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FTR #1107 Deep Politics and the Death of Iris Chang, Part 1 and FTR #1108 Deep Politics and the Death of Iris Chang, Part 2

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FTR #1107: This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment. [6]

FTR #1108: This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment. [7]

[8]

Iris Chang at a book sign­ing for “The Rape of Nanking”

“The Sea­graves have uncov­ered one of the Biggest Secrets of the Twen­ti­eth Century”–Iris Chang, quot­ed on the front cov­er of Gold War­riors.

Intro­duc­tion: Late last year (2019), the city of San Jose (Cal­i­for­nia) opened a park ded­i­cat­ed to the mem­o­ry of the late author Iris Chang.

These broad­casts update and sup­ple­ment dis­cus­sion of Iris Chang’s alleged “sui­cide,” high­light­ed in FTR #509 [9]. Of par­tic­u­lar sig­nif­i­cance is the fact that the Gold­en Lily loot and the deci­sive polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic fac­tors stem­ming from the mate­r­i­al cov­ered in Gold War­riors [10], the oth­er books by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave, and Ms. Chang’s The Rape of Nanking [11], have enor­mous and ongo­ing sig­nif­i­cance.

(FTR #‘s 427 [12], 428 [13], 446 [14], 451 [15], 501 [16], 509 [9], 688 [17]689 [18] deal with the sub­ject of the Gold­en Lily pro­gram suc­cess­ful­ly imple­ment­ed by the Japan­ese to loot Asia. That loot was merged with Nazi gold, became the Black Eagle Trust, which not only financed Cold War covert oper­a­tions but under­wrote much of the post-war glob­al econ­o­my. Philip­pine dic­ta­tor Fer­di­nand Mar­cos recov­ered a tremen­dous amount of the Gold­en Lily loot, some of which was shared with  the Japan­ese, some with  the U.S. and much of it kept by Mar­cos. The Mar­cos “Black Gold” fig­ures promi­nent­ly in the deep pol­i­tics sur­round­ing the death of Ms. Chang.)

In Novem­ber of 2004, author and inves­ti­ga­tor Iris Chang was found dead of an alleged­ly self-inflict­ed gun­shot wound. This pro­gram exam­ines the cir­cum­stances sur­round­ing her death.

In her land­mark book The Rape of Nanking [11], Ms. Chang doc­u­ment­ed the Japan­ese atroc­i­ties which gave that occu­pa­tion its name. The rape of Nanking saw the begin­ning of the Japan­ese Gold­en Lily pro­gram, which yield­ed the spec­tac­u­lar loot­ed wealth and post­war eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal intrigue doc­u­ment­ed in the Sea­graves’ inci­sive text Gold War­riors [10].

The Rape of Nanking [11]drew much hos­tile reac­tion from the Japan­ese right and relat­ed forces:  “. . . . At the same time, tor­rents of hate mail came in, Brett [her hus­band] said. ‘Iris is sen­si­tive, but she got charged up,’ he recalled. ‘When any­body ques­tioned the valid­i­ty of what she wrote, she would respond with over­whelm­ing evi­dence to back it up. She’s very much a per­fec­tion­ist. It was hard for her not to react every sin­gle time.’ Most of the attacks came from Japan­ese ultra­na­tion­al­ists. ‘We saw car­toons where she was por­trayed as this woman with a great big mouth,’ Brett said. ‘She got used to the fact that there is a Web site called ‘Iris Chang and Her Lies.’ She would just laugh.’ But friends say Iris began to voice con­cerns for her safe­ty. She believed her phone was tapped. She described find­ing threat­en­ing notes on her car. She said she was con­front­ed by a man who said, ‘You will NOT con­tin­ue writ­ing this.’ She used a post office box, nev­er her home address, for mail. ‘There are a fair num­ber of peo­ple who don’t take kind­ly to what she wrote in The Rape of Nanking [19].’ Brett said, ‘so she’s always been very, very pri­vate about our fam­i­ly life.’ . . . .”

(As we have seen in–among oth­er pro­grams–FTR #‘s 813 [20], 905 [21], 969 [22], 970 [23], the Japan­ese “ultra­na­tion­al­ists” were put right back in pow­er by the Amer­i­can occu­pa­tion forces, as the Sea­graves doc­u­ment in Gold War­riors [10], as well as The Yam­a­to Dynasty [24].)

At the time of her death, Ms. Chang was research­ing a book chron­i­cling the expe­ri­ences of sur­vivors of the Bataan Death March—the bru­tal per­se­cu­tion of Amer­i­can POW’s cap­tured in the siege of Bataan in the Philip­pines dur­ing World War II. Many of the sur­vivors were shipped to Japan to work as slave labor­ers for major Japan­ese cor­po­ra­tions.

[25]

Iris Chang: Rest in peace, brave war­rior.

Many of these cor­po­ra­tions have had pro­found con­nec­tions with their Amer­i­can transna­tion­al coun­ter­parts, and were the ben­e­fi­cia­ries of Amer­i­can invest­ment cap­i­tal in the run-up to World War II. More impor­tant­ly, many of these cor­po­ra­tions are a prin­ci­pal ele­ment of the US/Japanese com­mer­cial rela­tion­ship today.

Law­suits in Cal­i­for­nia tar­get­ed those Japan­ese cor­po­ra­tions for com­pen­sa­tion for the slave labor wrung from the Bat­taan POWs. The State Depart­ment sided with the Japan­ese and Judge Vaughn Walk­er ruled against the Bataan sur­vivors.

[26]Per­haps most impor­tant­ly, in-depth cov­er­age of the Bataan Death March would uncov­er the Black Eagle Trust and the fun­da­men­tal role in post-World War II Amer­i­can and Japan­ese pol­i­tics of the vast wealth loot­ed by Japan dur­ing World War II. That pur­loined “black gold” is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with U.S. covert oper­a­tions and is at the epi­cen­ter of post­war Japan­ese pow­er pol­i­tics and econ­o­my.

In addi­tion to the Rape of Nanking and the Bataan Death March sur­vivors, Ms. Chang’s research cut across some deep polit­i­cal dynam­ics con­nect­ed to then-Pres­i­dent George W. Bush’s admin­is­tra­tion and his busi­ness deal­ings.

George W. Bush:

  1. Was using U.S. Naval forces to secure Japan­ese war gold from the Philip­pines for his per­son­al blind trust, as well as shoring up Amer­i­can gold reserves.
  2. Was deeply involved with Harken Ener­gy, which may well have been a cor­po­rate front for the acqui­si­tion and recy­cling of Gold­en Lily loot and Bor­mann mon­ey.
  3. Was heir to a deep polit­i­cal her­itage involv­ing, among oth­ers, the fam­i­ly of William Stamps Far­ish, the head of Stan­dard Oil of New Jer­sey dur­ing the time it man­i­fest­ed its car­tel agree­ments with I.G. Far­ben [27]. Dubya ben­e­fit­ed from his father’s lega­cy of involve­ment with the milieu of Dou­glas MacArthur. George H.W. Bush’s deep polit­i­cal con­nec­tions in the Philip­pines include the involve­ment of both Trump cam­paign man­ag­er Paul Man­afort and Trump and GOP trick­ster Roger Stone with Fer­di­nand Mar­cos while the dic­ta­tor was involved with the recov­ery of Gold­en Lily loot.
  4. Served as a direc­tor of Harken when the head of the firm was Alan Quasha, son of William Quasha, an attor­ney for the CIA-linked Nugan Hand Bank, a focal point of AFA #25 [28]William had been Alien Prop­er­ty cus­to­di­an in the Philip­pines under Dou­glas MacArthur, which placed him in a posi­tion to great­ly influ­ence the “Alien Prop­er­ty” placed there by the Japan­ese under Gold­en Lily.

[29]There is evi­dence to sug­gest that Ms. Chang’s death may have result­ed from mind con­trol, admin­is­tered to neu­tral­ize her as a threat to those clan­des­tine eco­nom­ic and nation­al secu­ri­ty rela­tion­ships that have gov­erned US/Japanese affairs in the post­war peri­od. Ms. Chang had received threats ever since the pub­li­ca­tion of her land­mark text The Rape of Nanking [19].

(For more about the gov­ern­men­t’s mind con­trol pro­grams, see, among oth­er broad­casts, AFA #‘s 5–7. [30] Key parts of that AFA series are excerpt­ed in FTR #‘s 974 [31], 975 [32], 976 [33], 977 [34].)

She appears to have been under sur­veil­lance, and her “sui­cide” note alleged that a sus­pi­cious intern­ment in a psy­chi­atric hos­pi­tal may have been ini­ti­at­ed at the insti­ga­tion of the ele­ments opposed to a ruf­fling of the Japanese/US feath­ers. In addi­tion to threat­en­ing to expose a dom­i­nant fac­tor in U.S. covert oper­a­tions, a key ele­ment in the post­war Amer­i­can and glob­al econ­o­my, Ms. Chang’s inves­ti­ga­tion of Japan­ese war crimes was an irri­tant to the Japan­ese estab­lish­ment that had thrived on the gold and oth­er wealth loot­ed from occu­pied coun­tries since World War II.

Ms. Chang’s “sui­cide” note read, in part [35]: “. . . .There are aspects of my expe­ri­ence in Louisville that I will nev­er under­stand. . . . . I can nev­er shake my belief that I was being recruit­ed, and lat­er per­se­cut­ed, by forces more pow­er­ful than I could have imag­ined. Whether it was the CIA or some oth­er orga­ni­za­tion I will nev­er know. As long as I am alive, these forces will nev­er stop hound­ing me. Days before I left for Louisville I had a deep fore­bod­ing about my safe­ty. I sensed sud­den­ly threats to my own life: an eerie feel­ing that I was being fol­lowed in the streets, the white van parked out­side my house, dam­aged mail arriv­ing at my P.O. Box. I believe my deten­tion at Nor­ton Hos­pi­tal was the gov­ern­men­t’s attempt to dis­cred­it me. . . .”

At the con­clu­sion of the pro­gram, we review Rita Katz’s expe­ri­ences [36] after she helped break the inves­ti­ga­tion into the SAAR net­work that became known  as Oper­a­tion Green Quest. That inves­ti­ga­tion over­lapped George W. Bush’s firm Harken Ener­gy. Note the sim­i­lar­i­ty between Iris Chang’s expe­ri­ences and those  of Rita  Katz. ” . . . . White vans and SUV’s with dark win­dows appeared near all the homes of the SAAR inves­ti­ga­tors. All agents, some of whom were very expe­ri­enced with sur­veil­lance, knew they were being fol­lowed. So was I. I felt that I was being fol­lowed every­where and watched at home, in the super­mar­ket, on the way to work . . . and for what? . Now—I was being watched 24/7. It’s a ter­ri­ble sen­sa­tion to know that you have no pri­va­cy. . . . and no secu­ri­ty. That strange click­ing of the phones that wasn’t there before. . . the oh-so-crude­ly opened mail at home in the office. . . and the same man I spied in my neigh­bor­hood super­mar­ket, who was also on the train I took to Wash­ing­ton a week ago. . . Life can be mis­er­able when you know that someone’s always breath­ing down your neck. . . .”

In con­ver­sa­tions with friends, Ms. Chang not­ed that her prob­lems were “exter­nal, [35] not in her head. She also felt she was being “recruit­ed” [37] to become a “Manchuri­an Can­di­date” for the CIA–i.e. being sub­ject­ed to mind con­trol. ” . . . . in her last year she became para­noid about every­thing from virus­es attack­ing her com­put­er to attempts by the gov­ern­ment to “recruit” her, a la The Manchuri­an Can­di­date. . . . .”

Pro­gram High­lights Include:  The alleged role of Japan­ese war crim­i­nal Tsu­ji Masanobu in aid­ing the Mar­cos gold recov­er­ies in the Philip­pines; the role of Tsu­ji Masanobu in imple­ment­ing the Bataan Death March; William Stamps Far­ish III’s stew­ard­ship of Dubya’s blind trust, for which Philip­pines war gold was appar­ent­ly being sought; William Stamps Far­ish (II) and his stew­ard­ship of Stan­dard Oil of New Jer­sey, when it col­lab­o­rat­ed with I.G. Far­ben; George H.W. Bush’s asso­ci­a­tion with the descen­dants of Amer­i­can cor­po­rate fig­ures who col­lab­o­rat­ed with the Third Reich.

1a. The pro­gram exam­ines the vicious reac­tion of Japan­ese ultra­na­tion­al­ists and oth­ers to Iris Chang’s book—The Rape of Nanking [19]. Note the hos­til­i­ty with which her work was met. Was this hos­til­i­ty car­ried to anoth­er lev­el?

A detail about the phys­i­cal cir­cum­stances sur­round­ing Iris’s “sui­cide” suggests–strongly–that she did not pull the trig­ger her­self. Her body was dis­cov­ered by a San­ta Clara Coun­ty Water Dis­trict Employ­ee.

Some­one who had fired a .45 cal­iber black pow­der weapon [38] into her mouth would be unlike­ly to have her hands crossed in her lap and with the revolver on her left leg. This sounds like it may well an arranged crime scene. ” . . . . He noticed con­den­sa­tion on the win­dows, peered inside and saw Iris in the dri­ver’s seat with her hands crossed in her lap. The revolver lay on her left leg. Her head rest­ed against the win­dow. . . .”

“His­to­ri­an Iris Chang Won Many Bat­tles: The War She Lost Raged With­in” by Hei­di Ben­son; San Fran­cis­co Chron­i­cle; 4/17/2005; p. 9 [of 22]. [35]

. . . At the same time, tor­rents of hate mail came in, Brett [her hus­band] said. “Iris is sen­si­tive, but she got charged up,” he recalled. “When any­body ques­tioned the valid­i­ty of what she wrote, she would respond with over­whelm­ing evi­dence to back it up. She’s very much a per­fec­tion­ist. It was hard for her not to react every sin­gle time.” Most of the attacks came from Japan­ese ultra­na­tion­al­ists. ‘We saw car­toons where she was por­trayed as this woman with a great big mouth,’ Brett said. ‘She got used to the fact that there is a Web site called ‘Iris Chang and Her Lies.’ She would just laugh.”

But friends say Iris began to voice con­cerns for her safe­ty. She believed her phone was tapped. She described find­ing threat­en­ing notes on her car. She said she was con­front­ed by a man who said, ‘You will NOT con­tin­ue writ­ing this.’ She used a post office box, nev­er her home address, for mail. “There are a fair num­ber of peo­ple who don’t take kind­ly to what she wrote in The Rape of Nanking [19].” Brett said, “so she’s always been very, very pri­vate about our fam­i­ly life.” . . . . 

. . . . Among her many tele­vi­sion appear­ances was a mem­o­rable evening on “Night­line,” where she was the only Asian and the only woman among a pan­el of Chi­na experts. “To see her on TV, defend­ing Rape of Nanking so fierce­ly and so fearlessly—I just sat down, stopped, in awe,” said Helen Zia, author of Asian-Amer­i­can Dreams: Emer­gence of an Amer­i­can Peo­ple [39] and co-author Wen-Ho Lee, of My Coun­try Ver­sus Me: The First-Hand Account by the Los Alam­os Sci­en­tist Who Was False­ly Accused.

“Iris tru­ly had no fear. You could see it in the steadi­ness of her voice and in her per­sis­tence,” Zia recalled. “She would just say, mat­ter-of-fact­ly, ‘Japan is lying and here’s why.”’ Lat­er Iris chal­lenged the Japan­ese ambas­sador to a debate on the ‘Mac­Neil-Lehrer News Hour’ on PBS. After the ambas­sador spoke of events in Nanking, Iris turned to the mod­er­a­tor and said: “I did­n’t hear an apol­o­gy.” [This would NOT have been well received by the Japan­ese polit­i­cal and nation­al secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ments, who would nev­er have coun­te­nanced a gov­ern­ment offi­cial being tak­en to task by a Chi­nese woman–D.E.]

. . . . He noticed con­den­sa­tion on the win­dows, peered inside and saw Iris in the dri­ver’s seat with her hands crossed in her lap. The revolver lay on her left leg. . . .

1b. Iris turned her atten­tion to anoth­er sub­ject con­nect­ed to Japan­ese atroc­i­ties from World War II—the Bataan Death March. Some of the Amer­i­can sol­diers cap­tured after the Japan­ese inva­sion of the Philip­pines were forced to work as slave labor­ers for some of the major Japan­ese cor­po­ra­tions. As will be seen below, class action law­suits and oth­er attempts at gain­ing belat­ed com­pen­sa­tion for these unfor­tu­nate POWs was met with fierce oppo­si­tion from the US State Depart­ment!! Remem­ber that Iris Chang was cut­ting across these same lines of polit­i­cal pow­er.

As Ms. Chang was inves­ti­gat­ing the sto­ry of the Death Marchers, she made the acquain­tance of a colonel, who elicit­ed fear in this oth­er­wise daunt­less indi­vid­ual. The colonel checked her into a psy­chi­atric hos­pi­tal, where she was put on a cycle of psy­chi­atric drugs. Was she sub­ject­ed to some sort of mind con­trol? Did that have some­thing to do with her death? Was she pro­grammed to com­mit sui­cide?

Iris’s sui­cide note betrayed fear of ret­ri­bu­tion for her research. She felt that her intern­ment in the psy­chi­atric hos­pi­tal may have some­how been part of that ret­ri­bu­tion. As not­ed below, she felt the CIA or some sim­i­lar type of insti­tu­tion may have been involved in the activ­i­ties con­duct­ed against her.

Iris’s sui­cide note betrayed fear of ret­ri­bu­tion for her research. She felt that her intern­ment in the psy­chi­atric hos­pi­tal may have some­how been part of that ret­ri­bu­tion. As not­ed below, she felt the CIA or some sim­i­lar type of insti­tu­tion may have been involved in the activ­i­ties con­duct­ed against her.

“His­to­ri­an Iris Chang Won Many Bat­tles: The War She Lost Raged With­in” by Hei­di Ben­son; San Fran­cis­co Chron­i­cle; 4/17/2005; p. 9 [of 22]. [35]

 . . . But soon she found her­self drawn to a sub­ject just as dark. Iris Chang rang the door­bell on Ed Martel’s front porch in Kenosha, Wis­con­sin, on Decem­ber 4, 2003. It’s a date he won’t for­get. “She sat down and cross-exam­ined me like a dis­trict attor­ney for five sol­id hours,” said Mar­tel, 86, one of the last remain­ing sur­vivors of the Bataan Death March of World War II. His daugh­ter, Mad­dy, remem­bered the day well, too. “We set out a very big lunch—meat trays and sand­wich­es and desserts,” she said. “My dad was so excit­ed that she was doing this, and so hon­ored.”

Months ear­li­er, Iris had seized on a let­ter in her “book ideas” file about a Mid­west­ern pock­et of Bataan sur­vivors, all mem­bers of two tank bat­tal­ions. “They drop so fast,” the let­ter had read. The cor­re­spon­dent was Sgt. Antho­ny Mel­dahl, a sup­ply sergeant with the Ohio Nation­al Guard who had admired Iris’ work. Mel­dahl was now urg­ing Iris to join his oral-his­to­ry project. She did, and, start­ing in Novem­ber 2003, would make four trips to meet with Bataan vets—in Wis­con­sin, Illi­nois, Ohio and Ken­tucky. Each time, Iris swept into town and con­duct­ed four or five inten­sive inter­views in as many days. “She was like a bat­tal­ion com­man­der,” Mel­dahl said.

“It’s amaz­ing when you watch Iris do research,“Brett said. “She would go into a town—and with Tony Mel­dahl’s help, it was even bet­ter. She would have a team of three vets and their chil­dren and their wives. Iris would be inter­view­ing them, some­body else would be film­ing them, some­body else would be pho­to­copy­ing records, and some­body would be send­ing doc­u­ments down to UPS. And Iris would buy lunch and din­ner for every­body, and they all thought it was great.”

“These peo­ple want­ed their sto­ry told for a long, long time, and they knew that because Iris had suc­cess as an author, she’d be able to do a very good job,” Brett said. Ed Martel’s sto­ry began on Dec. 7, 1941. Pearl Har­bor was still smol­der­ing when Japan­ese planes bombed the Philip­pines” Bataan Penin­su­la, where Mar­tel was sta­tioned with a Nation­al Guard tank bat­tal­ion. With few rations, lit­tle ammu­ni­tion and no rein­force­ments, 70,000 Amer­i­can and Fil­ipino troops held off the Japan­ese for months. When the Amer­i­can gen­er­al sur­ren­dered on April 9, the Japan­ese forced the troops to walk 65 miles through swel­ter­ing jun­gle. Some 8,000 died on the noto­ri­ous “death march.” Those who sur­vived spent the rest of the war in a bleak prison camp; some were shipped to Japan as slave labor­ers. [Empha­sis added.] Once the Allies won the war, the sto­ry was for­got­ten. It had been the largest U.S. Army sur­ren­der in his­to­ry.

“It’s baf­fling to me that the U.S. today has so lit­tle knowl­edge of the four months we held out,” Mar­tel told The Chron­i­cle by tele­phone from his home in Wis­con­sin. “We mar­vel at how Amer­i­ca turned their backs on us.” Mar­tel was slight­ly hard of hear­ing, but his mem­o­ry was crisp. He recalled telling Iris about the worst of his Bataan expe­ri­ences. “Iris asked me to tell about atroc­i­ties,’ he said. “Twice I broke down and had to leave the room.”

. . . “I knew Iris was not right,” her moth­er said. “She could­n’t eat or drink. She was very depressed.” She asked if Iris had any friends there she could call for help. One of the veterans—a colonel she had planned to meet in Louisville—came to the hotel. Smith said the colonel spent only a short time with her. “She was afraid of him when he showed up,” Smith said. “But he spoke to her moth­er on the phone and told Iris, “Your mom is on the phone, so it’s OK.” That after­noon, she checked her­self in to Nor­ton Psy­chi­atric Hos­pi­tal in Louisville, with help from the colonel. Through a third par­ty, the colonel declined to be inter­viewed. “First they gave her an antipsy­chot­ic, to sta­bi­lize her,” her moth­er said. “For three days they gave her med­ica­tion, the first time in her life.” (The fam­i­ly would not name spe­cif­ic drugs.) . . .

. . . Then she wrote a sui­cide note—addressed to her par­ents, Brett and her brother—followed by a lengthy revi­sion. The first draft said: “When you believe you have a future, you think in terms of gen­er­a­tions and years. When you do not, you live not just by the day—but by the minute. [Empha­sis added.] It is far bet­ter that you remem­ber me as I was—in my hey­day as a best-sell­ing author—than the wild-eyed wreck who returned from Louisville . . . Each breath is becom­ing dif­fi­cult for me to take—the anx­i­ety can be com­pared to drown­ing in an open sea. I know that my actions will trans­fer some of this pain to oth­ers, indeed those who love me the most. Please for­give me. For­give me because I can­not for­give myself.”

In the final ver­sion, she added: “There are aspects of my expe­ri­ence in Louisville that I will nev­er under­stand. Deep down I sus­pect that you may have more answers about this than I do. I can nev­er shake my belief that I was being recruit­ed, and lat­er per­se­cut­ed, by forces more pow­er­ful than I could have imag­ined. Whether it was the CIA or some oth­er orga­ni­za­tion I will nev­er know. As long as I am alive, these forces will nev­er stop hound­ing me. . . .

“Days before I left for Louisville I had a deep fore­bod­ing about my safe­ty. I sensed sud­den­ly threats to my own life: an eerie feel­ing that I was being fol­lowed in the streets, the white van parked out­side my house, dam­aged mail arriv­ing at my P.O. Box. I believe my deten­tion at Nor­ton Hos­pi­tal was the gov­ern­men­t’s attempt to dis­cred­it me. “I had con­sid­ered run­ning away, but I will nev­er be able to escape from myself and my thoughts. I am doing this because I am too weak to with­stand the years of pain and agony ahead.”

After Iris Chang’s Oldsmo­bile was found off High­way 17 on Tues­day morn­ing, Nov. 9, the Cal­i­for­nia High­way Patrol was called to the scene. The High­way Patrol then called the San­ta Clara Sher­if­f’s homi­cide unit and detec­tive Sgt. Dean Bak­er, a 33-year vet­er­an, took over the inves­ti­ga­tion. “There is an aspect of para­noia in the major­i­ty of sui­cides.” Bak­er said. ’ A lot of people—depending on how dis­turbed they are—feel that peo­ple are plot­ting against them.”

2. Despite the dis­missal of Iris’s fears as “para­noia,” there is rea­son to believe her fears were jus­ti­fied. In a phone call to an old friend from col­lege, Iris not­ed that her fam­i­ly and friends thought her prob­lems were “in her head”—“internal”—but that they were real, i.e. “exter­nal.”

“How ‘Iris Chang’ Became a Verb” by Paula Kamen; Salon.com. [40]

 . . . The months passed, and I got involved in my own projects. A few weeks ago, a mutu­al friend e‑mailed me that Iris was try­ing to reach me, and that she had been sick for the past few months. Then, on Sat­ur­day, Nov. 6, my cell­phone rang. When I heard the tone of Iris’ voice, I excused myself from the friends I was vis­it­ing and stood out­side in their yard for pri­va­cy. The bounce in her voice was total­ly gone. Instead, it was sad and total­ly drained, as if she were mak­ing a huge effort just to talk to me. I remem­bered that she recent­ly had been sick.

She said, “I just want­ed to let you know that in case some­thing should hap­pen to me, you should always know that you’ve been a good friend.” Over the next hour, I stum­bled to ask her about what had hap­pened. She talked about her over­whelm­ing fears and anx­i­eties, includ­ing being unable to face the magnitude—and the con­tro­ver­sial nature—of the sto­ries that she had uncov­ered. Her cur­rent vague­ly described prob­lems were “exter­nal,” she kept repeat­ing, a result of her con­tro­ver­sial research. They weren’t a result of the “inter­nal,” that is, they weren’t all in her head. I asked her about what oth­ers in her life thought about the cause of this appar­ent depres­sion. She paused and said, “They think it’s inter­nal.”

3. Iris was wor­ried about virus­es attack­ing her com­put­er and about being turned into a “Manchuri­an can­di­date” by the gov­ern­ment. The lat­ter sug­gests that she may indeed have been sub­ject­ed to mind con­trol.

“What Hap­pened to Iris Chang?” by Ker­ry Reid; Chica­go Read­er; 11/1/2007. [37]

. . . . Among oth­er things, the com­pul­sive­ly well-orga­nized Chang began los­ing cred­it cards every cou­ple of weeks, accord­ing to Dou­glas, and in her last year she became para­noid about every­thing from virus­es attack­ing her com­put­er to attempts by the gov­ern­ment to “recruit” her, a la The Manchuri­an Can­di­date. . . .

[41]

Corpse of a Chi­nese woman who was a vic­tim of the rape of Nanking.

4. The Rape of Nanking–the sub­ject of Iris Chang’s best-sell­ing, non­fic­tion book, saw the begin­ning of the Gold­en Lily oper­a­tion. Note that Prince Take­da, in charge of Gold­en Lily oper­a­tions in the Philip­pines, as well as Prince Chichibu (in over­all charge of Gold­en Lily).

 Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; pp. 37–39. [42]

. . . . In the Rape of Nanking that fol­lowed, some 300,000 defense­less civil­ians were slain by Japan­ese troops, between 20,000 and 80,000 women of all ages were raped repeat­ed­ly, includ­ing chil­dren, ado­les­cent girls, and grand­moth­ers, many of them dis­em­bow­eled in the process. Men, women and chil­dren were sub­ject­ed to acts of such bar­barism that the world recoiled in hor­ror. Thou­sands of men were roped togeth­er and machine-gunned, or doused with gaso­line and set afire. Oth­ers were used for bay­o­net prac­tice, or to prac­tice behead­ing, in a sport­ing com­pe­ti­tion to see which offi­cer could behead the great­est num­ber that day. Weeks passed while atroc­i­ties con­tin­ued, streets and alleys piled high with corpses. Unlike pre­vi­ous mass atroc­i­ties, done out of sight, these were wit­nessed by hun­dreds of West­ern­ers includ­ing diplo­mats, doc­tors and mis­sion­ar­ies, some of whom smug­gled out pho­to­graph­ic evi­dence.

It was at this point that Gold­en Lily came into exis­tence.

When the Japan­ese Army swarmed down the Chi­na Coast in 1937, crossed the Yangtze, and moved west­ward to Nanking, so many units were involved across such a broad front that there was dan­ger of Japan’s rul­ing elite los­ing con­trol of the finan­cial side of con­quest, as rival com­man­ders com­pet­ed for spoils. How could you keep army or navy offi­cers from side-track­ing gold bul­lion and price­less art works, not to men­tion small­er scale theft by sol­diers? At the same time, groups of yakuza were mov­ing through new­ly occu­pied areas, con­duct­ing their own reign of ter­ror. To keep every­thing under strict con­trol at the high­est lev­el, the Impe­r­i­al Gen­er­al Head­quar­ters cre­at­ed Gold­en Lily (kin no yuri) named after one of Hirohito’s poems. This was to be a palace orga­ni­za­tion of Japan’s top finan­cial minds and spe­cial­ists in all forms of trea­sure includ­ing cul­tur­al and reli­gious antiq­ui­ties, sup­port­ed by accoun­tants, book­keep­ers, ship­ping experts, and units of the army and navy, all over­seen by princes of the blood. When Chi­na was milked by Gold­en Lily, the army would hold the cow, while princes skimmed the cream. This orga­ni­za­tion was put direct­ly under the com­mand of the emperor’s broth­er, Prince Chichibu. We know the date because the Impe­r­i­al Gen­er­al Head­quar­ters itself was only set up in the impe­r­i­al palace in Tokyo in Novem­ber 1937, just as the Rape of Nanking was com­menc­ing. . . . The Impe­r­i­al Army already had a num­ber of Spe­cial Ser­vice Units, among them intel­li­gence teams spe­cial­iz­ing in dif­fer­ent kinds of cul­tur­al and finan­cial espi­onage, and secret ser­vice agents like Gen­er­al Doi­hara, out­side the ordi­nary com­mand struc­ture. These were reas­signed to Gold­en Lily, giv­ing it the resources need­ed to find trea­sure of all kinds, from the sub­lime to the most pro­sa­ic.

In Nanking, the first wave of Gold­en Lily helpers were kem­peitai [the Japan­ese intel­li­gence ser­vice]. Spe­cial kem­peitai units moved through the city seiz­ing all gov­ern­ment assets, blow­ing open bank vaults, break­ing into and emp­ty­ing homes of wealthy fam­i­lies of what­ev­er gold, gem­stones, jew­el­ry, art­works, and cur­ren­cy could be found. Nanking had been rich for over a thou­sand years. Many wealthy and promi­nent Chi­nese had man­sions in town, and estates in the sur­round­ing coun­try­side. This was not the only time Nanking was ran­sacked by con­querors, but it was by far the most delib­er­ate, metic­u­lous, and sys­tem­at­ic. At least 6,ooo met­ric tons of gold are report­ed to have been amassed by the kem­peitai dur­ing this first pass. His­tor­i­cal research into loot­ing shows that what is offi­cial­ly report­ed typ­i­cal­ly is only a tiny frac­tion of what is actu­al­ly stolen. Also loot­ed were many of the small bis­cuit bars that indi­vid­ual Chi­nese pre­fer to hoard, along with small plat­inum ingots, dia­monds, rubies and sap­phires, small works of art, and antiq­ui­ties. These were tak­en from pri­vate homes and from tombs van­dal­ized by the army in the coun­try­side. Remorse­less­ly thor­ough, the Japan­ese ham­mered the teeth out of corpses to extract gold fill­ings. . . .

. . . . A num­ber of oth­er princes joined Gold­en Lily at this stage, spend­ing the war enrich­ing Japan, rather than par­tic­i­pat­ing in less glam­orous and dan­ger­ous com­bat assign­ments. Aside from Prince Asa­ka [the Emperor’s uncle and in charge of the Rape of Nanking–D.E.], we know Prince Chich­cibu and Prince Take­da were at Nanking because both lat­er con­fid­ed to friends that they had hor­rif­ic night­mares from wit­ness­ing atroc­i­ties. . . .

5a. Next, the pro­gram sets forth the details of some class action law­suits against major Japan­ese cor­po­ra­tions. These law­suits aimed at secur­ing finan­cial com­pen­sa­tion for POW’s used as slave labor­ers by the major Japan­ese enti­ties. Note that some of these POW’s were sur­vivors of the Bataan Death March—the men whose plight was being inves­ti­gat­ed and pub­li­cized by Iris Chang!!

 Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; pp. 239–240. [42]

  . . . .Since 1999, more than thir­ty law­suits have been filed in Cal­i­for­nia courts by sur­vivors of the Bataan Death March and oth­er POW’s who were forced to pro­vide slave labor for Japan­ese com­pa­nies. [Empha­sis added.] They were focused in Cal­i­for­nia because the state leg­is­la­ture had extend­ed the peri­od when such claims could be filed. The U.S. gov­ern­ment then had the cas­es trans­ferred to a fed­er­al court in San Fran­cis­co, where most of these suits then were reject­ed in Sep­tem­ber 2000 by Fed­er­al Judge Vaughn Walk­er. Judge Walk­er said they were ‘barred’ by the terms of the 1951 Peace Treaty, the same stonewalling used by Tokyo and Wash­ing­ton.

Hard as it may be to believe, the State Depart­ment argued on the side of Japan­ese cor­po­ra­tions in these cas­es. Walk­er summed up his deci­sion by stat­ing that the San Fran­cis­co Peace Treaty had ‘exchanged full com­pen­sa­tion of plain­tiffs for a future peace. His­to­ry has vin­di­cat­ed the wis­dom of that bar­gain.”

 . . . Some fought back. In March 2001, U.S. Con­gress­men Mike Hon­da (D‑San Jose) and Dana Rohrabach­er (R.-Huntington Beach) intro­duced a bill, ‘Jus­tice for Pris­on­ers of War Act’ before the U.S. Con­gress. The bill had strong bipar­ti­san sup­port and by August 2002 had 228 co-sign­ers includ­ing House whips for both par­ties. Hon­da’s bill called for ‘clar­i­fi­ca­tion of the word­ing of the 1951 Peace Treaty between Japan and the Unit­ed States’ to keep the State Depart­ment from devi­ous­ly inter­fer­ing in vic­tims’ law­suits. . . .

. . . . “If this bill became law, it could open a win­dow for com­pen­sa­tion to POWs who were forced to per­form slave labor for Japan­ese com­pa­nies like Mit­sui, Mit­subishi and Sum­it­o­mo, which are among the rich­est on earth. The bill would remove a key legal bar­ri­er [Arti­cle 26—D.E.] used in Judge Walk­er’s rejec­tion of the slave-labor law­suits. . . .

. . . . Judge Walk­er, pos­si­bly under con­sid­er­able pres­sure, sided with the State Depart­ment and ruled that Arti­cle 26 can­not be invoked by pri­vate cit­i­zens, but only by their gov­ern­ment. The Hon­da-Rohrabach­er bill would get around that bizarre rul­ing by hav­ing Con­gress act for the vic­tims. The State Depart­men­t’s unelect­ed bureau­crats, aghast at the temer­i­ty of Amer­i­ca’s elect­ed law­mak­ers, real­ized that Hon­da’s bill can­not be thrown out by the exer­cise of polit­i­cal pres­sure over fed­er­al judges. Instead, State took the high moral ground by claim­ing that pas­sage of Hon­da’s bill ‘would be an act of extreme bad faith.’ Bad faith toward Japan’s biggest cor­po­ra­tions and its extra­or­di­nar­i­ly cor­rupt and incom­pe­tent LDP boss­es. . . .

5b. More about the pol­i­tics sur­round­ing com­pen­sa­tion to the Bataan Death Marchers:

 Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; p. 12. [42]

. . . . The Depart­ment of State and Depart­ment of Jus­tice are using Arti­cle 14 of the 1951 peace treaty to pre­vent POWs and oth­er vic­tims from suing immense­ly rich Japan­ese cor­po­ra­tions such as Mit­subishi, Mit­sui and Sum­it­o­mo. At U.S. Sen­ate hear­ings in June 2000, chair­man Orrin Hatch of Utah chal­lenged State and Jus­tice attor­neys about the legit­i­ma­cy of their claim that the 1951 Peace Treaty can­celed all rights of vic­tims. “You mean our fed­er­al gov­ern­ment can just say, ‘To hell with you, Bataan Death Marchers, and you peo­ple who were mis­treat­ed, we’re just going to waive all your rights. . . .’ Con­sti­tu­tion­al­ly, can our gov­ern­ment take away the rights of indi­vid­ual cit­i­zens just because they put it in a treaty . . . .? We’re not ask­ing the Japan­ese gov­ern­ment to pay. We’re ask­ing the com­pa­nies that did the acts to pay, some of these com­pa­nies are mul­ti-bil­lion-dol­lar com­pa­nies today.”

Despite such impas­sioned appeals, on Sep­tem­ber 21, 2000, U.S. Dis­trict Court Judge Vaughn Walk­er ruled against Amer­i­can POWs and oth­er slave labor­ers. Walk­er dis­missed their suits, say­ing it was dan­ger­ous to upset the diplo­mat­ic alliance that exist­ed between Amer­i­ca and Japan since the end of the war. . . .

6. The key Japan­ese oper­a­tive who facil­i­tat­ed Fer­di­nand Mar­cos’s Gold­en Lily recov­er­ies was a man who used the pseu­do­nym “Ishi­hara,” a pseu­do­nym which was as com­mon as “Smith” in Eng­lish.

The Sea­graves opine that “Ishi­hara” may well have been Colonel Tsu­ji Masanobu, a war crim­i­nal who was involved with the Philip­pine Gold­en Lily oper­a­tions. Among Masanobu’s assign­ments had been a cen­tral role in the Bataan Death March.

 Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; p9. 159–160. [42]

. . . . One Japan­ese source told us Ishi­hara might be the noto­ri­ous Colonel Tsu­ji Masanobu, reviled for the Sook Ching mas­sacres of eth­nic Chi­nese in Sin­ga­pore and Malaya, and for eat­ing an Allied pilot’s liv­er. After Sook Ching, he  was  sent to Mani­la  as trou­bleshoot­er with the rank of  “Impe­r­i­al Inspec­tor Gen­er­al.” True to form, Tsu­ji became a key fig­ure respon­si­ble for the Bataan Death March when he bypassed mild-man­nered Gen­er­al Hom­ma and urged field offi­cers to mur­der Allied pris­on­ers dur­ing the march. When he was in areas con­trolled by the Impe­r­i­al Navy, Tsu­ji had the navy rank of cap­tain. In areas con­trolled by the army, he changed uni­forms and became a colonel. Although he made fre­quent trips to Tokyo by plane the next two years, and put in appear­ances at Guadal­canal and oth­er bat­tles, he is said to have spent most of 1943 and 1944 in Luzon work­ing with Kodama and keep­ing an eye on Gold­en Lily trea­sure sites in and around Mani­la. Late in 1944, Tsu­ji moved to Bur­ma and Siam, and  was in Bangkok in August 1945 when Japan sur­ren­dered, elud­ing cap­ture. . . .

6. With Iris Chang’s work on the Rape of Nanking and the Bataan Death March cut across the Gold­en Lily-relat­ed oper­a­tions at a time that new­ly inau­gu­rat­ed Pres­i­dent George W. Bush was report­ed to be using the U.S. Navy to recov­er gold from the Philip­pines vaults.

 Gold War­riors by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; p. 235. [42]

. . . . In March 2001, only weeks into the new Bush Admin­is­tra­tion, two U.S. Navy ships arrived in the Philip­pines car­ry­ing teams of SEAL com­man­dos. Accord­ing to a source at the U.S. Embassy, they were sent to the Philip­pines to recov­er gold as part of a plan to enlarge America’s reserves. This gold, the embassy source said, would come from two places:–New exca­va­tions of Yamashita Gold vaults, and the pur­chase (at a deep dis­count) of Japan­ese loot already recov­ered and held in pri­vate vaults by wealthy Fil­ipinos. One of the two ships sailed on to Min­danao to take on a load of bul­lion the embassy source said was owned by the fam­i­ly of the new pres­i­dent, Glo­ria Maca­pa­gal Arroyo. Pres­i­dent Bush, the source said, was “being aggres­sive”.
The buzz among gold hunters in Luzon was that asso­ciates of Pres­i­dent Bush and his fam­i­ly were pri­vate­ly in the mar­ket to buy some of the bul­lion still being recov­ered from Gold­en Lily sites. One of the names being dropped by gold­bugs in Mani­la was that of East Texas oil bil­lion­aire William Stamps Far­ish, an inti­mate friend and fish­ing com­pan­ion of the Bush fam­i­ly. Will Far­ish, who rais­es hors­es in Ken­tucky and is board chair­man of Churchill Downs where the Ken­tucky Der­by is staged, had just been nom­i­nat­ed by Pres­i­dent Bush to be America’s new ambas­sador to the Court of St. James’s, where he was a per­son­al friend of Queen Eliz­a­beth. The buzz had spe­cial res­o­nance because Will Far­ish is said to be the man­ag­er of Pres­i­dent Bush’s blind trust. . . .

7a. High­light­ing the deep pol­i­tics of which the Bush fam­i­ly is a part and across which Iris Chang’s research cut, the broad­cast details the role of William S. Far­ish II in ful­fill­ing the car­tel agree­ments between Stan­dard Oil of New Jer­sey and I.G. Far­ben.

Amer­i­can Dynasty by Kevin Phillips; Copy­right 2004 by Kevin Phillips; Viking Pen­guin (HC); ISBN 0–670-0324–6; p. 38. [43]

 . . . .In ear­ly March 1942, a spe­cial Sen­ate com­mit­tee began pub­lic hear­ings on car­tel agree­ments between U.S. and Ger­man firms. Before long, William S. Far­ish, the chair­man of Stan­dard Oil of New Jer­sey, had plead­ed no con­test to charges of crim­i­nal con­spir­a­cy between his com­pa­ny and I.G. Far­ben. In keep­ing with car­tel agree­ments, Stan­dard had with­held from U.S. author­i­ties infor­ma­tion on the pro­duc­tion of arti­fi­cial rub­ber. . . .

7b. Next, the pro­gram presents review of mate­r­i­al from FTR #511 [27] about the car­tel agree­ments between Stan­dard Oil of New Jer­sey and I.G. Far­ben. These agree­ments were fun­da­men­tal to the suc­cess of the Nazi war machine in World War II. William Stamps Far­ish II helped rein­force these agree­ments. He was the father of William Stamps Far­ish III, in charge of Dubya’s blind trust. William Stamps Far­ish II was the grand­nephew of Jef­fer­son Davis, the pres­i­dent of the Con­fed­er­a­cy.

7c. Repris­ing anoth­er excerpt from FTR #511 [27], we note the roles of Brigadier Gen­er­al William Drap­er as both an exec­u­tive with Dil­lon, Read & Co. who facil­i­tat­ed Wall Street invest­ment in Ger­man heavy indus­try and as chief of the eco­nom­ics divi­sion of the occu­pa­tion gov­ern­ment of Ger­many after World War II. He helped to frus­trate attempts to neu­tral­ize the big Ger­man firms which had backed Hitler.

8. Illus­trat­ing Amer­i­can oli­garchy (and the influ­ence of the Bor­mann net­work inex­tri­ca­bly linked with it), the pro­gram notes that many of the descen­dants of busi­ness­men who had helped forge the firms that drove Nazi indus­try served in, or as advis­ers to, the admin­is­tra­tion of George H.W. Bush.

Amer­i­can Dynasty by Kevin Phillips; Copy­right 2004 by Kevin Phillips; Viking Pen­guin (HC); ISBN 0–670-0324–6; p. 40. [44]

. . . . In any event, a sur­pris­ing num­ber of the descen­dants of men who had dealt with Germany—William S. Far­ish III, William Drap­er III, and Joseph Vern­er Reed Jr. (grand­son of Rem­ing­ton Arms chair­man Samuel Pry­or, ear­li­er a direc­tor of both UBC and Amer­i­can Ship and Commerce)–turned up as close per­son­al advis­ers or high-lev­el appointees in the George H.W. Bush admin­is­tra­tion. . . .

[45]9a. On March of 2002, the Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids exposed pro­found con­nec­tions between the GOP and its oper­a­tives Grover Norquist and Karl Rove. In ear­ly April of that year, Talat Othman–a close friend and polit­i­cal advis­er to both Georges Bush and a man who gave a Mus­lim bene­dic­tion at the GOP con­ven­tion that year inter­ced­ed on behalf of the tar­gets of Oper­a­tion Green Quest.

Oth­man was a direc­tor of Harken Ener­gy [46], one of George W. Bush’s cor­po­rate involve­ments and one which was crit­i­cal to his rise to being gov­er­nor of Texas and Pres­i­dent.

Harken Ener­gy, itself, appears to have been a laun­der­ing vehi­cle for Philip­pines Gold­en Lily wealth, among oth­er sources of ill-got­ten gains. Oper­a­tion Green Quest was cov­ered up, in part, by then head of the F.B.I., Robert Mueller [47].

We next under­take an explo­ration of the Philip­pine deep polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic involve­ment of George H.W. and George W. Bush and their links to the Gold­en Lily dynam­ics. NEVER for­get that Iris Chang’s “sui­cide” took place as she was work­ing on her Bataan Death March book, which cut across the lines of deep polit­i­cal pow­er that embraced the seat­ed Pres­i­dent.

Fam­i­ly of Secrets by Russ Bak­er; Blooms­bury Press [SC]; Copy­right 2009 by Russ Bak­er; ISBN 978–1‑59691–557‑2; pp. 336–337. [48]

In Sep­tem­ber of 1986, as oil prices con­tin­ued to col­lapse and W.’s pre­vi­ous finan­cial sav­ior, the Cincin­nati-based Spec­trum 7 Ener­gy, was itself fail­ing, along came the Dal­las-based Harken, a com­par­a­tive­ly lit­tle-known inde­pen­dent oil and gas com­pa­ny, rid­ing to the res­cue. Harken snapped up Spec­trum, put W. on its board, and gave him a hand­some com­pen­sa­tion pack­age. In return, W. was allowed to go about his business–which at the time meant play­ing a cru­cial role in his father’s pres­i­den­tial cam­paign. But the Harken assist didn’t just ben­e­fit Poppy’s polit­i­cal for­tunes. Prof­its from W.’s sub­se­quent sale of Harken stock would jack up his own polit­i­cal career. The Harken deal ulti­mate­ly made it pos­si­ble for him to become part own­er and high­ly vis­i­ble “man­ag­ing direc­tor” of the pop­u­lar Texas Rangers base­ball tam–a posi­tion that would enhance his mod­est resume as a can­di­date for gov­er­nor a few years lat­er. Thus, the laresse of the fig­ures behind Harken played a key role in George W. Bush’s quick march to the Pres­i­den­cy.

Vir­tu­al­ly every­one who has looked at Harken over the years agrees that it is some strange kind of cor­po­rate beast, like a new­ly dis­cov­ered species of man­a­tee. The company’s books have nev­er made any sense to outsiders–which might have had some­thing to do with the fact that the only peo­ple who seemed to make any mon­ey were the insid­ers. In 1991 Time pro­claimed Harken “one of the most mys­te­ri­ous and eccen­tric out­fits ever to drill for oil.”

The Harken sto­ry reads at times like the stuff of an air­port book­store thriller. One finds fig­ures asso­ci­at­ed with BCCI, gold caches, and an alpha­bet soup of secret soci­eties appear­ing at crit­i­cal junc­tures to bail out Harken . . . .

9b. Next, we exam­ine the Bush fam­i­ly’s involve­ment with:

  1. The intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ty dur­ing World War II, the Philip­pines, and the milieu of Dou­glas MacArthur, includ­ing MacArthur’s wid­ow, who con­tributed to W.‘s first Con­gres­sion­al cam­paign. (In FTR #448 [49], we not­ed that Dou­glas MacArthur mar­ried the daugh­ter of key Mor­gan part­ner and financier of domes­tic fas­cist orga­ni­za­tions Edward Stotes­bury.)
  2. The MacArthur involve­ment with Philip­pine gold and the Gold­en Lily trea­sure.
  3. The Mar­cos regime’s recov­ery of, and use of, Gold­en Lily loot.
  4. The gen­e­sis of Nugan Hand bank attor­ney William Quasha with MacArthur’s post­war admin­is­tra­tion. (We have cov­ered the Nugan Hand Bank in, among oth­er pro­grams, AFA #25.) [28]
  5. MacArthur appoint­ed William Quasha as Alien Prop­er­ty admin­is­tra­tor. Japan­ese war gold was con­sid­ered Alien Prop­er­ty.

Fam­i­ly of Secrets by Russ Bak­er; Blooms­bury Press [SC]; Copy­right 2009 by Russ Bak­er; ISBN 978–1‑59691–557‑2; pp. 345–347. [48]

Pop­py Bush him­self doesn’t talk much about the Philip­pines, but he too did ser­vice there. Among oth­er things, he par­tic­i­pat­ed in numer­ous bomb­ing runs over the islands when they were in Japan­ese hands–including Mani­la Har­bor as part of MacArthur’s effort to retake the ter­ri­to­ry.

And, of course there was his intel­li­gence work. As not­ed in chap­ter 2, on his way to the Pacif­ic, Pop­py stopped off at Pearl Har­bor for some face time with offi­cers assigned to the Joint Intel­li­gence Cen­ter for the Pacif­ic Ocean Areas (JICPOA). The ear­ly incar­na­tion of JICOA was head­ed by Admi­ral Roscoe Hil­lenkoeter, who would after the war become the direc­tor of the CIA. JICPOA remains lit­tle known and lit­tle dis­cussed, but it was a cru­cial devel­op­ment in wartime intel­li­gence, and played a key role in Admi­ral Chester Nimitz’s suc­cess­ful island-hop­ping cam­paign, of which Bush was a part.

Franklin Roo­sevelt cre­at­ed the Office of Strate­gic Ser­vices (OSS) in July 1942 to replace a pre­vi­ous intel­li­gence sys­tem that was deemed inef­fec­tive. Gen­er­al MacArthur, how­ev­er, barred the OSS from oper­at­ing in the Philip­pines so that bat­tle­ground was pret­ty much his own show.

Thus, Bush became part of a joint intel­li­gence effort coor­di­nat­ed with MacArthur’s com­mand. The asso­ci­a­tion with the Bush cir­cle would date back to the days when Dou­glas MacArthur was a young man and his moth­er con­tact­ed E.H. Har­ri­man, father of Prescott’s future busi­ness part­nrs, to ask the rail­road tycoon to give her son a job. Years lat­er, when Pop­py Bush became U.N. ambas­sador, he took an apart­ment next to Mrs. Dou­glas MacArthur, and in 1978, the wid­ow con­tributed to W.’s Mid­land Texas con­gres­sion­al cam­paign. . . .

. . . . Even before Dou­glas MacArthur com­mand­ed U.S. troops in the coun­try, he had major hold­ings in the largest Philip­pine gold mine. MacArthur’s staff offi­cer, Major Gen­er­al Court­ney Whit­ney, had been an exec­u­tive of sev­er­al gold min­ing com­pa­nies before the war.

Besides the indige­nous gold, a great for­tune in gold booty was . . . . buried in the Philip­pines, seized by the Japan­ese as they plun­dered one East Asian coun­try after anoth­er. . . . Sev­er­al jour­nal­ists, who have spent com­bined decades on the Philip­pines gold sto­ry, assert that the cache was actu­al­ly seized by Amer­i­can forces under MacArthur and that its very exis­tence is a sen­si­tive secret. . . .

. . . . At the end of the war, MacArthur appoint­ed William Quasha as alien prop­er­ty admin­is­tra­tor “Alien prop­er­ty” would have includ­ed any­thing of val­ue cap­tured by the Japan­ese. . . .

. . . . Authors Ster­ling Sea­grave and Peg­gy Sea­grave con­tend . . . . that the Unit­ed States did locate the Japan­ese gold and used it to fund anti-Com­mu­nist oper­a­tions the world over. Inves­ti­ga­tors in the Philip­pines have said that the gold was stashed in bank vaults in forty-two coun­tries. Some of the mon­ey was used in Japan, to quick­ly reestab­lish the rul­ing clique, and a pro‑U.S. rul­ing par­ty, the Lib­er­al Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty. MacArthur over­saw the post­war occu­pa­tion of Japan. The admin­is­tra­tor of the . . . . M Fund that secret­ly chan­neled these monies to Tokyo was none oth­er than Pop­py Bush friend and CIA offi­cer Alfred C. Ulmer. . . .

9c. Note that among the “Pop­py” Bush entourage who worked with Mar­cos dur­ing the time he was recov­er­ing Gold­en Lily gold were Trump cam­paign man­ag­er, EU Asso­ci­a­tion Agree­ment [50] run­ning dog and Haps­burg Group [51] lynch­pin Paul Man­afort, as well as Roger Stone, anoth­er Trump cam­paign sol­dier.

Fam­i­ly of Secrets by Russ Bak­er; Blooms­bury Press [SC]; Copy­right 2009 by Russ Bak­er; ISBN 978–1‑59691–557‑2; pp. 348–351. [48]

. . . . Pop­py Bush and Fer­di­nand Mar­cos cul­ti­vat­ed a rela­tion­ship of mutu­al appre­ci­a­tion. “We love your adher­ence to demo­c­ra­t­ic prin­ci­ples,” Pop­py gushed dur­ing a vis­it to Mani­la in 1981. Mar­cos knew how to play the anti-Com­mu­nist card, and like near­ly all U.S. lead­ers, Pop­py avid­ly helped prop up the dic­ta­tor. A num­ber of Poppy’s lieu­tenants, includ­ing Lee Atwa­ter, Paul Man­afort and the noto­ri­ous “dirty trick­ster” Roger Stone (no rela­tion to Robert G. Stone Jr.) did polit­i­cal con­sult­ing for Mar­cos. Ed Rollins, the man­age of the Rea­gan-Bush 1984 reelec­tion cam­paign, admit­ted that a top Fil­ipino politi­cian ille­gal­ly deliv­ered ten mil­lion dol­lars in cash from Mar­cos to Reagan’s 1984 cam­paign, though he declined to name him.

Pop­py also is known to have per­son­al­ly urged Fer­di­nand Mar­cos to invest mon­ey in the Unit­ed States. Imel­da has claimed that Pop­py urged her hus­band to put “his” funds into some­thing that Imel­da knew only as the Com­mu­nist Takeover Fund. That sug­gests that gold in the Philip­pines has long been seen as a fund­ing vehi­cle for off-the-books intel­li­gence, covert oper­a­tions, weapons traf­fick­ing, and even coups–plus pro­tec­tion mon­ey that Mara­cos felt he had to pay. . . .

. . . . If all this gold was going some­where, we have to ask: Was some of it going into Harken Ener­gy, where George W. Bush was deeply involved? Cer­tain­ly, Alan Quasha had a rela­tion­ship with his father that some­what par­al­leled that of W. and Poppy’s.

Hav­ing remained in the Philip­pines after the war, William Quasha even­tu­al­ly attained the rar­efied sta­tus as the only Amer­i­can licensed to prac­tice law there. He also picked up some intrigu­ing clients, includ­ing the CIA-tied Nugan Hand Bank. . . .

. . . . He was well-off and well con­nect­ed with cap­i­tal sources. In the final days of the Mar­cos reign, after near­ly all the expa­tri­ates had aban­doned him, Quasha con­tin­ued to stick by his man, lead­ing the Amer­i­can Cham­ber of Com­merce to con­demn his “par­ti­san approach.”

He also may have been a Mar­cos mon­ey man, just as Phil Kendrick had heard. Philip­pine inves­ti­ga­tors seek­ing to track the bil­lions Mar­cos had embez­zled from the Philip­pine trea­sury or obtained as bribes found that most of the mon­ey had been moved over­seas through inter­me­di­aries. . . .

. . . . Dur­ing the years William Quasha was liv­ing in Mani­la and con­duct­ing his law prac­tice, his son Alan attend­ed Har­vard Law School and Har­vard Busi­ness School–even study­ing in years that over­lapped W.’s time there. Then Alan Quasha set up a law prac­tice spe­cial­iz­ing in the alche­my of cor­po­rate restruc­tur­ing. News reports have char­ac­ter­ized his approach to acquir­ing com­pa­nies on the cheap as bot­tom-feed­ing, and not­ed that the prove­nance of the fund­ing was not always clear. Addi­tion­al­ly, at the time of the Harken pur­chase, Pop­py Bush, a for­mer CIA direc­tor, was vice pres­i­dent, with the port­fo­lio for man­ag­ing covert operations–an empire that was under­gird­ed by laun­dered intel­li­gence funds.

When Alan Quasha took con­trol of Harken in 1983, he was essen­tial­ly an unknown and a small-timer. Sev­er­al years lat­er, he appeared to be on top of the world. Did gold, and/or Marcos’s bil­lions have any­thing to do with this? . . . .

9c. The sec­ond pro­gram con­cludes with mate­r­i­al cov­ered in FTR #569 [36]. Rita’s asso­ciates in Green Quest were inves­ti­gat­ed and harassed by the FBI. In FTR#310 [52] (record­ed in July of 2001) Mr. Emory hypoth­e­sized that Robert Mueller was appoint­ed head of the FBI in order to safe­guard the Bush administration’s links with the milieu of the BCCI and George W. Bush’s busi­ness links to the Bin Laden fam­i­ly.

Mueller, con­sid­ered a men­tor to fired FBI direc­tor James Comey, comes by his Deep State (and pos­si­bly Bor­mann) cre­den­tials through a “con­sum­mate” lin­eage. He is the grand-nephew of for­mer CIA deputy direc­tor Richard Bis­sell. Wife Ann Cabell Stan­dish is the grand­daugh­ter of for­mer CIA deputy direc­tor Gen­er­al Charles Cabell. (Charles’ broth­er Earl was the may­or of Dal­las on Nov 22 1963). JFK fired both men, along with direc­tor Allen Dulles fol­low­ing the Bay of Pigs fias­co.

The incon­ve­nient GOP ethnic/Green Quest con­nec­tion cit­ed in FTR #s 356 [46], 357 [53], 454 [54] may well explain the FBI’s and CIA’s hos­tile inter­est in the inves­ti­ga­tors of Oper­a­tion Green Quest.

Note that the FBI gave more doc­u­ments to Zacarias Mous­saoui for his defense than to the Green Quest inves­ti­ga­tors. 

(Ter­ror­ist Hunter by “Anony­mous” [Rita Katz]; CCC [imprint of Harp­er Collins]; Copy­right 2003 by Harp­er Collins [HC]; ISBN 0–06-052819–2; pp. 327–329.) [55]

. . . . For two months after the raids I didn’t hear a word from Green Quest. Then one day Mark sud­den­ly called and asked to see me. ‘Why?’ I said cyn­i­cal­ly. ‘Your inves­ti­ga­tion is over. You don’t need me any­more.’ He under­stood. ‘Please don’t be cross,’ he said. ‘I couldn’t talk to you. I too was under inves­ti­ga­tion. I was being fol­lowed, my phones were tapped, and I was ques­tioned. I was mis­er­able. They gave me a very hard time. Please don’t give any more grief. I don’t deserve it.’ What was this, I thought, anoth­er rerun of the sto­ry with John Can­field? What’s wrong with these peo­ple who keep inves­ti­gat­ing the inves­ti­ga­tors? ‘If you don’t believe me,’ he con­tin­ued, ‘talk to the U.S. attor­ney you worked with. He’ll tell you. He and every­one else on the team were under inves­ti­ga­tion.’ Mark, I knew, was not a guy to make some­thing like that up. But I was curi­ous, and I called the U.S. attor­ney to get his take. I didn’t press him too, much, because the whole thing was—and prob­a­bly still is—under inves­ti­ga­tion. But he did ver­i­fy every­thing Mark had told me. Prac­ti­cal­ly every­one involved with the SAAR inves­ti­ga­tion had been under sur­veil­lance. The FBI was among the agen­cies con­duct­ing that inves­ti­ga­tion. 

. . . . For two months after the raids I didn’t hear a word from Green Quest. Then one day Mark sud­den­ly called and asked to see me. ‘Why?’ I said cyn­i­cal­ly. ‘Your inves­ti­ga­tion is over. You don’t need me any­more.’ He under­stood. ‘Please don’t be cross,’ he said. ‘I couldn’t talk to you. I too was under inves­ti­ga­tion. I was being fol­lowed, my phones were tapped, and I was ques­tioned. I was mis­er­able. They gave me a very hard time. Please don’t give any more grief. I don’t deserve it.’ What was this, I thought, anoth­er rerun of the sto­ry with John Can­field? What’s wrong with these peo­ple who keep inves­ti­gat­ing the inves­ti­ga­tors? ‘If you don’t believe me,’ he con­tin­ued, ‘talk to the U.S. attor­ney you worked with. He’ll tell you. He and every­one else on the team were under inves­ti­ga­tion.’ Mark, I knew, was not a guy to make some­thing like that up. But I was curi­ous, and I called the U.S. attor­ney to get his take. I didn’t press him too, much, because the whole thing was—and prob­a­bly still is—under inves­ti­ga­tion. But he did ver­i­fy every­thing Mark had told me. Prac­ti­cal­ly every­one involved with the SAAR inves­ti­ga­tion had been under sur­veil­lance. The FBI was among the agen­cies con­duct­ing that inves­ti­ga­tion. 

Now, as I write these lines, the FBI is try­ing to take over the inves­ti­ga­tion alto­geth­er. Once again, a replay of the sto­ry with Sami al-Ari­an and with John Can­field. The FBI claims that Cus­toms and Green Quest were right­ful­ly the ones to ini­ti­ate the inves­ti­ga­tion, when it seemed to be about mon­ey laun­der­ing. But now that it’s become a ter­ror­ism-relat­ed mat­ter, Cus­toms is inca­pable, you see, of deal­ing with it. Isn’t that peachy? Judg­ing by what the FBI did with oth­er inves­ti­ga­tions, if it indeed suc­ceeds in tak­ing over the SAAR probe, we can all kiss this inves­ti­ga­tion good-bye. How many ter­ror­ism-relat­ed suc­cess­es can the FBI take the cred­it for? Not too many, that’s for sure.

Yet the FBI wasn’t the worst part in that sticky affair. The CIA was. The CIA was inves­ti­gat­ing me and the SAAR inves­ti­ga­tors from Green Quest and Cus­toms. The CIA and the FBI inves­ti­gat­ed every­one who had any­thing to do with the SAAR inves­ti­ga­tion. White vans and SUV’s with dark win­dows appeared near all the homes of the SAAR inves­ti­ga­tors. All agents, some of whom were very expe­ri­enced with sur­veil­lance, knew they were being fol­lowed. So was I. I felt that I was being fol­lowed every­where and watched at home, in the super­mar­ket, on the way to work . . . and for what? . Now—I was being watched 24/7. It’s a ter­ri­ble sen­sa­tion to know that you have no pri­va­cy. . . . and no secu­ri­ty. That strange click­ing of the phones that wasn’t there before. . . the oh-so-crude­ly opened mail at home in the office. . . and the same man I spied in my neigh­bor­hood super­mar­ket, who was also on the train I took to Wash­ing­ton a week ago. . . Life can be mis­er­able when you know that someone’s always breath­ing down your neck. . . .