was responsible for working out the schedule of lessons and activities for the camp. He is a second-generation American whose grandparents arrived in the U.S. after the war and he said he was three or four years old when he first put on a CYM uniform.

    Lenczuk, who lives in Passaic, New Jersey, where he is an English teacher at a school, said: “My number one focus is helping children to develop a national consciousness about Ukraine while not living in Ukraine. Countering assimilation. A lot of the kids who come to this camp are already second, third, fourth generation Ukrainian-American. The purpose of CYM is to continue that national consciousness. But also as a teacher, as with my own students in school, I want them to have practical knowledge and to develop their own leadership skills.”

    Adrian Dlaboha, the leader of CYM in the U.S., said he wants to encourage CYM members to visit Ukraine to increase with firsthand experience their own knowledge of the country and to even help in its development: “We would like them to travel there, become volunteers in different aspects of nation-building……..there’s a great need to engage with those people who are directly or indirectly affected by the war.”

    He also aims to create a welcoming environment for more recent Ukrainian immigrants to the U.S. since 1991 independence to encourage them to join CYM. He said that a new chapter of CYM is about to be created in the Brooklyn area of New York City, where many newcomers from Ukraine have settled.

    Since Ukrainian independence both CYM and Plast have replanted their movements in the original Ukrainian soil they sprang from and both have helped fill the vacuum caused by the disappearance of the Soviet-era “Komsomol” and “Pioneer” youth organizations that were riddled with communist and atheistic ideology.

    CYM started to recruit members in Ukraine shortly before 1991 independence and in 1996 Ukrainian CYM officially became a fully-fledged member of the association’s worldwide structure.

    Since the conflict began in Ukraine in 2014, CYM has organized summer camps for children affected by the war. Christya Bihun, a longtime CYM member from New York City, has been one of the people running the “Blahodiynyi Tabir” or “Benevolent Camp” for the last four years.

    This year, she said it will be held from July 29 to August 10 at an upgraded former Soviet-era children’s vacation resort near the city of Chernihiv.

    Up to 120 children will take part with the costs being covered by CYM organizations in various western countries, including the U.S.

    Bihun said that local branches of CYM in Ukraine coordinate with military centers and nongovernmental organizations around the country to select children for the camps. Many of the children have parents who are serving in the military or who have been killed in the war. Others live in frontline areas in the east Ukrainian conflict areas of Luhansk and Donetsk, while some are refugees who have fled from territory occupied by pro-Russian forces.

    She said: “Many of these children think that nobody knows or cares about them; that they are invisible. When they realize that some people, even from far-away America, say ‘we know who you are, we know what you are going through and what happened’ their eyes grow big and they are completely taken aback.”

    ———-

    “Ukrainian youth organization CYM thriving in America” by Askold Krushelnycky; Kyiv Post; 07/29/2019

    “Lenczuk, who lives in Passaic, New Jersey, where he is an English teacher at a school, said: “My number one focus is helping children to develop a national consciousness about Ukraine while not living in Ukraine. Countering assimilation. A lot of the kids who come to this camp are already second, third, fourth generation Ukrainian-American. The purpose of CYM is to continue that national consciousness. But also as a teacher, as with my own students in school, I want them to have practical knowledge and to develop their own leadership skills.””

    Countering assimilation and helping the kids developing a national consciousness about Ukraine while not living in Ukraine. That was the description of Dmitri Lenzcuk, the camp’s chief instructor who is responsible for working out the lessons and activities for the camp. And a big part of the development of that national consciousness about Ukraine appears to be teaching the kids about Stepan Bandera…along with lessons on Russian “hybrid warfare”, which is presumably a ‘lesson’ about how the kids should ignore all the horrible things they might hear about Bandera:


    The topics that featured in talks for the older members this month included the history of Ukraine’s struggles in the 20th century for freedom. Much time was devoted to the leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Stepan Bandera, as 2019 sees the 110th anniversary of his birth and 60th anniversary of his assassination by the Soviet KGB.

    Other topics included the more recent history of the EuroMaidan Revolution, the mass demonstrations that drove Kremlin-backed former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych from power in 2014, triggering Moscow’s war against Ukraine that continues today.

    Speakers also talked about Russian disinformation and distortion of Ukraine’s history in the past and present attempts by Moscow to pervert the truth and perceptions about Ukraine using “hybrid-war” techniques.

    The indoctrination of kids with Ukrainian nationalism. That’s exactly what we should expect and that’s what we find. So there isn’t anything particularly surprising in that description of these Ukrainian Youth camps. Unfortunately.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 8, 2019, 10:13 am
  4. Oh look, a Ukrainian court just ruled in favor C14 in its lawsuit against the Ukraine news outlet Hromadske TV. The suit was over Hromadske TV labeling C14 a neo-Nazi group in a May 2018 tweet. That’s seriously what the suit was about. A lawyer for C14 asserts that the group, while nationalist, is not neo-Nazi in nature and labeling it a neo-Nazi group hurt its “business reputation”. And the Kyiv City Commercial Court agreed, ruling that Hromadske TV couldn’t establish that C14 – a group named after David Lane’s “14 words” white supramacist slogan – was actually a neo-Nazi group. As a result, Hromadske TV has to retract its tweet and pay 3,500 hryvnyas ($136) in court fees for C14.

    It’s a sign of how far along the mainstreaming of Ukraine’s neo-Nazi groups is in Ukraine: if you call the open neo-Nazis “neo-Nazis”, they can sue you and win:

    Radio Free Europe
    Radio Liberty

    Ukrainian Court Rules Against News Outlet That Called Violent Far-Right Group ‘Neo-Nazi’

    By Christopher Miller
    August 06, 2019 15:29 GMT

    KYIV — A Ukrainian court has ruled in favor of a violent far-right organization labeled a “nationalist hate group” by the U.S. State Department that claimed a news outlet damaged its reputation when it labeled it as “neo-Nazi” in a tweet last year.

    The independent Hromadske TV said in a statement on August 6 that the Kyiv City Commercial Court decided that the outlet could not provide sufficient evidence to support its claim that C14, which takes its name from a 14-word phrase used by white supremacists, and whose own members have admitted to joining it because of its neo-Nazi ideology, was, in fact, a neo-Nazi organization.

    The ruling orders Hromadske TV to retract its tweet and pay 3,500 hryvnyas ($136) in court fees for C14.

    “The decision is incorrect and illegal, it introduces an egregious tendency that suppresses freedom of speech. We will appeal it,” said Oksana Tchaikovska, an attorney for Hromadske TV.

    Hromadske TV’s editor in chief, Angelina Karyakina, said she was “surprised by the decision.”

    Karyakina said that Hromadske stood by its characterization of C14 as neo-Nazi despite the ruling.

    RFE/RL could not reach C14 members for comment. Hromadske TV said C14 had declined its request for comment on the ruling, but it spoke to a lawyer who represented the group at a previous court hearing.

    “The position of C14 is that they are not a neo-Nazi group in their activities or in the nature of their activities,” Victor Moroz was quoted by Hromadske TV as saying. “They are a nationalist group, but they are by no means neo-Nazi.”

    He said that Hromadske TV calling the organization neo-Nazi harmed the “business reputation” of C14.

    Other media outlets, as well as human rights organizations such as the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, have also referred to C14 as neo-Nazi.

    The tweet that led to the lawsuit was published by Hromadske TV’s English-language account on May 4, 2018.

    In the tweet, Hromadske called C14 a “neo-Nazi group” when reporting that several of its members had seized a Brazilian man who fought on the side of Russia-backed separatists against Ukrainian forces during the five-year war still raging in the country’s eastern Donbas region.

    The Brazilian, Rafael Lusvarghi, had been discovered earlier by RFE/RL in Kyiv.

    C14, whose social-media pages show the group’s use of white-supremacist symbols, has a long history of violence. Two of its members, Andriy Medvedko and Denys Polishchuk, are currently on trial in Ukraine for the high-profile 2015 murder of Ukrainian reporter Oles Buzyna. They deny the charges.

    Other members of C14 have been behind several violent attacks against minority groups, including the Romany community. In some cases, they have live-streamed and posted videos and photographs of those attacks on social media.

    The group’s violent actions and imagery, along with its hateful posts have led to it being banned from Facebook, company officials told RFE/RL.

    Nevertheless, C14 has received state funding for two years running from the Ministry of Youth and Sport to conduct “national-patriotic education” courses at summer camps for the country’s youth.

    ———-

    “Ukrainian Court Rules Against News Outlet That Called Violent Far-Right Group ‘Neo-Nazi'” by Christopher Miller, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 08/06/2019

    “The independent Hromadske TV said in a statement on August 6 that the Kyiv City Commercial Court decided that the outlet could not provide sufficient evidence to support its claim that C14, which takes its name from a 14-word phrase used by white supremacists, and whose own members have admitted to joining it because of its neo-Nazi ideology, was, in fact, a neo-Nazi organization.”

    The Kyiv City Commercial Court appears to enjoy the same kind of trolling neo-Nazis are known to love. It’s also somewhat comical that C14 claims its “business reputation” was damaged by the label, a claim that presumes some people are doing business with C14 and don’t realize its a neo-Nazi organizations. So it’s worth keeping in mind one of the primary ‘businesses’ that C14 engages in at this point: running state-funded youth camps:


    RFE/RL could not reach C14 members for comment. Hromadske TV said C14 had declined its request for comment on the ruling, but it spoke to a lawyer who represented the group at a previous court hearing.

    “The position of C14 is that they are not a neo-Nazi group in their activities or in the nature of their activities,” Victor Moroz was quoted by Hromadske TV as saying. “They are a nationalist group, but they are by no means neo-Nazi.”

    He said that Hromadske TV calling the organization neo-Nazi harmed the “business reputation” of C14.

    C14, whose social-media pages show the group’s use of white-supremacist symbols, has a long history of violence. Two of its members, Andriy Medvedko and Denys Polishchuk, are currently on trial in Ukraine for the high-profile 2015 murder of Ukrainian reporter Oles Buzyna. They deny the charges.

    Nevertheless, C14 has received state funding for two years running from the Ministry of Youth and Sport to conduct “national-patriotic education” courses at summer camps for the country’s youth.

    Who knows, maybe being labeled a neo-Nazi organization limited the number of parents who wanted to send their kids to the C14 youth camps for “national-patriotic education.” Problem solved.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 15, 2019, 1:11 pm

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