Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #1072 Doin’ Wind Sprints with the Snake in Ukraine

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This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Cel­e­bra­tion of the 75th Anniver­sary of the found­ing of the 14th Waf­fen SS Divi­sion in Lviv, Ukraine

Intro­duc­tion: We pro­ceed from our pre­vi­ous pro­gram with con­tin­ued read­ing of an arti­cle about the rise of fas­cism in Ukraine that details the numer­ous, mul­ti-faceted exam­ples of the cap­ture of Ukrain­ian soci­ety and gov­ern­ment by the OUN/B suc­ces­sor orga­ni­za­tions ele­vat­ed to pow­er through the Maid­an coup.

* The ele­va­tion of the neo-Nazi Azov Bat­tal­ion that was for­mal­ly incor­po­rat­ed into Ukraine’s armed forces yet remains a neo-Nazi bat­tal­ion.
* Azov is now engaged in polic­ing with its Nation­al Druzhi­na street patrol units that have engaged in anti-Roma pogroms
* Azov’s cam­paign to turn Ukraine into an inter­na­tion­al hub of white suprema­cy
* Andriy Parubiy’s role in cre­at­ing Ukraine’s Nazi Par­ty that he con­tin­ues to embrace and that’s rou­tine­ly ignored as he has become the par­lia­ment speak­er
* The deputy min­is­ter of the Interior—which con­trols the Nation­al Police—is a vet­er­an of Azov, Vadim Troy­an
* Gov­ern­ment spon­sor­ship of his­tor­i­cal revi­sion­ism and holo­caust denial though agen­cies like Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Mem­o­ry
* Torch­light parades are now nor­mal
* With­in sev­er­al years, an entire gen­er­a­tion will be indoc­tri­nat­ed to wor­ship Holo­caust per­pe­tra­tors as nation­al heroes
* Books that crit­i­cize the now-glo­ri­fied WWII Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors like Stepan Ban­dera are get­ting banned
* Pub­lic offi­cials make threats against Ukraine’s Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty with no reper­cus­sions
* The neo-Nazi C14’s street patrol gangs are both respon­si­ble for anti-Roma pogroms and also the recip­i­ent of gov­ern­ment funds to run a children’s edu­ca­tion­al camp. Last Octo­ber, C14 leader Ser­hiy Bon­dar was wel­comed at Amer­i­ca House Kyiv, a cen­ter run by the US gov­ern­ment
* It’s open sea­son on the LGBT com­mu­ni­ty and far right groups rou­tine­ly attack LGBT gath­er­ings
* Ukraine is extreme­ly dan­ger­ous for jour­nal­ists and the gov­ern­ment has sup­port­ed the doxxing and intim­i­da­tion of jour­nal­ist by the far right like Myrovorets group
* The gov­ern­ment is try­ing to repeal laws pro­tect­ing the many minor­i­ty lan­guages used in Ukraine

Yet, as the arti­cle notes at the end, its many exam­ples were just a small sam­pling of what has tran­spired in Ukraine since 2014.

We have spo­ken repeat­ed­ly about the Nazi tract Ser­pen­t’s Walk, in which the Third Reich goes under­ground, buys into the opin­ion-form­ing media and, even­tu­al­ly, takes over.

Hitler, the Third Reich and their actions are glo­ri­fied and memo­ri­al­ized. The essence of the book is syn­op­sized on the back cov­er:

“It assumes that Hitler’s war­rior elite — the SS — did­n’t give up their strug­gle for a White world when they lost the Sec­ond World War. Instead their sur­vivors went under­ground and adopt­ed some of their tac­tics of their ene­mies: they began build­ing their eco­nom­ic mus­cle and buy­ing into the opin­ion-form­ing media. A cen­tu­ry after the war they are ready to chal­lenge the democ­rats and Jews for the hearts and minds of White Amer­i­cans, who have begun to have their fill of gov­ern­ment-enforced mul­ti-cul­tur­al­ism and ‘equal­i­ty.’ ”

Some­thing anal­o­gous is hap­pen­ing in Ukraine and India.

In Ukraine, fas­cism in being remade as a hero­ic bul­wark against com­mu­nism and Rus­sia. In India, it is being remade as a lib­er­at­ing anti-colo­nial, anti-impe­r­i­al force.

In FTR #889, we not­ed that Pierre Omid­yar, a dar­ling of the so-called “pro­gres­sive” sec­tor for his found­ing of The Inter­cept, was deeply involved with the financ­ing of the ascent of both Naren­dra Mod­i’s Hin­dut­va fas­cist BJP and the OUN/B suc­ces­sor orga­ni­za­tions in Ukraine.

Omid­yar’s anoint­ment as an icon of inves­tiga­tive report­ing could not be more iron­ic, in that jour­nal­ists and crit­ics of his fas­cist allies in Ukraine and India are being repressed and mur­dered, there­by fur­ther­ing the sup­pres­sion of truth in those soci­eties. This sup­pres­sion of truth feeds in to the Ser­pen­t’s Walk sce­nario.

The Snake is doing wind sprints in the  U.S. as well.

We have not­ed the pho­to of Bara­boo, Wis­con­sin high school stu­dents giv­ing the Nazi salute at their junior prom.

Now, Bara­boo Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can youth have erect­ed stat­ues of Ukrain­ian pogromist Simonon Petlu­ra (translit­er­at­ed spellings vary), along with Ukrain­ian Nazi lead­ers Roman Shukhevych and Stephan Ban­dera.

This is to be seen against the back­ground of the re-insti­tu­tion of OUN/B fas­cists in Ukraine.

To pro­vide his­tor­i­cal and polit­i­cal con­text to the dis­cus­sion, we con­clude the broad­cast with infor­ma­tion sup­ple­ment­ing pre­vi­ous analy­sis of the devel­op­ment of “The Chris­t­ian West.” It is with­in the cre­ation of The Chris­t­ian West that the foun­da­tion of the present, unfor­tu­nate devel­op­ments is to be found.In FTR #‘s 1058, 1059, 1060, we revis­it­ed the con­cept of “The Chris­t­ian West”: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeat­ed, it opened secret nego­ti­a­tions with rep­re­sen­ta­tives from the West­ern Allies. Rep­re­sen­ta­tives on both sides belonged to the transat­lantic finan­cial and indus­tri­al fra­ter­ni­ty that had active­ly sup­port­ed fas­cism. The thrust of these nego­ti­a­tions was the estab­lish­ment of The Chris­t­ian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehi­cle for sur­viv­ing mil­i­tary defeat, ‘The Chris­t­ian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich join­ing with the U.S., Britain, France and oth­er Euro­pean nations in a transat­lantic, pan-Euro­pean anti-Sovi­et alliance. In fact, The Chris­t­ian West became a real­i­ty only after the ces­sa­tion of hos­til­i­ties. The de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many was abort­ed. Although a few of the more obvi­ous and obnox­ious ele­ments of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to pow­er at vir­tu­al­ly every lev­el and in almost every capac­i­ty in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. . . .”

In FTR #1009, we detailed “Chris­t­ian West” nego­ti­a­tions to have a Hitler-less Third Reich join with the West­ern Allies, under­tak­en by OSS rep­re­sen­ta­tives Allen Dulles and William Dono­van, net­work­ing with Prince Max Egon von Hohen­lo­he, a proxy for SD offi­cer Wal­ter Schel­len­berg.

Allen Dulles

In in his 1985 vol­ume Amer­i­can Swasti­ka, the late author Charles High­am pro­vides us with insight into the Chris­t­ian West con­cept, reveal­ing the extent to which these SS/OSS nego­ti­a­tions set the tem­plate for the post-World War II world, as well as the degree of res­o­nance that key Amer­i­cans, such as Allen Dulles, had with Nazi ide­ol­o­gy, anti-Semi­tism in par­tic­u­lar.

The post­war polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic real­i­ties of the Dulles, Hohen­lo­he, Schel­len­berg meet­ings were fur­ther solid­i­fied when William (Wild Bill) Dono­van entered into his “M” Project.

Impor­tant to note in this con­text, is the dom­i­nant role in world affairs played by car­tels, the fun­da­men­tal ele­ment in the indus­tri­al and finan­cial axis that was essen­tial to the cre­ation and per­pet­u­a­tion of fas­cism. Much of the Third Reich’s mil­i­tary indus­tri­al com­plex, the pri­ma­cy of Ger­many in the post­war EU, as well as the cor­re­la­tion between post­war Europe as con­struct­ed in the Chris­t­ian West nego­ti­a­tions and long-stand­ing Ger­man plans for Euro­pean dom­i­na­tion are deriv­a­tive of the pow­er of car­tels.

The Chris­t­ian West and “M” Projects:

  1. Revealed that Allen Dulles’ views res­onat­ed with Third Reich anti-Semi­tism, and that his opin­ions were shared by oth­er, like-mind­ed Amer­i­can pow­er bro­kers: ” . . . . He said that it would be unbear­able for any decent Euro­pean to think that the Jews might return some­day, and that there must be no tol­er­a­tion of a return of the Jew­ish pow­er posi­tions. . . . He made the curi­ous asser­tion that the Amer­i­cans were only con­tin­u­ing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were peo­ple in Amer­i­ca who were intend­ing to send the Jews to Africa. . . .”
  2. Set the tem­plate for the post­war Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many and the EU: ” . . . . He [Dulles] reit­er­at­ed his desire for a greater Euro­pean polit­i­cal federation–and fore­saw the fed­er­al Ger­many that in fact took place. . . . Ger­many would be set up as the dom­i­nat­ing force in indus­try and agri­cul­ture in con­ti­nen­tal Europe, at the heart of a con­ti­nen­tal state run by Ger­many, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .”
  3. Were the vehi­cle for Allen Dulles to betray much of the Allied mil­i­tary plans for South­ern Europe to the Third Reich: “. . . . Dulles now pro­ceed­ed to sup­ply Hohen­lo­he with dol­lops of secret intel­li­gence, announc­ing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after con­quer­ing Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the Ger­man oil sup­plies. He said it was like­ly the Allies would land in Sici­ly to cut off Rom­mel and con­trol Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balka­ns. Hav­ing giv­en vir­tu­al­ly the entire bat­tle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Ger­many’s agents, Allen Dulles pro­ceed­ed to the almost unnec­es­sary rid­er that he had very good rela­tions with the Vat­i­can. . . .”
  4. Direct­ly fore­shad­owed the con­fronta­tion between the U.S. and the Sovi­et Union which became the Cold War.  “. . . . In oth­er meet­ings, Dulles . . . . pre­dict­ed that ‘the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Sovi­et Union.’ . . . .”
  5. Were the occa­sion for Dulles to laud the “genius” of Nazi pro­pa­gan­da min­is­ter Joseph Goebbels: “He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as ‘a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such ratio­nal plea­sure.’ . . . .”

1. We pro­ceed from our pre­vi­ous pro­gram with an arti­cle about the rise of fas­cism in Ukraine that details the numer­ous, mul­ti-faceted exam­ples of the cap­ture of Ukrain­ian soci­ety and gov­ern­ment by the OUN/B suc­ces­sor orga­ni­za­tions ele­vat­ed to pow­er through the Maid­an coup.

* The ele­va­tion of the neo-Nazi Azov Bat­tal­ion that was for­mal­ly incor­po­rat­ed into Ukraine’s armed forces yet remains a neo-Nazi bat­tal­ion.
* Azov is now engaged in polic­ing with its Nation­al Druzhi­na street patrol units that have engaged in anti-Roma pogroms
* Azov’s cam­paign to turn Ukraine into an inter­na­tion­al hub of white suprema­cy
* Andriy Parubiy’s role in cre­at­ing Ukraine’s Nazi Par­ty that he con­tin­ues to embrace and that’s rou­tine­ly ignored as he has become the par­lia­ment speak­er
* The deputy min­is­ter of the Interior—which con­trols the Nation­al Police—is a vet­er­an of Azov, Vadim Troy­an
* Gov­ern­ment spon­sor­ship of his­tor­i­cal revi­sion­ism and holo­caust denial though agen­cies like Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Mem­o­ry
* Torch­light parades are now nor­mal
* With­in sev­er­al years, an entire gen­er­a­tion will be indoc­tri­nat­ed to wor­ship Holo­caust per­pe­tra­tors as nation­al heroes
* Books that crit­i­cize the now-glo­ri­fied WWII Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors like Stepan Ban­dera are get­ting banned
* Pub­lic offi­cials make threats against Ukraine’s Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty with no reper­cus­sions
* The neo-Nazi C14’s street patrol gangs are both respon­si­ble for anti-Roma pogroms and also the recip­i­ent of gov­ern­ment funds to run a children’s edu­ca­tion­al camp. Last Octo­ber, C14 leader Ser­hiy Bon­dar was wel­comed at Amer­i­ca House Kyiv, a cen­ter run by the US gov­ern­ment
* It’s open sea­son on the LGBT com­mu­ni­ty and far right groups rou­tine­ly attack LGBT gath­er­ings
* Ukraine is extreme­ly dan­ger­ous for jour­nal­ists and the gov­ern­ment has sup­port­ed the doxxing and intim­i­da­tion of jour­nal­ist by the far right like Myrovorets group
* The gov­ern­ment is try­ing to repeal laws pro­tect­ing the many minor­i­ty lan­guages used in Ukraine

And yet, as the arti­cle notes at the end, its many exam­ples were just a small sam­pling of what has tran­spired in Ukraine since 2014:

“Neo-Nazis and the Far Right Are On the March in Ukraine” by Lev Golinkin; The Nation; 02/22/2019.

Five years ago, Ukraine’s Maid­an upris­ing oust­ed Pres­i­dent Vik­tor Yanukovych, to the cheers and sup­port of the West. Politi­cians and ana­lysts in the Unit­ed States and Europe not only cel­e­brat­ed the upris­ing as a tri­umph of democ­ra­cy, but denied reports of Maidan’s ultra­na­tion­al­ism, smear­ing those who warned about the dark side of the upris­ing as Moscow pup­pets and use­ful idiots. Free­dom was on the march in Ukraine.

Today, increas­ing reports of far-right vio­lence, ultra­na­tion­al­ism, and ero­sion of basic free­doms are giv­ing the lie to the West’s ini­tial eupho­ria. There are neo-Nazi pogroms against the Roma, ram­pant attacks on fem­i­nists and LGBT groups, book bans, and state-spon­sored glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors.

These sto­ries of Ukraine’s dark nation­al­ism aren’t com­ing out of Moscow; they’re being filed by West­ern media, includ­ing US-fund­ed Radio Free Europe (RFE); Jew­ish orga­ni­za­tions such as the World Jew­ish Con­gress and the Simon Wiesen­thal Cen­ter; and watch­dogs like Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al, Human Rights Watch, and Free­dom House, which issued a joint report warn­ing that Kiev is los­ing the monop­oly on the use of force in the coun­try as far-right gangs oper­ate with impuni­ty.

Five years after Maid­an, the bea­con of democ­ra­cy is look­ing more like a torch­light march.

Com­bat hel­mets of the Azov Bat­tal­ion.

A neo-Nazi bat­tal­ion in the heart of Europe

Vol­un­teer Ukrain­ian Unit Includes Nazis.”—USA Today, March 10, 2015

The DC establishment’s stan­dard defense of Kiev is to point out that Ukraine’s far right has a small­er per­cent­age of seats in the par­lia­ment than their coun­ter­parts in places like France. That’s a spu­ri­ous argu­ment: What Ukraine’s far right lacks in polls num­bers, it makes up for with things Marine Le Pen could only dream of—paramilitary units and free rein on the streets.

Post-Maid­an Ukraine is the world’s only nation to have a neo-Nazi for­ma­tion in its armed forces. The Azov Bat­tal­ion was ini­tial­ly formed out of the neo-Nazi gang Patri­ot of Ukraine. Andriy Bilet­sky, the gang’s leader who became Azov’s com­man­der, once wrote that Ukraine’s mis­sion is to “lead the White Races of the world in a final crusade…against the Semi­te-led Unter­men­schen.” Bilet­sky is now a deputy in Ukraine’s par­lia­ment.

In the fall of 2014, Azov—which is accused of human-rights abus­es, includ­ing tor­ture, by Human Rights Watchand the Unit­ed Nations—was incor­po­rat­ed into Ukraine’s Nation­al Guard.

While the group offi­cial­ly denies any neo-Nazi con­nec­tions, Azov’s nature has been con­firmed by mul­ti­ple West­ern out­lets: The New York Times called the bat­tal­ion“open­ly neo-Nazi,” while USA TodayThe Dai­ly BeastThe Tele­graph, and Haaretzdoc­u­ment­ed group mem­bers’ pro­cliv­i­ty for swastikas, salutes, and oth­er Nazi sym­bols, and indi­vid­ual fight­ers have also acknowl­edged being neo-Nazis.

In Jan­u­ary 2018, Azov rolled out its Nation­al Druzhi­nastreet patrol unit whose mem­bers swore per­son­al feal­ty to Bilet­sky and pledged to “restore Ukrain­ian order” to the streets. The Druzhi­na quick­ly dis­tin­guished itself by car­ry­ing out pogroms against the Roma and LGBTorga­ni­za­tions and storm­ing a munic­i­pal coun­cil. Ear­li­er this year, Kiev announced the storm­ing unit will be mon­i­tor­ing polls in next month’s pres­i­den­tial elec­tion.

In 2017, Con­gress­man Ro Khan­na led the effort to ban Azov from receiv­ing U.S. arms and train­ing. But the dam­age has already been done: The research group Belling­cat proved that Azov had already received access to Amer­i­can grenade launch­ers, while a Dai­ly Beast inves­ti­ga­tion showed that US train­ers are unable to pre­vent aid from reach­ing white suprema­cists. And Azov itself had proud­ly post­ed a video of the unit wel­com­ing NATO rep­re­sen­ta­tives.

(Azov isn’t the only far-right for­ma­tion to get West­ern affir­ma­tion. In Decem­ber 2014, Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al accused the Dnipro‑1 bat­tal­ion of poten­tial war crimes, includ­ing “using star­va­tion of civil­ians as a method of war­fare.” Six months lat­er, Sen­a­tor John McCain vis­it­ed and praised the bat­tal­ion.)

Par­tic­u­lar­ly con­cern­ing is Azov’s cam­paign to trans­form Ukraine into a hub for transna­tion­al white suprema­cy. The unit has recruit­ed neo-Nazis from Ger­many, the UKBrazilSwe­den, and Amer­i­ca; last Octo­ber, the FBI arrest­ed four Cal­i­for­nia white suprema­cists who had alleged­ly received train­ing from Azov. This is a clas­sic exam­ple of blow­back: US sup­port of rad­i­cals abroad ric­o­chet­ing to hit Amer­i­ca.

Far right ties to gov­ern­ment

Ukrain­ian police declare admi­ra­tion for Nazi collaborators”—RFE, Feb­ru­ary 13, 2019

Speak­er of Par­lia­ment Andriy Paru­biycofound­ed and led two neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tions: the Social-Nation­al Par­ty of Ukraine(lat­er renamed Svo­bo­da), and Patri­ot of Ukraine, whose mem­bers would even­tu­al­ly form the core of Azov.

Although Paru­biy left the far right in the ear­ly 2000’s, he hasn’t reject­ed his past. When asked about it in a 2016 inter­view, Paru­biy replied that his “val­ues” haven’t changed. Paru­biy, whose auto­bi­og­ra­phy shows him march­ing with the neo-Nazi wolf­san­gel sym­bol used by Aryan Nationsreg­u­lar­ly meets with Wash­ing­ton think tanksand politi­cians; his neo-Nazi back­ground is ignored or out­right denied.

Even more dis­turb­ing is the far right’s pen­e­tra­tion of law enforce­ment. Short­ly after Maid­an, the US equipped and trainedthe new­ly found­ed Nation­al Police, in what was intend­ed to be a hall­mark pro­gram but­tress­ing Ukrain­ian democ­ra­cy.

The deputy min­is­ter of the Interior—which con­trols the Nation­al Police—is Vadim Troy­an, a vet­er­an of Azov and Patri­ot of Ukraine. In 2014, when Troy­an was being con­sid­ered for police chief of Kiev, Ukrain­ian Jew­ish lead­ers were appalled by his neo-Nazi back­ground. Today, he’s deputy of the depart­ment run­ning US-trained law enforce­ment in the entire nation.

Ear­li­er this month, RFE report­edon Nation­al Police lead­er­ship admir­ing Stepan Bandera—a Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tor and Fas­cist whose troops par­tic­i­pat­ed in the Holocaust—on social media.

The fact that Ukraine’s police is pep­pered with far-right sup­port­ers explains why neo-Nazis oper­ate with impuni­ty on the streets.

State-spon­sored glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors

Ukrain­ian extrem­ists cel­e­brate Ukrain­ian Nazi SS divisions…in the mid­dle of a major Ukrain­ian city”—Anti-Defama­tion League Direc­tor of Euro­pean Affairs, April 28, 2018

It’s not just the mil­i­tary and street gangs: Ukraine’s far right has suc­cess­ful­ly hijacked the post-Maid­an gov­ern­ment to impose an intol­er­ant and ultra­na­tion­al­ist cul­ture over the land.

In 2015, the Ukrain­ian par­lia­ment passed leg­is­la­tion mak­ing two WWII paramilitaries—the Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists (OUN) and the Ukrain­ian Insur­gent Army (UPA)—heroes of Ukraine, and made it a crim­i­nal offenseto deny their hero­ism. The OUN had col­lab­o­rat­ed with the Nazis and par­tic­i­pat­ed in the Holo­caust, while the UPA slaugh­tered thou­sands of Jews and 70,000–100,000 Poles on their own voli­tion.

The gov­ern­ment-fund­ed Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Mem­o­ry is insti­tu­tion­al­iz­ing the white­wash­ing of Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors. Last sum­mer, the Ukrain­ian par­lia­ment fea­tured an exhib­itcom­mem­o­rat­ing the OUN’s 1941 procla­ma­tion of coop­er­a­tion with the Third Reich (imag­ine the French gov­ern­ment installing an exhib­it cel­e­brat­ing the Vichy state!).

Torch­light march­es in hon­or of OUN/UPA lead­ers like Roman Shukhevych (a com­man­der in a Third Reich aux­il­iary bat­tal­ion) are a reg­u­lar fea­ture of the new Ukraine. The recu­per­a­tion even extends to SS Galichi­na, a Ukrain­ian divi­sion of the Waf­fen-SS; the direc­tor of the Insti­tute of Nation­al Mem­o­ry pro­claimed that the SS fight­ers were “war vic­tims.” The government’s embrace of Ban­dera is not only deplorable, but also extreme­ly divi­sive, con­sid­er­ing the OUN/UPA are reviledin east­ern Ukraine.

Pre­dictably, the cel­e­bra­tion of Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors has accom­pa­nied a rise in out­right anti-Semi­tism.

Jews Out!” chant­ed thou­sands dur­ing a Jan­u­ary 2017 march hon­or­ing OUN leader Ban­dera. (The next day the police denied hear­ing any­thing anti-Semit­ic.) That sum­mer, a three-day fes­ti­valcel­e­brat­ing the Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tor Shukhevych capped off with the fire­bomb­ing of a syn­a­gogue. In Novem­ber 2017, RFE report­ed Nazi salutes as 20,000 marched in hon­or of the UPA. And last April, hun­dreds marched in L’viv with coor­di­nat­ed Nazi salutes hon­or­ing SS Galichi­na; the march was pro­mot­edby the L’viv region­al gov­ern­ment.

The Holo­caust revi­sion­ism is a mul­ti-pronged effort, rang­ing from gov­ern­ment-fund­ed sem­i­narsbrochures, and board games, to the pro­lif­er­a­tion of plaquesstat­ues, and streetsrenamed after butch­ers of Jews, to far-right chil­dren camps, where youth are incul­cat­ed with ultra­na­tion­al­ist ide­ol­o­gy.

With­in sev­er­al years, an entire gen­er­a­tion will be indoc­tri­nat­ed to wor­ship Holo­caust per­pe­tra­tors as nation­al heroes.

Book bans

No state should be allowed to inter­fere in the writ­ing of his­to­ry.”—British his­to­ri­an Antony Beevor, after his award-win­ning book was banned in Ukraine, The Tele­graph, Jan­u­ary 23, 2018

Ukraine’s State Com­mit­tee for Tele­vi­sion and Radio Broad­cast­ing is enforc­ing the glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of Ukraine’s new heroes by ban­ning“anti-Ukrain­ian” lit­er­a­ture that goes against the gov­ern­ment nar­ra­tive. This ide­o­log­i­cal cen­sor­ship includes acclaimed books by West­ern authors.

In Jan­u­ary 2018, Ukraine made inter­na­tion­al head­lines by ban­ning Stal­in­grad by award-win­ning British his­to­ri­an Antony Beevor because of a sin­gle para­graphabout a Ukrain­ian unit mas­sacring 90 Jew­ish chil­dren dur­ing World War II. In Decem­ber, Kiev bannedThe Book Thieves by Swedish author Anders Rydell (which, iron­i­cal­ly, is about the Nazis’ sup­pres­sion of lit­er­a­ture) because he men­tioned troops loy­al to Symon Petliu­ra(an ear­ly 20th-cen­tu­ry nation­al­ist leader) had slaugh­tered Jews.

This month, the Ukrain­ian embassy in Wash­ing­ton export­ed this intol­er­ance to Amer­i­ca by brazen­ly demand­ing the Unit­ed States ban a Russ­ian movie from Amer­i­can the­aters. Appar­ent­ly, the bil­lions Wash­ing­ton invest­ed in pro­mot­ing democ­ra­cy in Ukraine have failed to teach Kiev basic con­cepts of free speech.

Anti-Semi­tism

“I’m telling you one more time—go to hell, kikes. The Ukrain­ian peo­ple have had it to here with you.”—Security ser­vices reserve gen­er­al Vasi­ly Vovk, May 11, 2017

Unsur­pris­ing­ly, gov­ern­ment-led glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of Holo­caust per­pe­tra­tors was a green light for oth­er forms of anti-Semi­tism. The past three years saw an explo­sion of swastikas and SS runes on city streets, death threats, and van­dal­ism of Holo­caustmemo­ri­als, Jew­ish cen­tersceme­ter­iestombs, and places of wor­ship, all of which led Israel to take the unusu­al step of pub­licly urg­ing Kiev to address the epi­dem­ic.

Pub­lic offi­cials make anti-Semit­ic threats with no reper­cus­sions. These include: a secu­ri­ty ser­vices gen­er­al promis­ing to elim­i­nate the zhi­di (a slur equiv­a­lent to ‘kikes’); a par­lia­ment deputy going off on an anti-Semit­ic rant on tele­vi­sion; a far-right politi­cian lament­ing Hitler didn’t fin­ish offthe Jews; and an ultra­na­tion­al­ist leader vow­ing to cleanse Odessa of zhi­di.

For the first few years after Maid­an, Jew­ish orga­ni­za­tions large­ly refrained from crit­i­ciz­ing Ukraine, per­haps in the hope Kiev would address the issue on its own. But by 2018, the increas­ing fre­quen­cy of anti-Semit­ic inci­dents led Jew­ish groups to break their silence.

Last year, the Israeli government’s annu­al reporton anti-Semi­tism heav­i­ly fea­tured Ukraine, which had more inci­dents than all post-Sovi­et states com­bined. The World Jew­ish Con­gress, the US Holo­caust Memo­r­i­al Muse­um, and 57 mem­bersof the US Con­gress all vocif­er­ous­ly con­demned Kiev’s Nazi glo­ri­fi­ca­tion and the con­comi­tant anti-Semi­tism.

Ukrain­ian Jew­ish lead­ers are also speak­ing out. In 2017, the direc­tor of one of Ukraine’s largest Jew­ish orga­ni­za­tions pub­lished a New York Times op-ed urg­ing the West to address Kiev’s white­wash­ing. Last year, 41 Ukrain­ian Jew­ish lead­ers denounced the growth of anti-Semi­tism. That’s espe­cial­ly telling, giv­en that many Ukrain­ian Jew­ish lead­ers sup­port­ed the Maid­an upris­ing.

None of these con­cerns have been addressed in any mean­ing­ful way.

Roma pogroms

“‘They want­ed to kill us’: masked neo-fas­cists strike fear into Ukraine’s Roma.”—The Guardian , August 27, 2018

Ukraine’s far right has resist­ed car­ry­ing out out­right attacks on Jews; oth­er vul­ner­a­ble groups haven’t been so lucky.

Last spring, a lethal wave of anti-Roma pogroms swept through Ukraine, with at least six attacks in two months. Footage from the pogroms evokes the 1930s: Armed thugs attack women and chil­dren while raz­ing their camps. At least one man was killed, while oth­ers, includ­ing a child, were stabbed.

Two gangs behind the attacks—C14 and the Nation­al Druzhi­na—felt com­fort­able enough to proud­ly post pogrom videos on social mediaThat’s not sur­pris­ing, con­sid­er­ing that the Nation­al Druzhi­na is part of Azov, while the neo-Nazi C14 receives gov­ern­ment fund­ing for “edu­ca­tion­al” pro­grams. Last Octo­ber, C14 leader Ser­hiy Bon­dar was wel­comed at Amer­i­ca House Kyiv, a cen­ter run by the US gov­ern­ment.

Appeals from inter­na­tion­al orga­ni­za­tions and the US embassy fell on deaf ears: Months after the Unit­ed Nations demand­ed Kiev end “sys­tem­at­ic per­se­cu­tion” of the Roma, a human-rights group report­ed C14 were alleged­ly intim­i­dat­ing Roma in a jointpatrol with the Kiev police.

LGBT and Women’s‑rights groups

“‘It’s even worse than before’: How the ‘Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty’ Failed LGBT Ukraini­ans.”—RFE, Novem­ber 21, 2018

In 2016, after pres­sure from the US Con­gress, the Kiev gov­ern­ment began pro­vid­ing secu­ri­ty for the annu­al Kiev Pride parade. How­ev­er, this increas­ing­ly looks like a Potemkin affair: two hours of pro­tec­tion, with wide­spread attacks on LGBT indi­vid­u­als and gath­er­ings dur­ing the rest of the year. Nation­al­ist groups have tar­get­ed LGBT meet­ings with impuni­ty, going so far as to shut down an event host­ed by Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al as well as assault a West­ern jour­nal­ist at a trans­gen­der rights ral­ly. Women’s‑rights march­es have also been tar­get­ed, includ­ing brazen attacks in March.

Attacks on press

“The Com­mit­tee to Pro­tect Jour­nal­ists con­demns a Ukrain­ian law enforce­ment raid at the Kiev offices of Media Hold­ing Vesti…more than a dozen masked offi­cers ripped open doors with crow­bars, seized prop­er­ty, and fired tear gas in the offices.”—The Com­mit­tee to Pro­tect Jour­nal­ists, Feb­ru­ary 9, 2018

In May 2016, Myrotvorets, an ultra­na­tion­al­ist web­site with links to the gov­ern­ment, pub­lished  the per­son­al data of thou­sands of jour­nal­ists who had obtained accred­i­ta­tion from Rus­sia-backed rebels in east­ern Ukraine. Myrotvorets labeled the jour­nal­ists “ter­ror­ist col­lab­o­ra­tors.”

A gov­ern­ment-tied web­site declar­ing open sea­son on jour­nal­ists would be dan­ger­ous any­where, but it is espe­cial­ly so in Ukraine, which has a dis­turb­ing track record of jour­nal­ist assas­si­na­tions. This includes Oles Buz­i­na, gunned down in 2015, and Pavel Sheremet, assas­si­nat­ed by car bomb a year lat­er.

The Myrotvorets dox­ing was denounced by West­ern reporters, the Com­mit­tee to Pro­tect Jour­nal­ists, and ambas­sadorsfrom the G7 nations. In response, Kiev offi­cials, includ­ing Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Arsen Avakov, praised the site: “This is your choice to coop­er­ate with occu­py­ing forces,” Avakov told jour­nal­ists, while post­ing“I Sup­port Myrotvorets” on Face­book. Myrotvorets remains oper­a­tional today.

Last fall brought anoth­er attack on the media, this time using the courts. The Pros­e­cu­tor General’s office was grant­ed a war­rant to seize records of RFE anti-cor­rup­tion reporter Natal­ie Sedlet­s­ka. An RFE spokes­woman warned that Kiev’s actions cre­at­ed “a chill­ing atmos­phere for jour­nal­ists,” while par­lia­ment deputy Mustafa Nayyem called it “an exam­ple of creep­ing dic­ta­tor­ship.”

Lan­guage laws

“[Prime Min­is­ter Arseniy Yat­senyuk] also made a per­son­al appeal to Russ­ian-speak­ing Ukraini­ans, pledg­ing to support…a spe­cial sta­tus to the Russ­ian lan­guage.”—US Sec­re­tary of State John Ker­ryApril 24, 2014

Ukraine is extra­or­di­nar­i­ly mul­ti­lin­gual: In addi­tion to the mil­lions of Russ­ian-speak­ing east­ern Ukraini­ans, there are areas where Hun­gar­i­an, Roman­ian, and oth­er tongues are preva­lent. These lan­guages were pro­tect­ed by a 2012 region­al-lan­guage law.

The post-Maid­an gov­ern­ment alarmed Russ­ian-speak­ing Ukraini­ans by attempt­ing to annul that law. The US State Depart­ment and Sec­re­tary of State John Ker­ry sought to assuage fears in 2014 by pledg­ingthat Kiev would pro­tect the sta­tus of Russ­ian. Those promis­es came to naught.

A 2017 law man­dat­ed that sec­ondary edu­ca­tion be con­duct­ed strict­ly in Ukrain­ian, which infu­ri­at­edHun­gary, Roma­nia, Bul­gar­ia, and Greece. Sev­er­al regions passed leg­is­la­tion ban­ningthe use of Russ­ian in pub­lic life. Quo­tas enforce Ukrain­ian usage on TV and radio. (This would be akin to Wash­ing­ton forc­ing Span­ish-lan­guage media to broad­cast most­ly in Eng­lish.)

And in Feb­ru­ary 2018, Ukraine’s supreme court struck down the 2012 region­al lan­guage law—the one Ker­ry promised east­ern Ukraini­ans would stay in effect.

Cur­rent­ly, Kiev is prepar­ing to pass a dra­con­ian law that would man­date the use of Ukrain­ian in most aspects of pub­lic life. It’s anoth­er exam­ple of Kiev alien­at­ing mil­lions of its own cit­i­zens, while claim­ing to embrace West­ern val­ues.

The price of will­ful blind­ness

These exam­ples are only a tiny frac­tion of Ukraine’s slide toward intol­er­ance, but they should be enough to point out the obvi­ous: Washington’s deci­sion to ignore the pro­lif­er­a­tion of armed neo-Nazi groups in a high­ly unsta­ble nation only led to them gain­ing more pow­er.

In essay after essay, DC for­eign-pol­i­cy heads have denied or cel­e­brat­ed the influ­ence of Ukraine’s far right. (Curi­ous­ly, the same ana­lysts vocif­er­ous­ly denounce ris­ing nation­al­ism in Hun­gary, Poland, and Italy as high­ly dan­ger­ous.) Per­haps think-tankers delud­ed them­selves into think­ing Kiev’s far-right phase would tuck­er itself out. More like­ly, they sim­ply embraced DC’s go-to strat­e­gy of “my enemy’s ene­my is my friend.” Either way, the ram­i­fi­ca­tions stretch far beyond Ukraine.

America’s back­ing of the Maid­an upris­ing, along with the bil­lions DC sinks into post-Maid­an Kiev, make it clear: Start­ing Feb­ru­ary 2014, Ukraine became Washington’s lat­est democ­ra­cy-spread­ing project. What we per­mit in Ukraine sends a green light to oth­ers.

By tol­er­at­ing neo-Nazi gangs and bat­tal­ions, state-led Holo­caust dis­tor­tion, and attacks on LGBT and the Roma, the Unit­ed States is telling the rest of Europe: “We’re fine with this.” The implications—especially at a time of a glob­al far-right revival—are pro­found­ly dis­turb­ing.

2. The essence of the book Ser­pen­t’s Walk  is pre­sent­ed on the back cov­er:

Ser­pen­t’s Walk by “Ran­dolph D. Calver­hall;” Copy­right 1991 [SC]; Nation­al Van­guard Books; 0–937944-05‑X.

It assumes that Hitler’s war­rior elite — the SS — did­n’t give up their strug­gle for a White world when they lost the Sec­ond World War. Instead their sur­vivors went under­ground and adopt­ed some of the tac­tics of their ene­mies: they began build­ing their eco­nom­ic mus­cle and buy­ing into the opin­ion-form­ing media. A cen­tu­ry after the war they are ready to chal­lenge the democ­rats and Jews for the hearts and minds of White Amer­i­cans, who have begun to have their fill of gov­ern­ment-enforced mul­ti-cul­tur­al­ism and ‘equal­i­ty.’

3. This process is described in more detail in a pas­sage of text, con­sist­ing of a dis­cus­sion between Wrench (a mem­ber of this Under­ground Reich) and a mer­ce­nary named Less­ing.

Ser­pen­t’s Walk by “Ran­dolph D. Calver­hall;” Copy­right 1991 [SC]; Nation­al Van­guard Books; 0–937944-05‑X; pp. 42–43.

. . . . The SS . . . what was left of it . . . had busi­ness objec­tives before and dur­ing World War II. When the war was lost they just kept on, but from oth­er places: Bogo­ta, Asun­cion, Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro, Mex­i­co City, Colom­bo, Dam­as­cus, Dac­ca . . . you name it. They real­ized that the world is head­ing towards a ‘cor­po­racra­cy;’ five or ten inter­na­tion­al super-com­pa­nies that will run every­thing worth run­ning by the year 2100. Those super-cor­po­ra­tions exist now, and they’re already divid­ing up the pro­duc­tion and mar­ket­ing of food, trans­port, steel and heavy indus­try, oil, the media, and oth­er com­modi­ties. They’re most­ly con­glom­er­ates, with fin­gers in more than one pie . . . . We, the SS, have the say in four or five. We’ve been com­pet­ing for the past six­ty years or so, and we’re slow­ly gain­ing . . . . About ten years ago, we swung a merg­er, a takeover, and got vot­ing con­trol of a super­corp that runs a small but sig­nif­i­cant chunk of the Amer­i­can media. Not open­ly, not with bands and trum­pets or swastikas fly­ing, but qui­et­ly: one huge cor­po­ra­tion cud­dling up to anoth­er one and gen­tly munch­ing it up, like a great, gub­bing amoe­ba. Since then we’ve been replac­ing exec­u­tives, push­ing some­body out here, bring­ing some­body else in there. We’ve swing pro­gram con­tent around, too. Not much, but a lit­tle, so it won’t show. We’ve cut down on ‘nasty-Nazi’ movies . . . good guys in white hats and bad guys in black SS hats . . . lov­able Jews ver­sus fiendish Ger­mans . . . and we have media psy­chol­o­gists, ad agen­cies, and behav­ior mod­i­fi­ca­tion spe­cial­ists work­ing on image changes. . . .

4. The broad­cast address­es the grad­ual remak­ing of the image of the Third Reich that is rep­re­sent­ed in Ser­pen­t’s Walk. In the dis­cus­sion excerpt­ed above, this process is fur­ther described.

Ser­pen­t’s Walk by “Ran­dolph D. Calver­hall;” Copy­right 1991 [SC]; Nation­al Van­guard Books; 0–937944-05‑X; pp. 42–44.

. . . . Hell, if you can con granny into buy­ing Sug­ar Turds instead of Bran Farts, then why can’t you swing pub­lic opin­ion over to a cause as vital and impor­tant as ours?’ . . . In any case, we’re slow­ly replac­ing those neg­a­tive images with oth­ers: the ‘Good Bad Guy’ rou­tine’ . . . ‘What do you think of Jesse James? John Dillinger? Julius Cae­sar? Genghis Khan?’ . . . The real­i­ty may have been rough, but there’s a sort of glit­ter about most of those dudes: mean hon­chos but respectable. It’s all how you pack­age it. Opin­ion is a godamned com­mod­i­ty!’ . . . It works with any­body . . . Give it time. Aside from the media, we’ve been buy­ing up pri­vate schools . . . and help­ing some pub­lic ones through phil­an­thropic foun­da­tions . . . and work­ing on the church­es and the Born Agains. . .

5. We have not­ed the pho­to of Bara­boo, Wis­con­sin high school stu­dents giv­ing the Nazi salute at their junior prom.

Now, Bara­boo Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can youth have erect­ed stat­ues of Ukrain­ian pogromist Simonon Petlu­ra (translit­er­at­ed spellings vary), along with Ukrain­ian Nazi lead­ers Roman Shukhevych and Stephan Ban­dera.

This is to be seen against the back­ground of the re-insti­tu­tion of OUN/B fas­cists in Ukraine. We  will resume our exam­i­na­tion of the return of fas­cism to Ukraine in a For The Record series to begin next week.

What a shame! US based Ukrain­ian Youth Union in sum­mer camp in Bara­boo, Wis­con­sin erect­ed mon­u­ments in hon­or of Ukrain­ian nation­al­ists, anti­semites, orga­niz­ers of Jew­ish pogroms, per­pe­tra­tors of Holo­caust, mass killings of Poles: Simon Petlu­ra, Roman Shukhevych and Stepan Ban­dera

6. To pro­vide his­tor­i­cal and polit­i­cal con­text to the dis­cus­sion, we present infor­ma­tion sup­ple­ment­ing pre­vi­ous analy­sis of the devel­op­ment of “The Chris­t­ian West.” It is with­in the cre­ation of The Chris­t­ian West that the foun­da­tion of the present, unfor­tu­nate devel­op­ments is to be found.In FTR #‘s 1058, 1059, 1060, we revis­it­ed the con­cept of “The Chris­t­ian West”: ” . . . . When it became clear that the armies of the Third Reich were going to be defeat­ed, it opened secret nego­ti­a­tions with rep­re­sen­ta­tives from the West­ern Allies. Rep­re­sen­ta­tives on both sides belonged to the transat­lantic finan­cial and indus­tri­al fra­ter­ni­ty that had active­ly sup­port­ed fas­cism. The thrust of these nego­ti­a­tions was the estab­lish­ment of The Chris­t­ian West. Viewed by the Nazis as a vehi­cle for sur­viv­ing mil­i­tary defeat, ‘The Chris­t­ian West’ involved a Hitler-less Reich join­ing with the U.S., Britain, France and oth­er Euro­pean nations in a transat­lantic, pan-Euro­pean anti-Sovi­et alliance. In fact, The Chris­t­ian West became a real­i­ty only after the ces­sa­tion of hos­til­i­ties. The de-Naz­i­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many was abort­ed. Although a few of the more obvi­ous and obnox­ious ele­ments of Nazism were removed, Nazis were returned to pow­er at vir­tu­al­ly every lev­el and in almost every capac­i­ty in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many. . . .”

In FTR #1009, we detailed “Chris­t­ian West” nego­ti­a­tions to have a Hitler-less Third Reich join with the West­ern Allies, under­tak­en by OSS rep­re­sen­ta­tives Allen Dulles and William Dono­van, net­work­ing with Prince Max Egon von Hohen­lo­he, a proxy for SD offi­cer Wal­ter Schel­len­berg.

In in his 1985 vol­ume Amer­i­can Swasti­ka, the late author Charles High­am pro­vides us with insight into the Chris­t­ian West con­cept, reveal­ing the extent to which these SS/OSS nego­ti­a­tions set the tem­plate for the post-World War II world, as well as the degree of res­o­nance that key Amer­i­cans, such as Allen Dulles, had with Nazi ide­ol­o­gy, anti-Semi­tism in par­tic­u­lar.

The post­war polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic real­i­ties of the Dulles, Hohen­lo­he, Schel­len­berg meet­ings were fur­ther solid­i­fied when William (Wild Bill) Dono­van entered into his “M” Project.

Impor­tant to note in this con­text, is the dom­i­nant role in world affairs played by car­tels, the fun­da­men­tal ele­ment in the indus­tri­al and finan­cial axis that was essen­tial to the cre­ation and per­pet­u­a­tion of fas­cism. Much of the Third Reich’s mil­i­tary indus­tri­al com­plex, the pri­ma­cy of Ger­many in the post­war EU, as well as the cor­re­la­tion between post­war Europe as con­struct­ed in the Chris­t­ian West nego­ti­a­tions and long-stand­ing Ger­man plans for Euro­pean dom­i­na­tion are deriv­a­tive of the pow­er of car­tels.

The Chris­t­ian West and “M” Projects:

  1. Revealed that Allen Dulles’ views res­onat­ed with Third Reich anti-Semi­tism, and that his opin­ions were shared by oth­er, like-mind­ed Amer­i­can pow­er bro­kers: ” . . . . He said that it would be unbear­able for any decent Euro­pean to think that the Jews might return some­day, and that there must be no tol­er­a­tion of a return of the Jew­ish pow­er posi­tions. . . . He made the curi­ous asser­tion that the Amer­i­cans were only con­tin­u­ing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were peo­ple in Amer­i­ca who were intend­ing to send the Jews to Africa. . . .”
  2. Set the tem­plate for the post­war Fed­er­al Repub­lic of Ger­many and the EU: ” . . . . He [Dulles] reit­er­at­ed his desire for a greater Euro­pean polit­i­cal federation–and fore­saw the fed­er­al Ger­many that in fact took place. . . . Ger­many would be set up as the dom­i­nat­ing force in indus­try and agri­cul­ture in con­ti­nen­tal Europe, at the heart of a con­ti­nen­tal state run by Ger­many, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .”
  3. Were the vehi­cle for Allen Dulles to betray much of the Allied mil­i­tary plans for South­ern Europe to the Third Reich: “. . . . Dulles now pro­ceed­ed to sup­ply Hohen­lo­he with dol­lops of secret intel­li­gence, announc­ing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after con­quer­ing Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the Ger­man oil sup­plies. He said it was like­ly the Allies would land in Sici­ly to cut off Rom­mel and con­trol Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balka­ns. Hav­ing giv­en vir­tu­al­ly the entire bat­tle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Ger­many’s agents, Allen Dulles pro­ceed­ed to the almost unnec­es­sary rid­er that he had very good rela­tions with the Vat­i­can. . . .”
  4. Direct­ly fore­shad­owed the con­fronta­tion between the U.S. and the Sovi­et Union which became the Cold War.  “. . . . In oth­er meet­ings, Dulles . . . . pre­dict­ed that ‘the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Sovi­et Union.’ . . . .”
  5. Were the occa­sion for Dulles to laud the “genius” of Nazi pro­pa­gan­da min­is­ter Joseph Goebbels: “He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as ‘a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such ratio­nal plea­sure.’ . . . .”

 Amer­i­can Swasti­ka by Charles High­am; Dou­ble­day & Co. [HC]; Copy­right 1985 by Charles High­am; ISBN 0–385-17874–3; pp. 191–194.

. . . . Dulles pressed ahead. He said that it would be unbear­able for any decent Euro­pean to think that the Jews might return some­day, and that there must be no tol­er­a­tion of a return of the Jew­ish pow­er posi­tions. He reit­er­at­ed his desire for a greater Euro­pean polit­i­cal federation–and fore­saw the fed­er­al Ger­many that in fact took place. . . . He made the curi­ous asser­tion that the Amer­i­cans were only con­tin­u­ing the war to get rid of the Jews and that there were peo­ple in Amer­i­ca who were intend­ing to send the Jews to Africa. This was Hitler’s dream of course: that the Jews would go to Mada­gas­car and stay there. . . .

. . . . Dulles now pro­ceed­ed to sup­ply Hohen­lo­he with dol­lops of secret intel­li­gence, announc­ing that the U.S. Army would not land in Spain but, after con­quer­ing Tunisia, would advance from Africa toward the Ploesti oil fields to cut off the Ger­man oil sup­plies. He said it was like­ly the Allies would land in Sici­ly to cut off Rom­mel and con­trol Italy from there, and thus secure the advance in the Balka­ns.

Hav­ing giv­en vir­tu­al­ly the entire bat­tle plan for Europe, top secret at the time, to one of Ger­many’s agents, Allen Dulles pro­ceed­ed to the almost unnec­es­sary rid­er that he had very good rela­tions with the Vat­i­can. . . .

. . . . In oth­er meet­ings, Dulles . . . . pre­dict­ed that “the next world war would be between the U.S.A. and the Sovi­et Union.” . . . . Dulles obtained a great deal of infor­ma­tion relat­ing to Ger­many and plans for its recon­struc­tion after the war. He . . . . described a recent speech by Dr. Goebbels as “a work of genius; I have rarely read a speech with such ratio­nal plea­sure.” . . . .

. . . . In July, [OSS chief William] Dono­van and the OSS began to take mat­ters into their own hands. No doubt inspired by the invig­o­rat­ing meet­ing in Switzer­land, Dono­van embarked on the so-called “M” project. . . .

. . . . By now, the Ger­man [Franz Von Papen] had read the details of the peace pro­pos­al on micro­film and learned that it was more or less on the same lines as the Dulles pro­pos­als. Ger­many would be set up as the dom­i­nat­ing force in indus­try and agri­cul­ture in con­ti­nen­tal Europe, at the heart f a con­ti­nen­tal state run by Ger­many, the U.S.A., and Great Britain as a focus of trade. . . .

 

 

Discussion

5 comments for “FTR #1072 Doin’ Wind Sprints with the Snake in Ukraine”

  1. This is an unex­pect­ed turn of events for Ukraine: The dis­trict admin­is­tra­tive court of Kiev ordered the rever­sal of the 2016 renam­ing of two main streets in Kiev. The streets were renamed after Stepan Ban­dera and Roman Shukhevych. The court has­n’t revealed the rea­son­ing for its rul­ing yet, and the actu­al­ly renam­ing of the streets back to their old names won’t take place until an appeal is con­sid­ered, so it’s pos­si­ble the return of the old names won’t actu­al­ly hap­pen, but giv­en the aggres­sive offi­cial embrace of Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors as nation­al heroes it’s still pret­ty remark­able that this even being con­sid­ered at all:

    UNIAN.info

    Kyiv court over­turns City Coun­cil deci­sion on nam­ing avenues after Ban­dera, Shukhevych

    Until the appeal is con­sid­ered, the deci­sion of the Dis­trict Admin­is­tra­tive Court of Kyiv to return the avenues their old names – Moscow Avenue and Gen­er­al Vatutin Avenue – will not take effect.

    23:10, 25 June 2019

    The Kyiv Dis­trict Admin­is­tra­tive Court over­turned the deci­sion of the Kyiv City Coun­cil to rename two avenues in hon­or of Stepan Ban­dera and Roman Shukhevych, lawyer Dmytro Bilovchuk told an UNIAN cor­re­spon­dent.

    He said that today, June 20, the court par­tial­ly sat­is­fied the claims of the direc­tor of the Insti­tute of Legal Pol­i­cy and Social Pro­tec­tion Ole­na Berezh­na and two pub­lic orga­ni­za­tions, by restor­ing the Sovi­et-era names of the two Kyiv avenues: Moskovsky [Moscow] (now – Ban­dera) Avenue and Gen­er­al Vatutin (now – Shukhevych) Avenue.

    How­ev­er, the lawyer not­ed that the court had not read out the rea­son­ing part of the rul­ing, there­fore he does not know what the court was guid­ed by when draft­ing its deci­sion.

    At the same time, the lawyer stat­ed that as soon as he receives the full text of the rul­ing, he will file an appeal.

    Also, he added that until the appeal is con­sid­ered, the deci­sion of the Dis­trict Admin­is­tra­tive Court of Kyiv to return the avenues their old names will not take effect.

    ...

    ———-

    “Kyiv court over­turns City Coun­cil deci­sion on nam­ing avenues after Ban­dera, Shukhevych”, UNIAN.info, 06/25/2019

    “Also, he added that until the appeal is con­sid­ered, the deci­sion of the Dis­trict Admin­is­tra­tive Court of Kyiv to return the avenues their old names will not take effect.”

    So this name rever­sal might hap­pen, but it’s an open ques­tion. And as the fol­low­ing arti­cle notes, the court’s rul­ing does not have the sup­port of Kiev’s May­or Vitaly Klitschko, who announced that the city will be appeal­ing the rul­ing:

    Jew­ish Tele­graph­ic Agency

    2 streets in Kiev will no longer be named for Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors

    By Cnaan Liphshiz
    June 27, 2019 5:59 am

    (JTA) — A court in Ukraine issued an injunc­tion against the nam­ing of two streets in Kiev after nation­al­ists who col­lab­o­rat­ed with the Nazis dur­ing World War II.

    The dis­trict admin­is­tra­tive court of Kiev ordered the munic­i­pal­i­ty to undo the 2016 renam­ing of two main streets for Stepan Ban­dera and Roman Shukhevych on Tues­day.

    But May­or Vitaly Klitschko on Wednes­day wrote on Face­book that the city will appeal the rul­ing, the Reg­num news agency report­ed. In the mean­time, the streets in ques­tion will be renamed Moscow Avenue and anoth­er will be named for Niko­lai Vatutin, a Sovi­et gen­er­al who was killed in 1944 by sol­diers from Shukhevych’s Ukrain­ian Insur­gent Army, or UPA.

    ...

    Despite protests by Jews, this glo­ri­fi­ca­tion became main­stream fol­low­ing the 2014 over­throw of the gov­ern­ment of for­mer pres­i­dent Vik­tor Yanukovych, whose crit­ics call him a cor­rupt Russ­ian stooge. It ush­ered in a wave of nation­al­ist sen­ti­ment.

    In 2015, a law passed mak­ing it ille­gal to insult the mem­o­ry of any anti-Sovi­et fight­er, includ­ing war crim­i­nals, declared a nation­al hero.

    In Lviv last year, hun­dreds of men marched wear­ing the SS uni­forms of Ukrain­ian col­lab­o­ra­tors in a city-approved event. At least three Ukrain­ian munic­i­pal­i­ties in recent years have unveiled stat­ues for Bandera’s deputy, Yaroslav Stet­sko, who dur­ing the Holo­caust open­ly called for “the exter­mi­na­tion of the Jews.”

    ———-

    “2 streets in Kiev will no longer be named for Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors” by Cnaan Liphshiz, Jew­ish Tele­graph­ic Agency, 06/27/2019

    But May­or Vitaly Klitschko on Wednes­day wrote on Face­book that the city will appeal the rul­ing, the Reg­num news agency report­ed. In the mean­time, the streets in ques­tion will be renamed Moscow Avenue and anoth­er will be named for Niko­lai Vatutin, a Sovi­et gen­er­al who was killed in 1944 by sol­diers from Shukhevych’s Ukrain­ian Insur­gent Army, or UPA.”

    So this is going to be a sto­ry to watch, in part because it’s unclear at this point how much pop­u­lar sup­port there is for return­ing the names of those streets to Moscow Avenue and Niko­lai Vatutin Ave. But it’s worth not­ing that chang­ing the name of Vatutin Ave to Shukhevych Ave was­n’t uncon­tro­ver­sial at the time. There were protests. And as the fol­low­ing arti­cle notes, when the Kiev City Coun­cil vot­ed to rename the street Roman Shukhevych Avenue back in June of 2017, the Kyiv Dis­trict Admin­is­tra­tive Court banned the City Coun­cil from sign­ing and pub­lish­ing this res­o­lu­tion. As the arti­cle also notes, the renam­ing to Shukhevych Ave was done at the rec­om­men­da­tion of the Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Remem­brance. So the Nazi-cod­dling Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Remem­brance will pre­sum­ably be involved in any upcom­ing fights over these name changes:

    Inter­fax-Ukraine

    Activists march­ing in protest against renam­ing Vatutin Avenue in Kyiv in hon­or of Shukhevych

    By Inter­fax-Ukraine.
    Pub­lished June 16, 2017 at 7:28 pm

    Activists in Kyiv have start­ed a flash-mob under the mot­to ‘Vatutin Avenue Wel­comes You!’ against the idea of renam­ing the avenue in hon­or of Roman Shukhevych, for­mer ‘com­man­der-in-chief of the Ukrain­ian Insur­gent Army’.

    About 200 elder­ly peo­ple car­ry­ing pink flags with the inscrip­tion ‘Social­ists,’ accom­pa­nied by about 50 young and ath­let­i­cal­ly-built men, marched along Vatutin Avenue toward Moscow Bridge on the side­walk, not imped­ing traf­fic, an Inter­fax-Ukraine cor­re­spon­dent report­ed from the scene.

    At the same time, about 100 mem­bers of the Ukrain­ian nation­al­ist orga­ni­za­tion Nation­al Corps have also arrived at the scene.

    The atmos­phere at the venue is calm at the moment, and there are no law enforce­ment offi­cials.

    ...

    It was report­ed ear­li­er that a toponymy com­mis­sion at Kyiv City Coun­cil rec­om­mend­ed in June 2016 that the Kyiv may­or sub­mit a motion to the City Coun­cil on renam­ing a num­ber of city toponyms, includ­ing renam­ing Vatutin Avenue Roman Shukhevych Avenue, in line with a pro­pos­al by the Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Remem­brance. How­ev­er, Kyiv City Coun­cil did not sup­port this pro­pos­al in Decem­ber 2016.

    On June 1, 2017, Kyiv City Coun­cil vot­ed to rename Gen. Vatutin Avenue Roman Shukhevych Avenue. How­ev­er, the Kyiv Dis­trict Admin­is­tra­tive Court banned the City Coun­cil from sign­ing and pub­lish­ing this res­o­lu­tion.

    Shukhevych is a con­tro­ver­sial fig­ure in Ukraine, with some see­ing him as a nation­al hero and free­dom fight­er and oth­ers as a Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tor and war crim­i­nal.

    Roman Shukhevych was a mem­ber of the Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists and lat­er, after 1943, its leader. From Jan­u­ary 1944 until his death in 1950, Shukhevych was com­man­der-in-chief of the Ukrain­ian Insur­gent Army.

    Gen. of the Army Niko­lai Vatutin, a Hero of the Sovi­et Union, was com­man­der of the 1st Ukrain­ian Front that took part in lib­er­at­ing Kyiv and Ukraine from the Nazis. Vatutin was bad­ly wound­ed when his auto­mo­bile was attacked by Ukrain­ian Insur­gent Army mem­bers near Rivne in Feb­ru­ary 1944 and lat­er died in hos­pi­tal.
    ———-

    “Activists march­ing in protest against renam­ing Vatutin Avenue in Kyiv in hon­or of Shukhevych”, Inter­fax-Ukraine, 06/16/2017

    “It was report­ed ear­li­er that a toponymy com­mis­sion at Kyiv City Coun­cil rec­om­mend­ed in June 2016 that the Kyiv may­or sub­mit a motion to the City Coun­cil on renam­ing a num­ber of city toponyms, includ­ing renam­ing Vatutin Avenue Roman Shukhevych Avenue, in line with a pro­pos­al by the Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Remem­brance. How­ev­er, Kyiv City Coun­cil did not sup­port this pro­pos­al in Decem­ber 2016.”

    And note how, in addi­tion to the Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Remem­brance (Ukrain­ian Insti­tute of Nation­al Mem­o­ry), there were around 100 mem­bers of the Azov’s Nation­al Corps counter-protest­ing:

    ...
    About 200 elder­ly peo­ple car­ry­ing pink flags with the inscrip­tion ‘Social­ists,’ accom­pa­nied by about 50 young and ath­let­i­cal­ly-built men, marched along Vatutin Avenue toward Moscow Bridge on the side­walk, not imped­ing traf­fic, an Inter­fax-Ukraine cor­re­spon­dent report­ed from the scene.

    At the same time, about 100 mem­bers of the Ukrain­ian nation­al­ist orga­ni­za­tion Nation­al Corps have also arrived at the scene.
    ...

    And that points towards one of the more omi­nous out­comes to watch out for: Ukraine’s far right has long threat­ened to ‘march on Kiev’ and over­throw the gov­ern­ment. Pla­cat­ing far right had been the Poroshenko gov­ern­men­t’s pri­ma­ry defense against this threat. So it’s impor­tant to keep in mind that kind of street name bat­tle is exact­ly the kind of sym­bol­ic issue the far right could use as a dan­ger­ous ral­ly­ing cry.

    Along those lines, the city coun­cil of Kharkiv just vot­ed to return the name of Petro Hry­horenko Avenue back to Mar­shal Geor­gy Zhukov Avenue. This was a cou­ple of weeks after Nation­al Corps mem­bers tore down the stat­ue of Zhukov, a Sovi­et mil­i­tary hero, and cov­ered it with red paint. How did the Nation­al Corps respond to the city coun­cil vote revers­ing the name change? By stag­ing a mock exe­cu­tion of Kharkiv’s city coun­cil deputies. It’s an exam­ple of why we should­n’t assume the good news of these street name rever­sals won’t be fol­lowed by some real­ly bad news about Ukraine’s Nazis behav­ing like Nazis.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 3, 2019, 1:04 pm
  2. Ukraine polit­i­cal estab­lish­ment just expe­ri­enced anoth­er earth­quake over the week­end: a snap elec­tion called for by Pres­i­dent Volodymyr Zelen­sky (Zelen­skiy) result­ed in his par­ty win­ning big and poten­tial­ly hold­ing the first ever one-par­ty major­i­ty in the par­lia­ment. Ear­ly results put Zelen­sky’s Ser­vant of the Peo­ple Par­ty at more than 42 per­cent of the vote. The Oppo­si­tion Bloc (for­mer­ly the Par­ty of Regions) came in sec­ond place with around 12 per­cent of the sup­port. Three oth­er small­er pro-EU par­ties were each expect­ed to get around 6–9 per­cent of the vote. Zelen­sky main­tained his pledged to So if Zelen­sky’s par­ty can end up with a major­i­ty of the MP it can form its own rul­ing gov­ern­ment but oth­er­wise it will pre­sum­ably need to form a coali­tion with one of those small­er pro-EU par­ties.

    A key part of Zelen­sky’s polit­i­cal appeal has been his pledge to tack­le cor­rup­tion. Recall that anti-cor­rup­tion cam­paigns were a key part of the Poroshenko gov­ern­men­t’s cam­paign strat­e­gy, man­i­fest­ing as the “lus­tra­tion laws” demand­ed by the far right and designed to sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly remove and inves­ti­gate peo­ple asso­ci­at­ed with the Yanukovych gov­ern­ment. The lus­tra­tion laws also legal­ly banned crit­i­cisms of Ukraine’s Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tor groups like the UPA and OUN. Lus­tra­tion was sup­port­ed by Kiev’s West­ern back­ers fol­low­ing the 2014 Maid­an protests. Inter­est­ing­ly, Kiev’s West­ern back­ers don’t seem to be very sup­port­ive of Zelen­sky sim­i­lar calls for inves­ti­ga­tions into the Poroshenko gov­ern­men­t’s cor­rup­tion, with G7 gov­ern­ments com­ing out against this lat­est round of lus­tra­tion.

    One area that does appear to have West­ern gov­ern­ments pleased along with inter­na­tion­al investors is the hope that Zelen­sky will fol­low through with the IMF’s “reform” pro­gram. This is basi­cal­ly going to be aus­ter­i­ty poli­cies because that’s what vir­tu­al­ly all IMF ‘reform’ pack­ages are cen­tered on. Tax cuts for busi­ness and the gut­ting of pub­lic pro­grams, with the promise that this will cre­ate a boom­ing econ­o­my that rarely ever emerges. Zelen­sky has hint­ed at his com­mit­ment to these ‘reforms’ by sug­gest­ing that the next prime min­is­ter should be a “tech­no­crat­ic” and an “inde­pen­dent econ­o­mist”. That’s a strong sig­nal that he’s going to be imple­ment­ing harsh aus­ter­i­ty and using garbage sup­ply-side eco­nom­ic argu­ments to jus­ti­fy it to the pub­lic. So Zelen­sky has achieved a his­toric lev­el of pop­u­lar sup­port, but he also has the sup­port of the inter­na­tion­al invest­ment class that demands exact­ly the kind of aus­ter­i­ty the right­ful­ly hates. How’s that going to work out?

    The oth­er obvi­ous ques­tion raised by the like­ly embrace of aus­ter­i­ty is whether or not the inevitable back­lash is going to end up cre­at­ing a polit­i­cal oppor­tu­ni­ty for Ukraine’s far right. As the fol­low­ing arti­cle reminds us, part of Zelen­sky’s sup­port comes from oli­garch Ihor Kolo­moisky, an ear­ly spon­sor of the neo-Nazi Azov Batal­lion. So it’s going to be inter­est­ing to see how Kolo­moisky’s sup­port for Zelenksy’s par­ty shapes the like­ly far right threats against the gov­ern­ment, espe­cial­ly if the IMF aus­ter­i­ty ‘reforms’ end up pre­dictably destroy­ing Zelen­sky’s pop­u­lar sup­port:

    The Finan­cial Times

    Zelensky’s par­ty set to tri­umph in Ukraine par­lia­men­tary elec­tion
    Like­ly major­i­ty for novice pres­i­dent rais­es hopes for reform

    Roman Olearchyk in Kiev
    07/22/2019 4:47 am

    Pres­i­dent Volodymyr Zelensky’s par­ty of neo­phyte politi­cians appears to have deci­sive­ly won Sunday’s par­lia­men­tary elec­tion in Ukraine, poten­tial­ly becom­ing the country’s first polit­i­cal par­ty since inde­pen­dence in 1991 to sin­gle-hand­ed­ly muster a rul­ing major­i­ty.

    On Mon­day, with almost half of the bal­lot count­ed by the elec­tion com­mis­sion, Mr Zelensky’s Ser­vant of the Peo­ple par­ty had won more than 42 per cent of the vote.

    The result, if con­firmed, sug­gests the novice president’s new­ly formed par­ty stands to secure more than 240 seats in par­lia­ment — a com­fort­able major­i­ty — cement­ing his pow­er in form­ing the country’s next gov­ern­ment.

    Tomas Fiala, head of Kiev-based invest­ment bank Drag­on Cap­i­tal, said the ini­tial reac­tion from investors to the elec­tion result was “pos­i­tive”.

    “Investors want Zelen­sky to be in a posi­tion to be able to deliv­er on his reform promises...without being blocked by vest­ed inter­ests,” Mr Fiala said. He said the government’s pri­or­i­ties should be com­bat­ing cor­rup­tion, strength­en­ing the rule of law by reform­ing Ukraine’s courts and sanc­tion­ing the sale of agri­cul­tur­al land.

    Named after a TV series in which Mr Zelen­sky, a for­mer come­di­an, played an hon­est pres­i­dent, the Ser­vant of the Peo­ple par­ty is com­posed large­ly of fresh-faced politi­cians, includ­ing activists and entre­pre­neurs. Some can­di­dates among its ranks have been linked to Igor Kolo­moisky, an oli­garch whose tele­vi­sion chan­nel pro­vid­ed strong cov­er­age of the poll.

    Mr Zelen­sky called par­lia­men­tary elec­tions upon tak­ing office in late May, pledg­ing to ush­er a new gen­er­a­tion into pow­er. He had beat­en vet­er­an politi­cian Petro Poroshenko in the April 21 pres­i­den­tial run-off with 73 per cent of the vote, gar­ner­ing a wave of anti-estab­lish­ment sup­port in the war-scarred coun­try.

    After cast­ing his vote in Kiev on Sun­day, Mr Zelen­sky said he envi­sioned a tech­no­crat as prime min­is­ter.

    “I think that this per­son should be a very pro­fes­sion­al economist...a com­plete­ly inde­pen­dent per­son” from out­side pol­i­tics, he said.

    Strip­ping immu­ni­ty from pros­e­cu­tion for MPs remained a pri­or­i­ty, Mr Zelen­sky added in com­ments geared towards address­ing con­cerns about polit­i­cal cor­rup­tion.

    Ahead of the vote, investors expressed hope that Mr Zelensky’s par­ty would keep Kiev in a multi­bil­lion dol­lar IMF reform pro­gramme by form­ing a reformist coali­tion with the new Voice par­ty, found­ed by pop singer Svy­atoslav Vakarchuk. Also stacked with new polit­i­cal faces, it is one of three small­er pro-west­ern par­ties that exit polls pro­ject­ed had mus­tered between 6 and 9 per cent of the vote.

    Speak­ing from his party’s cam­paign head­quar­ters after the vote, Mr Zelen­sky invit­ed Mr Vakarchuk to hold coali­tion talks.

    But as the bet­ter than expect­ed elec­tion results were announced on Mon­day Dmytro Razumkov, leader of the Ser­vant of the Peo­ple par­ty, ques­tioned whether his camp would need coali­tion part­ners.

    “It’s prob­a­bly not nec­es­sary to hold talks about form­ing a coalition...we see our pret­ty good results,” he said.

    Mr Zelen­sky has pre­served Kiev’s defi­ant stance towards Moscow and ruled out part­ner­ing with the pro-Russ­ian Oppo­si­tion Plat­form — For Life par­ty. It fin­ished sec­ond with 11–13 per cent sup­port, accord­ing to exit polls.

    Vot­ing took place nation­wide with the excep­tion of Russ­ian-annexed Crimea and break­away east­ern regions that Kiev and its west­ern back­ers con­sid­er to be “occu­pied” by Rus­sia.

    Mr Zelen­sky, who has pledged to speed up reforms while keep­ing Kiev on a path for EU and Nato inte­gra­tion, has been warm­ly greet­ed by Kiev’s for­eign back­ers. But his recent call to purge offi­cials who served under his pre­de­ces­sor was con­demned by G7 coun­tries.

    Con­cern deep­ened ahead of Sunday’s vote as law enforce­ment author­i­ties con­duct­ed probes on Fri­day and Sat­ur­day into busi­ness­es linked to Mr Poroshenko and into the country’s largest steel fac­to­ry, which is owned by Arcelor­Mit­tal, the top nation­al investor.

    Dur­ing the cam­paign, Mr Zelen­sky accused Mr Poroshenko of cor­rup­tion and ArcelorMittal’s fac­to­ry, locat­ed in his home­town of Kryviy Rih, of pol­lu­tion.

    ———-

    “Zelensky’s par­ty set to tri­umph in Ukraine par­lia­men­tary elec­tion” by Roman Olearchyk, The Finan­cial Times, 07/22/2019

    “The result, if con­firmed, sug­gests the novice president’s new­ly formed par­ty stands to secure more than 240 seats in par­lia­ment — a com­fort­able major­i­ty — cement­ing his pow­er in form­ing the country’s next gov­ern­ment.”

    The first ever one par­ty par­lia­men­tary major­i­ty. It’s quite a his­toric moment for Ukraine, espe­cial­ly giv­en the con­text of the civ­il war of that last 5 years. And one of the key ele­ments of this wide­spread pop­u­lar sup­port is appar­ent­ly the IMF’s aus­ter­i­ty agen­da, as Zelen­sky sig­nals with his call for a pro­fes­sion­al econ­o­mist tech­no­crat­ic prime min­is­ter. That’s why inter­na­tion­al investors are so pleased with the results:

    ...
    Tomas Fiala, head of Kiev-based invest­ment bank Drag­on Cap­i­tal, said the ini­tial reac­tion from investors to the elec­tion result was “pos­i­tive”.

    “Investors want Zelen­sky to be in a posi­tion to be able to deliv­er on his reform promises...without being blocked by vest­ed inter­ests,” Mr Fiala said. He said the government’s pri­or­i­ties should be com­bat­ing cor­rup­tion, strength­en­ing the rule of law by reform­ing Ukraine’s courts and sanc­tion­ing the sale of agri­cul­tur­al land.

    ...

    Ahead of the vote, investors expressed hope that Mr Zelensky’s par­ty would keep Kiev in a multi­bil­lion dol­lar IMF reform pro­gramme by form­ing a reformist coali­tion with the new Voice par­ty, found­ed by pop singer Svy­atoslav Vakarchuk. Also stacked with new polit­i­cal faces, it is one of three small­er pro-west­ern par­ties that exit polls pro­ject­ed had mus­tered between 6 and 9 per cent of the vote.

    Speak­ing from his party’s cam­paign head­quar­ters after the vote, Mr Zelen­sky invit­ed Mr Vakarchuk to hold coali­tion talks.

    But as the bet­ter than expect­ed elec­tion results were announced on Mon­day Dmytro Razumkov, leader of the Ser­vant of the Peo­ple par­ty, ques­tioned whether his camp would need coali­tion part­ners.

    “It’s prob­a­bly not nec­es­sary to hold talks about form­ing a coalition...we see our pret­ty good results,” he said.

    ...

    After cast­ing his vote in Kiev on Sun­day, Mr Zelen­sky said he envi­sioned a tech­no­crat as prime min­is­ter.

    I think that this per­son should be a very pro­fes­sion­al economist...a com­plete­ly inde­pen­dent per­son” from out­side pol­i­tics, he said.
    ...

    At the same time, Kiev’s West­ern back­ers don’t appear to be very inter­est­ed in see­ing Zelen­sky pur­sue the anti-cor­rup­tion agen­da he cam­paigned on if that means an inves­ti­ga­tion of the West­ern-backed Poroshenko gov­ern­ment:

    ...

    Mr Zelen­sky called par­lia­men­tary elec­tions upon tak­ing office in late May, pledg­ing to ush­er a new gen­er­a­tion into pow­er. He had beat­en vet­er­an politi­cian Petro Poroshenko in the April 21 pres­i­den­tial run-off with 73 per cent of the vote, gar­ner­ing a wave of anti-estab­lish­ment sup­port in the war-scarred coun­try.

    ...

    Strip­ping immu­ni­ty from pros­e­cu­tion for MPs remained a pri­or­i­ty, Mr Zelen­sky added in com­ments geared towards address­ing con­cerns about polit­i­cal cor­rup­tion.

    ...

    Mr Zelen­sky, who has pledged to speed up reforms while keep­ing Kiev on a path for EU and Nato inte­gra­tion, has been warm­ly greet­ed by Kiev’s for­eign back­ers. But his recent call to purge offi­cials who served under his pre­de­ces­sor was con­demned by G7 coun­tries.

    Con­cern deep­ened ahead of Sunday’s vote as law enforce­ment author­i­ties con­duct­ed probes on Fri­day and Sat­ur­day into busi­ness­es linked to Mr Poroshenko and into the country’s largest steel fac­to­ry, which is owned by Arcelor­Mit­tal, the top nation­al investor.

    Dur­ing the cam­paign, Mr Zelen­sky accused Mr Poroshenko of cor­rup­tion and ArcelorMittal’s fac­to­ry, locat­ed in his home­town of Kryviy Rih, of pol­lu­tion.
    ...

    So Zelen­sky wins big on an anti-cor­rup­tion and ‘reform’ agen­da, he calls for a snap elec­tions, wins that elec­tion, and now his par­ty might have enough votes to form its own gov­ern­ment. And while Kiev’s West­ern back­ers are very much in favor of the ‘reform’ (aus­ter­i­ty), they aren’t so keen on seen a new round of anti-cor­rup­tion inves­ti­ga­tions tar­get­ed at the out­go­ing Poroshenko gov­ern­ment. Poroshenko him­self is obvi­ous­ly not hap­py about the idea either. As the fol­low­ing arti­cle also describes, Poroshenko is char­ac­ter­iz­ing this new lus­tra­tion push as a Krem­lin plot. He also lists exam­ples of elect­ed offi­cials who could, unfair­ly in his mind, end up being tar­get­ed by lus­tra­tion this time around. He lists Right Sec­tor neo-Nazi leader Dmytro Yarosh on that list. It points towards the pos­si­bil­i­ty that the out­go­ing gov­ern­ment offi­cials and the oli­garchs behind them might end up try­ing to enlist the help of the far right mili­tias in intim­i­dat­ing the gov­ern­ment into end the anti-cor­rup­tion inves­ti­ga­tions.

    At the same time, the arti­cle notes that one of the con­cerns the IMF has with the lus­tra­tion law is that it might be use to push out the cur­rent head Ukraine’s cen­tral bank and replace them with some­one close to Kolo­moisky. This is a touchy sub­ject because Kolo­moisky is locked in an ongo­ing legal dis­pute with the cen­tral bank over the 2016 nation­al­iza­tion of his Pri­vat­Bank, pre­vi­ous­ly the largest bank in the coun­try. The IMF feels that nation­al­iza­tion as a major vic­to­ry in the push to clean up Ukraine’s bank­ing sec­tor. So Kolo­moisky, spon­sor of the neo-Nazi Azov Batal­lion, has an addi­tion­al incen­tive to pro­mote a new round of lus­tra­tion at the same time Poroshenko appears to be enlist­ing Right Sec­tor in oppos­ing it. That’s all part of what makes the lat­est lus­tra­tion push poten­tial­ly so explo­sive

    bne IntelliNews

    Ukraine’s pres­i­dent under fire over plan to expand lus­tra­tion

    By bne IntelliNews
    July 15, 2019

    The cur­rent sit­u­a­tion in Ukraine is not com­pa­ra­ble to the one after the Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty, the G7 ambas­sadors said in a state­ment on July 12, react­ing to a pro­pos­al by new­ly elect­ed Pres­i­dent Volodymyr Zelen­skiy to expand the lus­tra­tion of the nation’s offi­cials to those who held high-lev­el posts fol­low­ing the 2014 Euro­maid­an, includ­ing for­mer pres­i­dent Petro Poroshenko.

    “Elec­toral change and polit­i­cal rota­tion are the norm in democ­ra­cies. Indis­crim­i­nate bans on all par­tic­i­pants in exec­u­tive and leg­isla­tive gov­er­nance are not,” read the state­ment of the G7 ambas­sadors.

    “Since 2014, we have been appre­cia­tive of reform progress achieved in some impor­tant areas. While it is right to hold those guilty of abus­ing their office to account, the sit­u­a­tion in Ukraine today is, in our con­vic­tion, not com­pa­ra­ble to that after the Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty [in 2013–2014].”

    Zelen­skiy wants the lus­tra­tion law to apply to Ukrain­ian MPs and gov­ern­ment mem­bers of this peri­od as well as oth­ers hold­ing high-lev­el posi­tions, the president’s media office said in a state­ment on July 11.

    “I com­mu­ni­cate with offi­cials of dif­fer­ent lev­els on a dai­ly basis and realise: it is a hope­less diag­no­sis. White and blue, red and white, orange, bur­gundy, pink — in fact, they are all the same. All of them do not care,” the pres­i­den­tial media office quot­ed Zelen­skiy as say­ing. “I think the least we can do now is to per­ma­nent­ly deprive them all of the oppor­tu­ni­ties to par­tic­i­pate in state gov­er­nance.”

    The next day, July 12, draft amend­ments to the lus­tra­tion law were sub­mit­ted by Zelen­skiy to the nation’s par­lia­ment. Accord­ing to the doc­u­ment, the ban on hold­ing impor­tant offi­cial posi­tions for 10 years should apply, specif­i­cal­ly, to the gov­er­nor of the Nation­al Bank of Ukraine (NBU), the head of the Anti­mo­nop­oly Com­mit­tee of Ukraine, head of the State Prop­er­ty Fund (FPF), the sec­re­tary of the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty and Defence Coun­cil (NSDC) and heads of defence enter­pris­es that held their posi­tions from Feb­ru­ary 23, 2014 to May 19, 2019.

    “Pro-Russ­ian revanche”

    The state­ment from G7 ambas­sadors shows Zelenskiy’s pro­posed lus­tra­tion bill has also caused con­cern out­side Ukraine. Steven Pifer, for­mer US ambas­sador to Ukraine, tweet­ed on July 12 that it was “an over­reach”. “G7 ambas­sadors in Ukraine are cor­rect,” he added.

    Mean­while, Poroshenko believes that Zelen­sky’s idea to extend the effect of the law on lus­tra­tion to Poroshenko-era pub­lic offi­cials would result in vacat­ing offices for the “fifth col­umn”.

    “This [lus­tra­tion] list is very much rem­i­nis­cent of anoth­er list — the list of those on whom the aggres­sor state [Rus­sia] has imposed sanc­tions, the peo­ple who defend­ed Ukraine, who defend­ed the Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty,” he said on July 12. “This ini­tia­tive has been inspired by anti-Ukrain­ian forces and is proof of an undis­guised pro-Russ­ian revanche, as some want to replace patri­ot­ic politi­cians with pup­pets obey­ing orders from the Krem­lin.”

    Accord­ing to Poroshenko, many rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the new mod­ern Ukrain­ian pol­i­tics who have proved their pro­fes­sion­al­ism and love for Ukraine by real deeds could be lus­trat­ed in line with the declared cri­te­ria.

    The for­mer pres­i­dent men­tioned, specif­i­cal­ly, the leader of the Crimean Tatar peo­ple and a mem­ber of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc fac­tion in the nation’s par­lia­ment, Mustafa Jemilev, one of the lead­ers of Ukraine’s nation­al­ists, MP Dmytro Yarosh, the incum­bent Defence Min­is­ter Stepan Poltorak, and For­eign Min­is­ter Pavlo Klimkin.

    Cen­tral bank’s inde­pen­dence under threat?

    The inclu­sion of the NBU’s head could fuel sus­pi­cions among Kyiv-based experts and reform-mind­ed offi­cials about the pos­si­ble replace­ment of the NBU’s gov­er­nor, Yakiv Smolii, and his deputies after Zelen­skiy’s vic­to­ry. The new pres­i­dent is wide­ly con­sid­ered to be spon­sored and men­tored by oli­garch Ihor Kolo­moisky, who is an implaca­ble ene­my of the NBU.

    Kolo­moisky is locked a snow­balling legal dis­pute over the Decem­ber 2016 nation­al­i­sa­tion of his bank, Pri­vat­Bank. On April 18, the Kyiv Admin­is­tra­tive Court backed Kolo­moisky’s law­suit, rul­ing that Pri­vat­Bank’s nation­al­i­sa­tion was unlaw­ful. This deci­sion had unset­tled the likes of the Inter­na­tion­al Mon­e­tary Fund (IMF), which saw the nation­al­i­sa­tion of the bank as a major vic­to­ry for the government’s efforts to clean up a rot­ten bank­ing sec­tor.

    On April 8, Kolo­moisky said that he was going to seek $2bn in com­pen­sa­tion from the gov­ern­ment. “I don’t need [to get back] Pri­vat­Bank. But there was $2bn in cap­i­tal there. Let them [the Ukrain­ian gov­ern­ment] return it to me and there will be no prob­lems,” Kolo­moisky said in an inter­view with the Eko­nomich­na Prav­da online out­let.

    ...

    Zelen­skiy’s head of staff

    On May 21, Zelen­skiy appoint­ed Andriy Bohdan as head of the pres­i­den­tial staff. Bohdan is a chief lawyer for Kolo­moisky.

    Accord­ing to Ukrain­ian anti-cor­rup­tion activists, Bohdan’s appoint­ment vio­lates the incum­bent lus­tra­tion leg­is­la­tion because the offi­cial worked as the Gov­ern­ment Com­mis­sion­er for Anti­cor­rup­tion Pol­i­cy in the Ukrain­ian gov­ern­ment led by pro-Russ­ian PM Myko­la Azarov (2010–2014). Dur­ing the Euro­maid­an, Bohdan did not resign.

    In May, Kyiv-based NGO Pub­lic Lus­tra­tion Com­mit­tee filed a law­suit in a local court over Bohdan’s appoint­ment. The organ­i­sa­tion believes that the lus­tra­tion law defines the posi­tion of the head of the pres­i­den­tial staff as the one which is sub­ject to gov­ern­ment cleans­ing mea­sures (lus­tra­tion).

    On top of this, more than 25,000 Ukraini­ans have already signed the elec­tron­ic peti­tion for the dis­missal of Bohdan from his post, which is the nec­es­sary min­i­mum for the pres­i­dent to con­sid­er the issue. How­ev­er, Zelen­skiy refus­es to dis­miss Bohdan.

    ———-

    “Ukraine’s pres­i­dent under fire over plan to expand lus­tra­tion”, bne IntelliNews, 07/15/2019

    “Zelen­skiy wants the lus­tra­tion law to apply to Ukrain­ian MPs and gov­ern­ment mem­bers of this peri­od as well as oth­ers hold­ing high-lev­el posi­tions, the president’s media office said in a state­ment on July 11.”

    Zelen­sky wants to treat the last gov­ern­ment the same way the last gov­ern­ment treat­ed the pre­vi­ous pre-Maid­an gov­ern­ment: as so cor­rupt that offi­cials from that gov­ern­ment need to be kept out of the new gov­ern­ment. It’s the kind of pitch that pre­sum­ably appealed to much of the Ukrain­ian elec­torate giv­en the elec­tion results. But the G7 sees the Poroshenko gov­ern­ment as fun­da­men­tal­ly dif­fer­ent and less cor­rupt than the Yanukovych gov­ern­ment and the US ambas­sador to Ukraine agrees with that assess­ment:

    ...
    The cur­rent sit­u­a­tion in Ukraine is not com­pa­ra­ble to the one after the Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty, the G7 ambas­sadors said in a state­ment on July 12, react­ing to a pro­pos­al by new­ly elect­ed Pres­i­dent Volodymyr Zelen­skiy to expand the lus­tra­tion of the nation’s offi­cials to those who held high-lev­el posts fol­low­ing the 2014 Euro­maid­an, includ­ing for­mer pres­i­dent Petro Poroshenko.

    “Elec­toral change and polit­i­cal rota­tion are the norm in democ­ra­cies. Indis­crim­i­nate bans on all par­tic­i­pants in exec­u­tive and leg­isla­tive gov­er­nance are not,” read the state­ment of the G7 ambas­sadors.

    “Since 2014, we have been appre­cia­tive of reform progress achieved in some impor­tant areas. While it is right to hold those guilty of abus­ing their office to account, the sit­u­a­tion in Ukraine today is, in our con­vic­tion, not com­pa­ra­ble to that after the Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty [in 2013–2014].”

    ...

    The state­ment from G7 ambas­sadors shows Zelenskiy’s pro­posed lus­tra­tion bill has also caused con­cern out­side Ukraine. Steven Pifer, for­mer US ambas­sador to Ukraine, tweet­ed on July 12 that it was “an over­reach”. “G7 ambas­sadors in Ukraine are cor­rect,” he added.
    ...

    So the same inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty that is demand­ing harsh aus­ter­i­ty for the Ukrain­ian peo­ple wants to see Zelen­sky go easy on the last gov­ern­ment.

    Poroshenko, unsur­pris­ing­ly, is por­tray­ing this all as a Krem­lin plot. A Krem­lin plot tar­get­ing patri­ot­ic politi­cians like neo-Nazi Right Sec­tor leader Dmytro Yarosh:

    ...
    Mean­while, Poroshenko believes that Zelen­sky’s idea to extend the effect of the law on lus­tra­tion to Poroshenko-era pub­lic offi­cials would result in vacat­ing offices for the “fifth col­umn”.

    “This [lus­tra­tion] list is very much rem­i­nis­cent of anoth­er list — the list of those on whom the aggres­sor state [Rus­sia] has imposed sanc­tions, the peo­ple who defend­ed Ukraine, who defend­ed the Rev­o­lu­tion of Dig­ni­ty,” he said on July 12. “This ini­tia­tive has been inspired by anti-Ukrain­ian forces and is proof of an undis­guised pro-Russ­ian revanche, as some want to replace patri­ot­ic politi­cians with pup­pets obey­ing orders from the Krem­lin.”

    Accord­ing to Poroshenko, many rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the new mod­ern Ukrain­ian pol­i­tics who have proved their pro­fes­sion­al­ism and love for Ukraine by real deeds could be lus­trat­ed in line with the declared cri­te­ria.

    The for­mer pres­i­dent men­tioned, specif­i­cal­ly, the leader of the Crimean Tatar peo­ple and a mem­ber of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc fac­tion in the nation’s par­lia­ment, Mustafa Jemilev, one of the lead­ers of Ukraine’s nation­al­ists, MP Dmytro Yarosh, the incum­bent Defence Min­is­ter Stepan Poltorak, and For­eign Min­is­ter Pavlo Klimkin.
    ...

    Adding to the com­plex polit­i­cal dynam­ic here is the fact that lus­tra­tion could end up replac­ing the IMF-favored head of the Ukrain­ian cen­tral bank (the NBU) and Kolo­moisky has a big ongo­ing dis­pute with cen­tral bank of the nation­al­ism of Pri­vat­Bank. A nation­al­iza­tion that the IMF feels was the right move:

    ...
    Cen­tral bank’s inde­pen­dence under threat?

    The inclu­sion of the NBU’s head could fuel sus­pi­cions among Kyiv-based experts and reform-mind­ed offi­cials about the pos­si­ble replace­ment of the NBU’s gov­er­nor, Yakiv Smolii, and his deputies after Zelen­skiy’s vic­to­ry. The new pres­i­dent is wide­ly con­sid­ered to be spon­sored and men­tored by oli­garch Ihor Kolo­moisky, who is an implaca­ble ene­my of the NBU.

    Kolo­moisky is locked a snow­balling legal dis­pute over the Decem­ber 2016 nation­al­i­sa­tion of his bank, Pri­vat­Bank. On April 18, the Kyiv Admin­is­tra­tive Court backed Kolo­moisky’s law­suit, rul­ing that Pri­vat­Bank’s nation­al­i­sa­tion was unlaw­ful. This deci­sion had unset­tled the likes of the Inter­na­tion­al Mon­e­tary Fund (IMF), which saw the nation­al­i­sa­tion of the bank as a major vic­to­ry for the government’s efforts to clean up a rot­ten bank­ing sec­tor.

    On April 8, Kolo­moisky said that he was going to seek $2bn in com­pen­sa­tion from the gov­ern­ment. “I don’t need [to get back] Pri­vat­Bank. But there was $2bn in cap­i­tal there. Let them [the Ukrain­ian gov­ern­ment] return it to me and there will be no prob­lems,” Kolo­moisky said in an inter­view with the Eko­nomich­na Prav­da online out­let.
    ...

    On top of all that is the fact that Zelen­sky’s chief of staff, Andriy Bohdan, is a top lawyer for Kolo­moisky and Bohdan is, him­self, some­one who’s appoint­ment might tech­ni­cal­ly vio­late the exist­ing lus­tra­tion law. So at the same time there’s oppo­si­tion to Zelen­sky’s new push for lus­tra­tion, there’s also a call for the old lus­tra­tion laws to apply against Zelen­sky’s appoint­ments:

    ...
    Zelen­skiy’s head of staff

    On May 21, Zelen­skiy appoint­ed Andriy Bohdan as head of the pres­i­den­tial staff. Bohdan is a chief lawyer for Kolo­moisky.

    Accord­ing to Ukrain­ian anti-cor­rup­tion activists, Bohdan’s appoint­ment vio­lates the incum­bent lus­tra­tion leg­is­la­tion because the offi­cial worked as the Gov­ern­ment Com­mis­sion­er for Anti­cor­rup­tion Pol­i­cy in the Ukrain­ian gov­ern­ment led by pro-Russ­ian PM Myko­la Azarov (2010–2014). Dur­ing the Euro­maid­an, Bohdan did not resign.

    In May, Kyiv-based NGO Pub­lic Lus­tra­tion Com­mit­tee filed a law­suit in a local court over Bohdan’s appoint­ment. The organ­i­sa­tion believes that the lus­tra­tion law defines the posi­tion of the head of the pres­i­den­tial staff as the one which is sub­ject to gov­ern­ment cleans­ing mea­sures (lus­tra­tion).

    On top of this, more than 25,000 Ukraini­ans have already signed the elec­tron­ic peti­tion for the dis­missal of Bohdan from his post, which is the nec­es­sary min­i­mum for the pres­i­dent to con­sid­er the issue. How­ev­er, Zelen­skiy refus­es to dis­miss Bohdan.

    So while Kiev’s back­ers in the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­ni­ty are clear­ly excit­ed about the prospects of a new round of aus­ter­i­ty and pro-inter­na­tion­al investor leg­is­la­tion, there’s a lot less enthu­si­asm for his anti-cor­rup­tion cam­paign now that the anti-cor­rup­tion isn’t exclu­sive­ly tar­get­ing the Par­ty of Regions/Opposition Bloc. Some might call that a rather cor­rupt anti-cor­rup­tion posi­tion.

    At the same time, the point about not want­i­ng to nor­mal­ize lus­tra­tion after each elec­tion is a valid com­plaint. It would just be a lot more valid if the last gov­ern­ment had­n’t been so cor­rupt.

    At this point, it’s look­ing like aus­ter­i­ty is basi­cal­ly guar­an­teed for Ukraine’s future while Zelen­sky’s sig­na­ture anti-cor­rup­tion dri­ve is very much an open ques­tion. So Zelen­sky bet­ter enjoy his wide­spread pop­u­lar­i­ty while he’s still got it. Hope­ful­ly he uses it for some­thing that will actu­al­ly help the Ukrain­ian pub­lic.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 22, 2019, 2:08 pm
  3. Fol­low­ing up on the report of mon­u­ments recent­ly erect­ed in hon­or of Simon Petlu­ra, Roman Shukhevych and Stepan Ban­dera at a Ukrain­ian Youth Union sum­mer camp in Bara­boo, Wis­con­sin, here’s an inter­est­ing report in the Kyiv Post about the New York-based Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can Youth Asso­ci­a­tion camp and resort. The report most­ly just describes the kinds of activ­i­ties that go on that camp and notes that it’s one of four camps run by the group in the US. The Bara­boo camp is also one of these camps. So giv­en the reports of mon­u­ments those mon­u­ments at the camp in Bara­boo, we should­n’t be sur­prised that the descrip­tion of activ­i­ties at the camp in New York includes a focus on Ban­dera along with lessons on “Russ­ian dis­in­for­ma­tion and dis­tor­tion of Ukraine’s his­to­ry in the past and present attempts by Moscow to per­vert the truth and per­cep­tions about Ukraine using “hybrid-war” tech­niques”:

    Kyiv Post

    Ukrain­ian youth orga­ni­za­tion CYM thriv­ing in Amer­i­ca

    By Askold Krushel­ny­cky.
    Pub­lished July 29, 2019.
    Updat­ed July 29, 2019 at 9:15 pm

    ELLENVILLE, New York — The Kyiv Post joined hun­dreds of peo­ple who came to a Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can Youth Asso­ci­a­tion camp and resort in New York state for an extend­ed week­end that includ­ed cel­e­brat­ing America’s Inde­pen­dence Day and com­mem­o­rat­ing Ukrain­ian heroes who fought through­out the ages for their country’s free­dom.

    The asso­ci­a­tion is known by the Ukrain­ian acronym CYM – pro­nounced “SUM” – of its name “Spilka Ukrayin­skoyi Molo­di.” Along with the Ukrain­ian Scout­ing move­ment, Plast, it is one of the two main youth groups that flow­ered in the post-World War II dias­po­ra and taught younger gen­er­a­tions about their her­itage and ensured that the Ukrain­ian com­mu­ni­ty remained vibrant.

    CYM has four camps in var­i­ous parts of the U.S. The New York one named after the near­est small town of 4,000 res­i­dents, Ellenville, is set in pic­turesque undu­lat­ing coun­try­side near the Catskill For­est Pre­serve nation­al park and its ter­ri­to­ry includes hills, woods and a stream filled with trout and bass. It was bought by the Ukrain­ian com­mu­ni­ty in the 1960s.

    The asso­ci­a­tion orga­nizes three camps there every sum­mer by dif­fer­ent age groups. They each run for two weeks, begin­ning with one for the old­er mem­bers – between 14 and very ear­ly 20s, fol­lowed by a camp for ages 7 to 13. The third camp con­cen­trates most­ly on sports, includ­ing soc­cer, vol­ley ball, track, weightlift­ing, and soft­ball for ages 10 to 14.

    This year there are around 100 par­tic­i­pants in each camp, split rough­ly equal­ly between boys and girls. They stay in sin­gle-sex bar­racks with 12 in each, using sleep­ing bags on mil­i­tary-style wood­en and can­vas cots. Each bar­rack has bath­rooms and show­ers and air con­di­tion­ing to bring relief from sum­mer humid­i­ty and tem­per­a­tures which can rise into the high 30s cel­sius.

    The first two camps have an edu­ca­tion­al com­po­nent, with lessons about Ukraine’s his­to­ry and con­tem­po­rary events. But the instruc­tors delib­er­ate­ly try to style them more as inter­ac­tive dis­cus­sions rather than school­room lessons. These talks are leav­ened with choir singing and out­door activ­i­ties such as hikes and swim­ming.

    Par­ents pay $500 per week to send their chil­dren to the camp. There are sub­si­dies avail­able for fam­i­lies who have finan­cial dif­fi­cul­ties.

    There are ele­ments of mil­i­tary dis­ci­pline in CYM, as there are in oth­er youth orga­ni­za­tions such as the Scout­ing move­ment. They learn drill so that they can march or assem­ble in for­ma­tion.

    They wear uni­forms for Sun­day church ser­vices and on some oth­er spe­cial occa­sions. Uni­forms con­sist of gray shirts with match­ing trousers or skirts. Dif­fer­ent col­ored ties denote age groups with green for the youngest, bur­gundy for teenagers, blue for young adults and brown for the over-thir­ties. CYM mem­bers around the world wear the same uni­form except for a shoul­der patch say­ing which coun­try they belong to.

    But dai­ly morn­ing and evening assem­blies they wore more relaxed out­fits where the uni­for­mi­ty came in the green t‑shirts every­one wore embla­zoned with a tree design.

    There is a camp com­man­der who has a team of around 10 per­sons, some in the old­er teens, who help orga­nize the camp sched­ule and act as instruc­tors for the var­i­ous activ­i­ties. They also act as coun­sel­lors to the camp par­tic­i­pants advis­ing them, lis­ten­ing to any com­plaints or prob­lems and gen­er­al­ly look­ing after their well­be­ing. One of the team is always some­one with med­ical qual­i­fi­ca­tions.

    Among the most pop­u­lar activ­i­ties are mil­i­tary-style games where campers are divid­ed into two teams that have to dodge or cap­ture their oppo­nents by mov­ing stealth­ily and orga­niz­ing ambush­es. There are also dis­co dances and bon­fires where the campers sing, recite poems, and per­form com­e­dy skits of their own inven­tion.

    On a typ­i­cal day camp mem­bers wake ear­ly and do gym­nas­tic exer­cis­es and runs before a for­mal assem­bly, around 8 am, where they line up in ranks to haul up the Ukrain­ian and Amer­i­can flags that flut­ter above a cen­tral, grassy parade ground sur­round­ed by the sleep­ing quar­ters and the camp admin­is­tra­tion build­ing.

    Then they march off to the can­teen for break­fast before pro­ceed­ing to the first of the sched­uled activ­i­ties which might be a les­son or an out­door activ­i­ty.

    The top­ics that fea­tured in talks for the old­er mem­bers this month includ­ed the his­to­ry of Ukraine’s strug­gles in the 20th cen­tu­ry for free­dom. Much time was devot­ed to the leader of the Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists, Stepan Ban­dera, as 2019 sees the 110th anniver­sary of his birth and 60th anniver­sary of his assas­si­na­tion by the Sovi­et KGB.

    Oth­er top­ics includ­ed the more recent his­to­ry of the Euro­Maid­an Rev­o­lu­tion, the mass demon­stra­tions that drove Krem­lin-backed for­mer Ukrain­ian Pres­i­dent Vik­tor Yanukovych from pow­er in 2014, trig­ger­ing Moscow’s war against Ukraine that con­tin­ues today.

    Speak­ers also talked about Russ­ian dis­in­for­ma­tion and dis­tor­tion of Ukraine’s his­to­ry in the past and present attempts by Moscow to per­vert the truth and per­cep­tions about Ukraine using “hybrid-war” tech­niques.

    CYM sprang up in the 1920s in the Sovi­et Ukraine imposed by the Krem­lin on a defeat­ed, short-lived Ukrain­ian Repub­lic whose army had been crushed by com­mu­nist forces. It began as a secret soci­ety for stu­dents and oth­er young peo­ple who want­ed to keep alive the spir­it of a free Ukraine.

    The group, orga­nized in five-mem­ber cells, spread rapid­ly caus­ing alarm to the Sovi­et gov­ern­ment. Com­mu­nist agents pen­e­trat­ed the groups and in 1929 hun­dreds of its mem­bers were round­ed up and sen­tenced to the Gulags from which few returned.

    One of CYM’s founders, Myko­la Pavlushkov, and some 300 mem­bers were exe­cut­ed by fir­ing squad at one of the Soviet’s first con­cen­tra­tion camps in the Solovet­sky Islands on the White Sea in 1937 as part of the Kremlin’s 20th anniver­sary com­mem­o­ra­tion of the 1917 Bol­she­vik Rev­o­lu­tion.

    After World War II, CYM start­ed to be rebuilt by refugees from Ukraine, tens of thou­sands of whom lived for sev­er­al years in dis­placed per­sons’ camps in Ger­many and Aus­tria. Ban­dera sup­port­ers were instru­men­tal in reviv­ing CYM in the West after the war and the asso­ci­a­tion is clear­ly streaked with their style of impas­sioned Ukrain­ian patri­o­tism.

    It also flour­ished in every coun­try with sig­nif­i­cant Ukrain­ian com­mu­ni­ties includ­ing the Unit­ed King­dom, Cana­da, Ger­many, Bel­gium, France, the Nether­lands, Argenti­na, Brazil, Aus­tralia and New Zealand. CYM has some 1,600 mem­bers in the U.S. in its 28 branch­es in 12 of America’s states.

    The man head­ing up, for the fourth time, the camp for old­er CYM mem­bers this year is Myko­la Hryck­owian. His par­ents came to the U.S. after World War Two and both had staunch­ly patri­ot­ic back­grounds.

    Hryck­owian said: “The pri­ma­ry pur­pose of these camps is to give the kids a chance to be in a camp envi­ron­ment where they learn inde­pen­dence and can social­ize among their peers.” Also, he said, to allow the par­tic­i­pants “to get some Ukrain­ian spir­it – they learn about their ances­tral home­land.”

    Hryck­owian said anoth­er impor­tant aspect was to encour­age CYM mem­bers to take part in the wider Ukrain­ian com­mu­ni­ty. He said that he had seen many young peo­ple who had spent sum­mers at the camps, who became active mem­bers of the dias­po­ra, have got mar­ried and had chil­dren of their own who are now attend­ing the camps.

    This year the camp strad­dled the July Fourth Amer­i­can Inde­pen­dence Day cel­e­bra­tions and, on July 7, the day called “Svy­a­to Heroyiv,” a fes­ti­val of heroes, when many dias­po­ra Ukraini­ans com­mem­o­rate Ukraini­ans who have led the strug­gle for their country’s free­dom in years past.

    Hryck­owian said that part of CYM’s role is to instill patri­o­tism among its mem­bers for both Ukraine and the coun­try they live in.

    He said: “We are cit­i­zens of the Unit­ed States – the best democ­ra­cy in the world. We teach that you’re born here, you are an Amer­i­can cit­i­zen and that’s to be respect­ed. Our name is Ukrain­ian Amer­i­can Youth Asso­ci­a­tion. On Fourth of July the kids came out at mid­night and they sang the Amer­i­can nation­al anthem. So, yes, we try to teach our mem­bers to be good cit­i­zens.”

    Hun­dreds of par­ents of the campers and oth­ers from the Ukrain­ian com­mu­ni­ty vis­it­ed the camp to take part in events com­mem­o­rat­ing the impor­tant Amer­i­can and Ukrain­ian dates. Some of the vis­i­tors stayed at a lit­tle hotel oper­at­ed by CYM which caters to vis­i­tors from the Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can com­mu­ni­ty. Oth­ers pitched their own tents with­in the resort.

    On the Sat­ur­day evening there was an out­door con­cert for the campers and vis­i­tors with a tra­di­tion­al dance group and a choir from the dias­po­ra and rock band called “Doox” (pro­nounced “Dookh”) from Ukraine fol­lowed by a dance with music that spanned waltzes to dis­cotheque.

    On July 7, with CYM mem­bers in full uni­form, and vis­i­tors also tak­ing part, there was a church ser­vice at the camp’s own chapel. That was fol­lowed by a wreath-lay­ing cer­e­mo­ny at a near­by mon­u­ment ded­i­cat­ed to all Ukraine’s inde­pen­dence heroes.

    Dmitri Lenzcuk, as chief instruc­tor, was respon­si­ble for work­ing out the sched­ule of lessons and activ­i­ties for the camp. He is a sec­ond-gen­er­a­tion Amer­i­can whose grand­par­ents arrived in the U.S. after the war and he said he was three or four years old when he first put on a CYM uni­form.

    Lenczuk, who lives in Pas­sa­ic, New Jer­sey, where he is an Eng­lish teacher at a school, said: “My num­ber one focus is help­ing chil­dren to devel­op a nation­al con­scious­ness about Ukraine while not liv­ing in Ukraine. Coun­ter­ing assim­i­la­tion. A lot of the kids who come to this camp are already sec­ond, third, fourth gen­er­a­tion Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can. The pur­pose of CYM is to con­tin­ue that nation­al con­scious­ness. But also as a teacher, as with my own stu­dents in school, I want them to have prac­ti­cal knowl­edge and to devel­op their own lead­er­ship skills.”

    ...

    Adri­an Dlabo­ha, the leader of CYM in the U.S., said he wants to encour­age CYM mem­bers to vis­it Ukraine to increase with first­hand expe­ri­ence their own knowl­edge of the coun­try and to even help in its devel­op­ment: “We would like them to trav­el there, become vol­un­teers in dif­fer­ent aspects of nation-building……..there’s a great need to engage with those peo­ple who are direct­ly or indi­rect­ly affect­ed by the war.”

    He also aims to cre­ate a wel­com­ing envi­ron­ment for more recent Ukrain­ian immi­grants to the U.S. since 1991 inde­pen­dence to encour­age them to join CYM. He said that a new chap­ter of CYM is about to be cre­at­ed in the Brook­lyn area of New York City, where many new­com­ers from Ukraine have set­tled.

    Since Ukrain­ian inde­pen­dence both CYM and Plast have replant­ed their move­ments in the orig­i­nal Ukrain­ian soil they sprang from and both have helped fill the vac­u­um caused by the dis­ap­pear­ance of the Sovi­et-era “Kom­so­mol” and “Pio­neer” youth orga­ni­za­tions that were rid­dled with com­mu­nist and athe­is­tic ide­ol­o­gy.

    CYM start­ed to recruit mem­bers in Ukraine short­ly before 1991 inde­pen­dence and in 1996 Ukrain­ian CYM offi­cial­ly became a ful­ly-fledged mem­ber of the association’s world­wide struc­ture.

    Since the con­flict began in Ukraine in 2014, CYM has orga­nized sum­mer camps for chil­dren affect­ed by the war. Christya Bihun, a long­time CYM mem­ber from New York City, has been one of the peo­ple run­ning the “Bla­hodiynyi Tabir” or “Benev­o­lent Camp” for the last four years.

    This year, she said it will be held from July 29 to August 10 at an upgrad­ed for­mer Sovi­et-era children’s vaca­tion resort near the city of Cherni­hiv.

    Up to 120 chil­dren will take part with the costs being cov­ered by CYM orga­ni­za­tions in var­i­ous west­ern coun­tries, includ­ing the U.S.

    Bihun said that local branch­es of CYM in Ukraine coor­di­nate with mil­i­tary cen­ters and non­govern­men­tal orga­ni­za­tions around the coun­try to select chil­dren for the camps. Many of the chil­dren have par­ents who are serv­ing in the mil­i­tary or who have been killed in the war. Oth­ers live in front­line areas in the east Ukrain­ian con­flict areas of Luhan­sk and Donet­sk, while some are refugees who have fled from ter­ri­to­ry occu­pied by pro-Russ­ian forces.

    She said: “Many of these chil­dren think that nobody knows or cares about them; that they are invis­i­ble. When they real­ize that some peo­ple, even from far-away Amer­i­ca, say ‘we know who you are, we know what you are going through and what hap­pened’ their eyes grow big and they are com­plete­ly tak­en aback.”

    ———-

    “Ukrain­ian youth orga­ni­za­tion CYM thriv­ing in Amer­i­ca” by Askold Krushel­ny­cky; Kyiv Post; 07/29/2019

    “Lenczuk, who lives in Pas­sa­ic, New Jer­sey, where he is an Eng­lish teacher at a school, said: “My num­ber one focus is help­ing chil­dren to devel­op a nation­al con­scious­ness about Ukraine while not liv­ing in Ukraine. Coun­ter­ing assim­i­la­tion. A lot of the kids who come to this camp are already sec­ond, third, fourth gen­er­a­tion Ukrain­ian-Amer­i­can. The pur­pose of CYM is to con­tin­ue that nation­al con­scious­ness. But also as a teacher, as with my own stu­dents in school, I want them to have prac­ti­cal knowl­edge and to devel­op their own lead­er­ship skills.””

    Coun­ter­ing assim­i­la­tion and help­ing the kids devel­op­ing a nation­al con­scious­ness about Ukraine while not liv­ing in Ukraine. That was the descrip­tion of Dmitri Lenzcuk, the cam­p’s chief instruc­tor who is respon­si­ble for work­ing out the lessons and activ­i­ties for the camp. And a big part of the devel­op­ment of that nation­al con­scious­ness about Ukraine appears to be teach­ing the kids about Stepan Bandera...along with lessons on Russ­ian “hybrid war­fare”, which is pre­sum­ably a ‘les­son’ about how the kids should ignore all the hor­ri­ble things they might hear about Ban­dera:

    ...
    The top­ics that fea­tured in talks for the old­er mem­bers this month includ­ed the his­to­ry of Ukraine’s strug­gles in the 20th cen­tu­ry for free­dom. Much time was devot­ed to the leader of the Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists, Stepan Ban­dera, as 2019 sees the 110th anniver­sary of his birth and 60th anniver­sary of his assas­si­na­tion by the Sovi­et KGB.

    Oth­er top­ics includ­ed the more recent his­to­ry of the Euro­Maid­an Rev­o­lu­tion, the mass demon­stra­tions that drove Krem­lin-backed for­mer Ukrain­ian Pres­i­dent Vik­tor Yanukovych from pow­er in 2014, trig­ger­ing Moscow’s war against Ukraine that con­tin­ues today.

    Speak­ers also talked about Russ­ian dis­in­for­ma­tion and dis­tor­tion of Ukraine’s his­to­ry in the past and present attempts by Moscow to per­vert the truth and per­cep­tions about Ukraine using “hybrid-war” tech­niques.
    ...

    The indoc­tri­na­tion of kids with Ukrain­ian nation­al­ism. That’s exact­ly what we should expect and that’s what we find. So there isn’t any­thing par­tic­u­lar­ly sur­pris­ing in that descrip­tion of these Ukrain­ian Youth camps. Unfor­tu­nate­ly.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 8, 2019, 10:13 am
  4. Oh look, a Ukrain­ian court just ruled in favor C14 in its law­suit against the Ukraine news out­let Hro­madske TV. The suit was over Hro­madske TV label­ing C14 a neo-Nazi group in a May 2018 tweet. That’s seri­ous­ly what the suit was about. A lawyer for C14 asserts that the group, while nation­al­ist, is not neo-Nazi in nature and label­ing it a neo-Nazi group hurt its “busi­ness rep­u­ta­tion”. And the Kyiv City Com­mer­cial Court agreed, rul­ing that Hro­madske TV could­n’t estab­lish that C14 — a group named after David Lane’s “14 words” white supra­macist slo­gan — was actu­al­ly a neo-Nazi group. As a result, Hro­madske TV has to retract its tweet and pay 3,500 hryvnyas ($136) in court fees for C14.

    It’s a sign of how far along the main­stream­ing of Ukraine’s neo-Nazi groups is in Ukraine: if you call the open neo-Nazis “neo-Nazis”, they can sue you and win:

    Radio Free Europe
    Radio Lib­er­ty

    Ukrain­ian Court Rules Against News Out­let That Called Vio­lent Far-Right Group ‘Neo-Nazi’

    By Christo­pher Miller
    August 06, 2019 15:29 GMT

    KYIV — A Ukrain­ian court has ruled in favor of a vio­lent far-right orga­ni­za­tion labeled a “nation­al­ist hate group” by the U.S. State Depart­ment that claimed a news out­let dam­aged its rep­u­ta­tion when it labeled it as “neo-Nazi” in a tweet last year.

    The inde­pen­dent Hro­madske TV said in a state­ment on August 6 that the Kyiv City Com­mer­cial Court decid­ed that the out­let could not pro­vide suf­fi­cient evi­dence to sup­port its claim that C14, which takes its name from a 14-word phrase used by white suprema­cists, and whose own mem­bers have admit­ted to join­ing it because of its neo-Nazi ide­ol­o­gy, was, in fact, a neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tion.

    The rul­ing orders Hro­madske TV to retract its tweet and pay 3,500 hryvnyas ($136) in court fees for C14.

    “The deci­sion is incor­rect and ille­gal, it intro­duces an egre­gious ten­den­cy that sup­press­es free­dom of speech. We will appeal it,” said Oksana Tchaikovs­ka, an attor­ney for Hro­madske TV.

    Hro­madske TV’s edi­tor in chief, Angeli­na Karyak­i­na, said she was “sur­prised by the deci­sion.”

    ...

    Karyak­i­na said that Hro­madske stood by its char­ac­ter­i­za­tion of C14 as neo-Nazi despite the rul­ing.

    RFE/RL could not reach C14 mem­bers for com­ment. Hro­madske TV said C14 had declined its request for com­ment on the rul­ing, but it spoke to a lawyer who rep­re­sent­ed the group at a pre­vi­ous court hear­ing.

    “The posi­tion of C14 is that they are not a neo-Nazi group in their activ­i­ties or in the nature of their activ­i­ties,” Vic­tor Moroz was quot­ed by Hro­madske TV as say­ing. “They are a nation­al­ist group, but they are by no means neo-Nazi.”

    He said that Hro­madske TV call­ing the orga­ni­za­tion neo-Nazi harmed the “busi­ness rep­u­ta­tion” of C14.

    Oth­er media out­lets, as well as human rights orga­ni­za­tions such as the Kharkiv Human Rights Pro­tec­tion Group, have also referred to C14 as neo-Nazi.

    The tweet that led to the law­suit was pub­lished by Hro­madske TV’s Eng­lish-lan­guage account on May 4, 2018.

    In the tweet, Hro­madske called C14 a “neo-Nazi group” when report­ing that sev­er­al of its mem­bers had seized a Brazil­ian man who fought on the side of Rus­sia-backed sep­a­ratists against Ukrain­ian forces dur­ing the five-year war still rag­ing in the coun­try’s east­ern Don­bas region.

    The Brazil­ian, Rafael Lus­varghi, had been dis­cov­ered ear­li­er by RFE/RL in Kyiv.

    C14, whose social-media pages show the group’s use of white-suprema­cist sym­bols, has a long his­to­ry of vio­lence. Two of its mem­bers, Andriy Medved­ko and Denys Pol­ishchuk, are cur­rent­ly on tri­al in Ukraine for the high-pro­file 2015 mur­der of Ukrain­ian reporter Oles Buzy­na. They deny the charges.

    Oth­er mem­bers of C14 have been behind sev­er­al vio­lent attacks against minor­i­ty groups, includ­ing the Romany com­mu­ni­ty. In some cas­es, they have live-streamed and post­ed videos and pho­tographs of those attacks on social media.

    The group’s vio­lent actions and imagery, along with its hate­ful posts have led to it being banned from Face­book, com­pa­ny offi­cials told RFE/RL.

    Nev­er­the­less, C14 has received state fund­ing for two years run­ning from the Min­istry of Youth and Sport to con­duct “nation­al-patri­ot­ic edu­ca­tion” cours­es at sum­mer camps for the coun­try’s youth.

    ———-

    “Ukrain­ian Court Rules Against News Out­let That Called Vio­lent Far-Right Group ‘Neo-Nazi’ ” by Christo­pher Miller, Radio Free Europe/Radio Lib­er­ty, 08/06/2019

    “The inde­pen­dent Hro­madske TV said in a state­ment on August 6 that the Kyiv City Com­mer­cial Court decid­ed that the out­let could not pro­vide suf­fi­cient evi­dence to sup­port its claim that C14, which takes its name from a 14-word phrase used by white suprema­cists, and whose own mem­bers have admit­ted to join­ing it because of its neo-Nazi ide­ol­o­gy, was, in fact, a neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tion.”

    The Kyiv City Com­mer­cial Court appears to enjoy the same kind of trolling neo-Nazis are known to love. It’s also some­what com­i­cal that C14 claims its “busi­ness rep­u­ta­tion” was dam­aged by the label, a claim that pre­sumes some peo­ple are doing busi­ness with C14 and don’t real­ize its a neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tions. So it’s worth keep­ing in mind one of the pri­ma­ry ‘busi­ness­es’ that C14 engages in at this point: run­ning state-fund­ed youth camps:

    ...
    RFE/RL could not reach C14 mem­bers for com­ment. Hro­madske TV said C14 had declined its request for com­ment on the rul­ing, but it spoke to a lawyer who rep­re­sent­ed the group at a pre­vi­ous court hear­ing.

    “The posi­tion of C14 is that they are not a neo-Nazi group in their activ­i­ties or in the nature of their activ­i­ties,” Vic­tor Moroz was quot­ed by Hro­madske TV as say­ing. “They are a nation­al­ist group, but they are by no means neo-Nazi.”

    He said that Hro­madske TV call­ing the orga­ni­za­tion neo-Nazi harmed the “busi­ness rep­u­ta­tion” of C14.

    ...

    C14, whose social-media pages show the group’s use of white-suprema­cist sym­bols, has a long his­to­ry of vio­lence. Two of its mem­bers, Andriy Medved­ko and Denys Pol­ishchuk, are cur­rent­ly on tri­al in Ukraine for the high-pro­file 2015 mur­der of Ukrain­ian reporter Oles Buzy­na. They deny the charges.

    ...

    Nev­er­the­less, C14 has received state fund­ing for two years run­ning from the Min­istry of Youth and Sport to con­duct “nation­al-patri­ot­ic edu­ca­tion” cours­es at sum­mer camps for the coun­try’s youth.

    Who knows, maybe being labeled a neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tion lim­it­ed the num­ber of par­ents who want­ed to send their kids to the C14 youth camps for “nation­al-patri­ot­ic edu­ca­tion.” Prob­lem solved.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | August 15, 2019, 1:11 pm
  5. There’s a dis­turb­ing, if pre­dictable, emer­gency unfold­ing in Ukraine right now: In protest of the peace plan agen­da that was at the heart of the plat­form that got Ukraine’s pres­i­dent Volodymyr Zelen­skiy elect­ed in a land­slide, Ukraine’s far right par­ties have staged a large street march through Kyiv to oppose any such peace plans. Even more dis­turb­ing is that for­mer pres­i­dent Petro Poroshenko is open­ly back­ing this anti-peace protest.

    On Octo­ber 1, Ukraine, Rus­sia, and medi­a­tors Ger­many and France signed a ten­ta­tive agree­ment with the sep­a­ratists on guide­lines for hold­ing local elec­tions in east­ern Ukraine and spe­cial self-gov­ern­ing sta­tus fol­low­ing the removal of all armed forces for the sep­a­ratist areas. This pro­pos­al trig­gered an ini­tial round of street protests through Kyiv, pri­mar­i­ly by the far right.

    The far right protests have con­tin­ued. As the fol­low­ing arti­cle also notes, the Zelen­skiy gov­ern­ment had been try­ing appease the far right in recent days. Zelen­skiy him­self held a closed-door meet­ing with far right ‘nation­al­ist’ groups last week. And on Sun­day night, Ukrain­ian prime min­is­ter Olek­siy Hon­charuk spoke at a ral­ly orga­nized by Andriy Medved­ko, a promi­nent mem­ber of C14 (it’s labeled “S14” in the arti­cle). There are pic­tures avail­able.

    And now we’re get­ting reports that the far right has issued a 10-day ulti­ma­tum to Zelenskey that warns of a “polit­i­cal col­lapse of the gov­ern­ment” and a “social explo­sion that will sweept them away” if Zelen­skiy does­n’t end the peace nego­ti­a­tions:

    Far-right, nation­al­ist orga­niz­ers tak­ing cred­it for Octo­ber 14 ral­lies in Kyiv: Issue a 10-day ulti­ma­tum to Zelen­skiy, warn of “polit­i­cal col­lapse of the gov­ern­ment”, “social explo­sion that will sweep them [gov­er­ment] away” ‑while ex-Pres­i­dent Poroshenko’s par­ty embraces protests pic.twitter.com/gnGfeep7kf&mdash, Olek­siy Kuz­menko (@kooleksiy) Octo­ber 15, 2019

    So it’s look­ing like Zelen­skiy’s efforts to direct­ly pla­cate the far right have failed and now the far right is using the threat of polit­i­cal vio­lence to end a peace process that was over­whelm­ing­ly sup­port­ed by the elec­torate. And the for­mer Poroshenko forces might be sup­port­ive of that threat:

    The Guardian

    Far right and nation­al­ists march in Kyiv to oppose east Ukraine peace plan

    Ukrain­ian pres­i­dent calls on pro­test­ers to avoid vio­lence as he is crit­i­cised for ‘capit­u­la­tion’

    Andrew Roth in Kyiv

    Mon 14 Oct 2019 09.53 EDT
    Last mod­i­fied on Mon 14 Oct 2019 10.52 EDT

    Thou­sands of peo­ple have joined a march through Kyiv led by far right groups and nation­al­ist par­ties to protest against changes to a peace plan for east Ukraine that they have called a “capit­u­la­tion” to Rus­sia.

    Police deployed around Ukraine’s cap­i­tal closed off sev­er­al major avenues for the demon­stra­tions, as the Ukrain­ian pres­i­dent, Volodymyr Zelen­skiy, urged par­tic­i­pants to avoid vio­lence. He also warned that images from the protests could be used by Russ­ian state media to dis­cred­it Ukraine.

    ...

    The protests are part of a back­lash against Zelenskiy’s poli­cies on the war against Russ­ian-backed sep­a­ratists in east Ukraine. This month, the pres­i­dent approved a plan that would allow elec­tions in sep­a­ratist-held Ukraine and then grant spe­cial sta­tus to the region on the con­di­tion the vote was seen as free and fair.

    Zelen­skiy main­tains a 70% approval rat­ing but recent polling showed a major­i­ty of Ukraini­ans opposed giv­ing spe­cial sta­tus to the regions held by sep­a­ratists. Dur­ing a 14-hour press con­fer­ence last week, Zelen­skiy said end­ing the war was the most impor­tant mis­sion of his pres­i­den­cy and that he would have to meet with Vladimir Putin to achieve that goal.

    But his state­ments have sparked anger among for­mer fight­ers and have been crit­i­cised by mem­bers of the oppo­si­tion. One vet­er­an on Mon­day called it a “betray­al”. Yevhen Pylypenko, one of sev­er­al men wear­ing fatigues on their way to a protest near a stat­ue of the 19th-cen­tu­ry Ukrain­ian writer Taras Shevchenko, said the plan was a step towards “for­giv­ing the peo­ple who fought against us. I think that’s unfor­giv­able.”

    The for­mer Ukrain­ian pres­i­dent Petro Poroshenko has also opposed the plan, which would amend the stalled Min­sk agree­ment nego­ti­at­ed under his pres­i­den­cy.

    “We will nev­er agree to that,” Poroshenko, now the leader of the Euro­pean Sol­i­dar­i­ty par­ty, said last week. “We feel sol­i­dar­i­ty with the present actions and calls heard from among vet­er­ans and we will not allow the ruin of the Ukrain­ian state.”

    Zelen­skiy has sought a com­pro­mise with nation­al­ist groups, and report­ed­ly met last week with the lead­ers of vet­er­ans’ organ­i­sa­tions, as well as promi­nent far-right lead­ers.

    Many are con­tro­ver­sial. On Sun­day night, the Ukrain­ian prime min­is­ter, Olek­siy Hon­charuk, spoke at a ral­ly in sup­port of vet­er­ans report­ed­ly organ­ised by Andriy Medved­ko, a promi­nent mem­ber of the rad­i­cal nation­al­ist organ­i­sa­tion S14. Sokyra Peruna, a white-nation­al­ist met­al band whose sup­port­ers have made Nazi salutes at their con­certs, also played at the bar where the event was held.

    Hon­charuk on Mon­day con­firmed he spoke at the event to sup­port vet­er­ans but said he was not famil­iar with the band, say­ing he did not endorse any “hate-filled ide­ol­o­gy – nei­ther Nazism, nor fas­cism, nor com­mu­nism”.

    ———-

    “Far right and nation­al­ists march in Kyiv to oppose east Ukraine peace plan” by Andrew Roth, The Guardian, 10/14/2019

    “The protests are part of a back­lash against Zelenskiy’s poli­cies on the war against Russ­ian-backed sep­a­ratists in east Ukraine. This month, the pres­i­dent approved a plan that would allow elec­tions in sep­a­ratist-held Ukraine and then grant spe­cial sta­tus to the region on the con­di­tion the vote was seen as free and fair.

    Peace with the sep­a­ratist is the ‘line’ that can­not be crossed for Ukraine’s far right. Even Petro Poroshenko, who Zelen­skiy sound­ed defeat­ed in this year’s elec­tion, appears to be voic­ing his sup­port of the far right protests. That’s how much Ukraine’s embrace of the far right has bro­ken Ukraine’s democ­ra­cy and poten­tial­ly doomed the coun­try to per­pet­u­al war:

    ...
    Zelen­skiy main­tains a 70% approval rat­ing but recent polling showed a major­i­ty of Ukraini­ans opposed giv­ing spe­cial sta­tus to the regions held by sep­a­ratists. Dur­ing a 14-hour press con­fer­ence last week, Zelen­skiy said end­ing the war was the most impor­tant mis­sion of his pres­i­den­cy and that he would have to meet with Vladimir Putin to achieve that goal.

    But his state­ments have sparked anger among for­mer fight­ers and have been crit­i­cised by mem­bers of the oppo­si­tion. One vet­er­an on Mon­day called it a “betray­al”. Yevhen Pylypenko, one of sev­er­al men wear­ing fatigues on their way to a protest near a stat­ue of the 19th-cen­tu­ry Ukrain­ian writer Taras Shevchenko, said the plan was a step towards “for­giv­ing the peo­ple who fought against us. I think that’s unfor­giv­able.”

    The for­mer Ukrain­ian pres­i­dent Petro Poroshenko has also opposed the plan, which would amend the stalled Min­sk agree­ment nego­ti­at­ed under his pres­i­den­cy.

    “We will nev­er agree to that,” Poroshenko, now the leader of the Euro­pean Sol­i­dar­i­ty par­ty, said last week. “We feel sol­i­dar­i­ty with the present actions and calls heard from among vet­er­ans and we will not allow the ruin of the Ukrain­ian state.”
    ...

    As one of the marchers put it, the pro­posed peace plan was a step towards “for­giv­ing the peo­ple who fought against us. I think that’s unfor­giv­able.” That’s how doomed Ukraine is at this point. The only accept­able res­o­lu­tion to the civ­il war is the mil­i­tary slaugh­ter of the sep­a­ratists.

    And as a sign of just how pow­er­ful the far right is in Ukraine, both Zelen­skiy and Prime Min­is­ter Olek­siy Hon­charuk have been hold­ing direct meet­ings with far right groups. Meet­ings that clear­ly failed in pla­cat­ing the far right’s demands. Large­ly because those demands appear to be that there is no peace plan at all:

    ...
    Zelen­skiy has sought a com­pro­mise with nation­al­ist groups, and report­ed­ly met last week with the lead­ers of vet­er­ans’ organ­i­sa­tions, as well as promi­nent far-right lead­ers.

    Many are con­tro­ver­sial. On Sun­day night, the Ukrain­ian prime min­is­ter, Olek­siy Hon­charuk, spoke at a ral­ly in sup­port of vet­er­ans report­ed­ly organ­ised by Andriy Medved­ko, a promi­nent mem­ber of the rad­i­cal nation­al­ist organ­i­sa­tion S14. Sokyra Peruna, a white-nation­al­ist met­al band whose sup­port­ers have made Nazi salutes at their con­certs, also played at the bar where the event was held.

    Hon­charuk on Mon­day con­firmed he spoke at the event to sup­port vet­er­ans but said he was not famil­iar with the band, say­ing he did not endorse any “hate-filled ide­ol­o­gy – nei­ther Nazism, nor fas­cism, nor com­mu­nism”.
    ...

    As Ukraine’s far right has made clear, the only end to Ukraine’s civ­il war that they will accept is one where the sep­a­ratists have been mil­i­tar­i­ly crushed. For­give­ness is unfor­giv­able. Keep in mind that the pri­ma­ry dri­ver of the sep­a­ratism in the first place was the promi­nent role these far right groups were giv­en in the post-Maid­an gov­ern­ment and the fact that these groups are overt­ly big­ot­ed against Ukraine’s eth­nic Russ­ian pop­u­la­tion. So, in dis­turbing­ly pre­dictable fash­ion, the same groups that sparked this civ­il war are now cred­i­bly threat­en­ing to over­throw the gov­ern­ment if it tries to end it.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 15, 2019, 1:07 pm

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