Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #1147 & FTR #1148 The Space Plane and Covid-19: The Paperclip Legacy, Parts 2 and 3

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FTR #1147 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

FTR #1148 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: Record­ed as the 2020 GOP con­ven­tion was in full swing against the back­ground of esca­lat­ing vio­lence in the streets of Amer­i­can cities, these pro­grams set forth his­to­ry fun­da­men­tal to the devel­op­ment of the mod­ern GOP and Nazi/SS ele­ments that were incor­po­rat­ed into the foun­da­tion of the U.S. intel­li­gence sys­tem at the end of World War II. Those ele­ments, in turn, are inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the GOP.

Before that dis­cus­sion, how­ev­er, the pro­gram high­lights yet anoth­er ele­ment in the Wall Street/Third Reich/Swiss polit­i­cal and cor­po­rate maneu­ver­ing that set the stage for post­war Transat­lantic fas­cism.

Once again, Allen Dulles and his con­nec­tions are front and cen­ter. With Bernie Sanders and AOC gar­ner­ing rhetor­i­cal grav­i­tas from the so-called pro­gres­sive sec­tor, there has been dis­cus­sion of for­mer Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace and his high­ly pro­gres­sive polit­i­cal agen­da. The nature of the dis­cus­sion has cen­tered on Wal­lace’s polit­i­cal defen­es­tra­tion by what has been termed “the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty’s Estab­lish­ment.”

In fact, Wal­lace’s polit­i­cal demise was due to his own indis­cre­tion. His broth­er-in-law was Charles Brug­gmann, the Swiss ambas­sador to the Unit­ed States. With the mas­sive invest­ment in the Swiss econ­o­my by Third Reich finance and indus­try and with key hold­ing com­pa­nies in Switzer­land dom­i­nat­ing sig­nif­i­cant ele­ments of the Ger­man-Amer­i­can cor­po­rate rela­tion­ship, Brug­gmann had a vest­ed inter­est in keep­ing Nazi Ger­many abreast of U.S. plans and did so through the Abwehr and Allen Dulles.

” . . . . Both orga­ni­za­tions received a mass of high-val­ue intel­li­gence via the Swiss ambas­sador to Wash­ing­ton, Dr. Charles Brug­gmann. Yet Brug­gmann was no spy: his source was his broth­er-in-law, Hen­ry Wallace—who hap­pened to be the Vice Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States. Wal­lace was a pop­u­lar, left-wing New Deal­er; privy to many of America’s most impor­tant secrets, he was also noto­ri­ous­ly indis­creet. . . .”

In addi­tion to com­mu­ni­cat­ing the Trea­sury Depart­men­t’s plans to de-indus­tri­al­ize Ger­many to pre­vent future wars, the Bruggmann/Abwehr/Dulles axis was instru­men­tal in betray­ing Oper­a­tion Safe­haven, the plan to inter­dict the Nazi flight cap­i­tal pro­gram that crys­tal­lized as the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal pro­gram.

” . . . . How­ev­er this effort required the coop­er­a­tion of OSS agents already on the ground, and in Switzer­land this was problematical—since one of the sus­pects of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven was Allen Dulles him­self, because of his exten­sive cor­po­rate con­nec­tions and his links with var­i­ous Nazi groups. Despite this dif­fi­cul­ty, the inves­ti­ga­tion nec­es­sar­i­ly focused on the gold deal­ings under­tak­en by Swiss banks. This became of major con­cern to Swiss ambas­sador Brug­gmann once he learned of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven trough his indis­creet broth­er-in-law, Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace. The expo­sure of the explic­it links between Swiss banks and Nazi Ger­many would be a major poten­tial embar­rass­ment to the Swiss gov­ern­ment once the war over; accord­ing­ly the Swiss Secret Ser­vice alert­ed Allen Dulles about the Safe­haven inves­ti­ga­tion into his affairs. . . .”

The rest of FTR #1147 and all of FTR #1148 access­es a very impor­tant arti­cle by the bril­liant Peter Dale Scott, writ­ten almost 35 years ago. With the GOP con­ven­tion in full swing as these pro­grams were being record­ed, the sym­bio­sis between Allen Dulles and the Nazi SS is fun­da­men­tal to under­stand­ing not only the gen­e­sis of the U.S. intel­li­gence estab­lish­ment, but how that insti­tu­tion is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the Repub­li­can Par­ty.

The link to this arti­cle per­mits the listener/reader to down­load (for free) the entire issue of Covert Action Quar­ter­ly. Mr. Emory strong­ly rec­om­mends that they do so, as the oth­er arti­cles in this excel­lent issue will sup­ple­ment the analy­sis beau­ti­ful­ly.

Due to the length and com­plex­i­ty of this arti­cle, we are not tran­scrib­ing it, but will sum­ma­rize impor­tant points of infor­ma­tion.

Key Points of Analy­sis:

  1. Joseph Men­gele, the SS “Angel of Death” of Auschwitz infamy, was net­worked with oth­er SS war crim­i­nals who grav­i­tat­ed seam­less­ly into the ser­vice of the Gehlen “Org” and the CIA. His where­abouts were known to U.S. intel­li­gence, who masked them from Nurem­berg pros­e­cu­tors. Back­ground on Men­gele, his oper­a­tional links with the Kaiser Wil­helm Insti­tute and his posi­tion in the eugen­ics milieu, see, among oth­er pro­grams, FTR #‘s 664 and 908” . . . . the response of Telford Tay­lor, U.S. Chief of Coun­sel for War Crimes at Nurem­berg was “to advise our records show Dr. Menger­le [sic] is dead as of Octo­ber 1946.” (At the time of Gen­er­al Tay­lor’s let­ter, U.S. Army Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence knew both of Men­gele’s sur­vival and even his loca­tion, in the small Bavar­i­an vil­lage of Aut­en­reid.) . . . .”
  2. One of the net­works with which Men­gele oper­at­ed was the Estrel­la firm. ” . . . . Alfons Sassen, the rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Broth­er­hood [Kam­er­aden­werk] Busi­ness enter­prise known as “Estrel­la.” It is said too that Sassen is financed by Dr. Josef Men­gele, who con­trols now such funds as remain liq­uid from the sale of Euro­pean loot. . . . [Klaus Bar­bie] set up a com­pa­ny called Estrel­la, osten­si­bly deal­ing in quin­quina bark. Although no records exist in the pub­lic reg­istry in La Paz, at least one Boli­vian arms deal­er still remem­bers it as a weapons trad­ing com­pa­ny. . . .”
  3. Men­gele may have been incor­po­rat­ed into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare pro­gram, although me main­tained res­i­dence in Latin Amer­i­ca. ” . . . . Could Mengele–not even a polit­i­cal police­man (like Rauff and Bar­bie), but a doc­tor with a pen­chant for lethal exper­i­ments on human guinea pigs–could even Men­gele have been saved s a result of a secret deal between Dulles and the SS? . . . . we have since been told that his col­league in the Auschwitz human exper­i­ments, Wal­ter Schreiber, was shield­ed by the Amer­i­cans from a Pol­ish con­vic­tion in absen­tia, so that he could help guide the post­war research­es of the U.S. Air Force in bac­te­ri­o­log­i­cal war­fare. . . That Men­gele’s escape and immu­ni­ty were arranged by the Unit­ed States, like those of Schreiber and so many oth­ers, will seem more prob­a­ble once we have stud­ied the incred­i­ble post­war careers of [Klaus] Bar­bie, [Friedrich] Schwend and [Wal­ter] Rauff . . . .”
  4. Allen Dulles’s suc­cess­ful nego­ti­a­tions with the SS were fun­da­men­tal to his goal of estab­lish­ing the post­war CIA as a vehi­cle for the per­pet­u­a­tion of the SS under CIA/Gehlen aus­pices: ” . . . . But they [Allen Dulles and OSS chief William Dono­van] also knew that, just as the OSS was the best hope for the sur­vival of the SS cadres, so in a sense these cadres were their high­est trump card in the impend­ing con­test for the OSS’s own insti­tu­tion­al home for the post­war Gehlen Org. In 1948 Dulles, by now a civil­ian, helped write the memo per­suad­ing Tru­man to take on the Gehlen Org, on Gehlen’s own terms. . . .”
  5. Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS pre­ced­ed by months the offi­cial sto­ry of the con­tact between U.S. intel­li­gence and the Gehlen team.
  6. Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS, involv­ing Wal­ter Rauff–who devised the mobile gas cham­bers used on the East­ern Front–were con­duct­ed as part of Oper­a­tion Sun­rise. ” . . . . Despite the [U.S.] Army inter­roga­tor’s pleas that Rauff ‘is con­sid­ered a men­ace if ever set free, and fail­ing actu­al elim­i­na­tion, is rec­om­mend­ed for life-long intern­ment,’ Dulles kep his bar­gain and Rauff was released. Accord­ing to usu­al­ly reli­able intel­li­gence sources. Dulles then employed Rauff on anti-com­mu­nist oper­a­tions in Italy, which was Rauf­f’s spe­cial­ty under the Nazis. . . .”
  7. Although the Vat­i­can was deeply involved with the SS/OSS nego­ti­a­tions, Dulles’ team was the pri­ma­ry com­po­nent. ” . . . It was Dulles’s con­tacts, not the Vat­i­can, who han­dled the smug­gling of Nazis. Accord­ing to top secret State Depart­ment doc­u­ments, the Ital­ian police pro­vid­ed the false pass­ports for allied agents; the visas came from the Argen­tine con­sulate in the allied intel­li­gence unit based at Trieste;and the embarka­tion paper­work was han­dled by a U.S. State Depart­ment offi­cer in Genoa. Genoa, inci­den­tal­ly was Rauf­f’s area of juris­dic­tion. All of them worked for Dulles. . . .”

1.  FTR #1147 begins by not­ing that Chi­na is “Com­mu­nist” in name only.  State cap­i­tal­ism would be a bet­ter term for the Chi­nese sys­tem. As Mr. Emory not­ed, nei­ther Karl Marx nor Mao Tse-Tung would rec­og­nize the sys­tem in place in con­tem­po­rary Chi­na. (This series is exe­cut­ed against the back­ground of the Covid-19 epi­dem­ic, quite appar­ent­ly the most impor­tant of a series of overt and covert actions by the U.S. against Chi­na.)

Hijack­ing Amer­i­ca” by Anand Girid­haradas; The New York Times [Book Review]; 8/23/2020 [West­ern Print Edi­tion].

. . . . In an illus­tra­tion of his gift for con­nec­tion-mak­ing and fram­ing, he sug­gests that what could save the coun­try “is a trans­for­ma­tive piv­ot almost as rad­i­cal for us as the one Chi­na made” when it aban­doned Com­mu­nism for cap­i­tal­ism, while, Ander­sen notes for our ben­e­fit, more or less pre­serv­ing the chas­sis of its polit­i­cal sys­tem. . . .

2. Against the back­ground of the GOP con­ven­tion and elec­toral pol­i­tics, the pro­gram high­lights yet anoth­er ele­ment in the Wall Street/Third Reich/Swiss polit­i­cal and cor­po­rate maneu­ver­ing that set the stage for post­war Transat­lantic fas­cism.

Once again, Allen Dulles and his con­nec­tions are front and cen­ter. With Bernie Sanders and AOC gar­ner­ing rhetor­i­cal grav­i­tas from the so-called pro­gres­sive sec­tor, there has been dis­cus­sion of for­mer Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace and his high­ly pro­gres­sive polit­i­cal agen­da. The nature of the dis­cus­sion has cen­tered on Wal­lace’s polit­i­cal defen­es­tra­tion by what has been termed “the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty’s Estab­lish­ment.”

In fact, Wal­lace’s polit­i­cal demise was due to his own indis­cre­tion. His broth­er-in-law was Charles Brug­gmann, the Swiss ambas­sador to the Unit­ed States. With the mas­sive invest­ment in the Swiss econ­o­my by Third Reich finance and indus­try and with key hold­ing com­pa­nies in Switzer­land dom­i­nat­ing sig­nif­i­cant ele­ments of the Ger­man-Amer­i­can cor­po­rate rela­tion­ship, Brug­gmann had a vest­ed inter­est in keep­ing Nazi Ger­many abreast of U.S. plans and did so through the Abwehr and Allen Dulles.

” . . . . Both orga­ni­za­tions received a mass of high-val­ue intel­li­gence via the Swiss ambas­sador to Wash­ing­ton, Dr. Charles Brug­gmann. Yet Brug­gmann was no spy: his source was his broth­er-in-law, Hen­ry Wallace—who hap­pened to be the Vice Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States. Wal­lace was a pop­u­lar, left-wing New Deal­er; privy to many of America’s most impor­tant secrets, he was also noto­ri­ous­ly indis­creet. . . .”

In addi­tion to com­mu­ni­cat­ing the Trea­sury Depart­men­t’s plans to de-indus­tri­al­ize Ger­many to pre­vent future wars, the Bruggmann/Abwehr/Dulles axis was instru­men­tal in betray­ing Oper­a­tion Safe­haven, the plan to inter­dict the Nazi flight cap­i­tal pro­gram that crys­tal­lized as the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal pro­gram.

” . . . . How­ev­er this effort required the coop­er­a­tion of OSS agents already on the ground, and in Switzer­land this was problematical—since one of the sus­pects of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven was Allen Dulles him­self, because of his exten­sive cor­po­rate con­nec­tions and his links with var­i­ous Nazi groups. Despite this dif­fi­cul­ty, the inves­ti­ga­tion nec­es­sar­i­ly focused on the gold deal­ings under­tak­en by Swiss banks. This became of major con­cern to Swiss ambas­sador Brug­gmann once he learned of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven trough his indis­creet broth­er-in-law, Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace. The expo­sure of the explic­it links between Swiss banks and Nazi Ger­many would be a major poten­tial embar­rass­ment to the Swiss gov­ern­ment once the war over; accord­ing­ly the Swiss Secret Ser­vice alert­ed Allen Dulles about the Safe­haven inves­ti­ga­tion into his affairs. . . .”

Grey Wolf: The Escape of Adolf Hitler by Simon Dun­stan and Ger­rard Williams; Ster­ling [HC]; Copy­right 2011 by Simon Dun­stan, Ger­rard Williams and Spit­fire Recov­ery Ltd.; ISBN 978–1‑4027–8139‑1; pp. 98–101.

. . . . Two of the Abwehr agents he [Admi­ral Wil­helm Canaris] had acti­vat­ed in Switzer­land in 1940 were “Hbakuk,” in the Swiss For­eign Min­istry, and “Jakob” in the Swiss Secret Ser­vice. Both orga­ni­za­tions received a mass of high-val­ue intel­li­gence via the Swiss ambas­sador to Wash­ing­ton, Dr. Charles Brug­gmann. Yet Brug­gmann was no spy: his source was his broth­er-in-law, Hen­ry Wallace—who hap­pened to be the Vice Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States. Wal­lace was a pop­u­lar, left-wing New Deal­er; privy to many of America’s most impor­tant secrets, he was also noto­ri­ous­ly indis­creet.

By autumn of 1944, Canaris had long been dis­missed s chief of the Abwehr and was being held under house arrest under sus­pi­cion of involve­ment in the July bomb plot against Hitler. Nev­er­the­less, as a Ger­man patri­ot, he was hor­ri­fied at the prospect of his coun­try being reduced delib­er­ate­ly to abject pover­ty after uncon­di­tion­al sur­ren­der and he quick­ly passed details of the Mor­gen­thu Plan to Mar­tin Bor­mann and Joseph Goebbels. The pro­pa­gan­da min­is­ter used the infor­ma­tion to gal­va­nize the Ger­man peo­ple to greater resis­tance, to avoid their coun­try being turned into a “pota­to field,” in Goebbels’s telling phrase.

Soon after­ward, details of he plan appeared in the Wall Street Jour­nal; this rev­e­la­tion caused seri­ous divi­sions with­in the Roo­sevelt admin­is­tra­tion and in cor­po­rate Amer­i­ca, whose invest­ments in Ger­many were now at fur­ther risk. Both Gen. Mar­shall and Gen. Eisen­how­er com­plained bit­ter­ly that Ger­man resis­tance stiff­ened appre­cia­bly, with the result that the front lines became sta­bi­lized along the Siegfried Line just s win­ter was clos­ing in. Roosevelt’s oppo­nent in the Pres­i­den­tial elec­tion of Novem­ber 1944, Thomas E. Dewey, said that the Mor­gen­thau Plan was worth “ten fresh Ger­man divi­sions” to the ene­my. Allen Dulles [Dewey’s chief cam­paign offi­cial in the 1948 Pres­i­den­tial election—D.E.] as bare­ly able to con­tain his indig­na­tion at the scheme’s pro­pa­gan­da val­ue to the Nazis . . .

. . . . Hen­ry Morgenthau’s Trea­sury Depart­ment was also the archi­tect of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven. . . . In order to choke off the flight of cap­i­tal from the Third Reich, on August 14 the Unit­ed States and Britain brought severe pres­sure to bear on Switzer­land to sign a trade agree­ment that would reduce its deal­ings with Nazi Ger­many. Now that the tide of war had turned in favor of the Allies, Switzer­land was will­ing to com­ply, but in real­i­ty. the process of mon­ey-laun­der­ing was so per­va­sive that lit­tle was achieved to halt it. Fur­ther­more, almost two thirds of Switzerland’s trade was with Nazi Ger­many and in the midst of a world war it was dif­fi­cult to judge what was ille­gal and what was legit­i­mate.

Oper­a­tion Safe­haven was imple­ment­ed on Decem­ber 6, 1944, with the aim of track­ing the move­ment of Nazi loot and assets around the world and locat­ing those hid­den in neu­tral coun­tries. How­ev­er, for Roo­sevelt and Mor­gen­thau this plan had a wider pur­pose. They need­ed con­crete evi­dence of ille­gal­i­ty to bring against the major Amer­i­can cor­po­ra­tions that had trad­ed with Nazi Ger­many and those mem­bers of the polit­i­cal estab­lish­ment who were sym­pa­thet­ic to the Nazis: men such as the cryp­to-Nazi Hen­ry Ford; Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. for­mer U.S. ambas­sador to Lon­don; and John D. Rock­e­feller Jr., son of John D. Rock­e­feller Sr., the founder of Stan­dard Oil and advo­cate of eugen­ics. Some of these cor­po­ra­tions and indi­vid­u­als had tried to under­mine the New Deal and desta­bi­lize Roosevelt’s admin­is­tra­tion dur­ing the 1930s.

This ambi­tious oper­a­tion sought the pros­e­cu­tion as war crim­i­nals of all those who ran the Nazi war machine and the indus­tri­al con­cerns that sus­tained it. Bankers and indus­tri­al­ists such as Abs, Schacht, Schroder, Krupp, Flick, Schmitz, and a legion of oth­ers were to stand in the dock of an inter­na­tion­al tri­bunal and be judged for their actions. Once they were in open court, Mor­gen­thau would reveal years of inter­cept­ed doc­u­men­ta­tion, wire­tap evi­dence, and decrypts of Swiss bank codes and cables, cour­tesy of Ultra intel­li­gence via MI6. In order to redeem them­selves, the defen­dants would have to reveal their deal­ings with Amer­i­can cor­po­ra­tions such as Ford Motor Com­pa­ny, Gen­er­al Motors, and Stan­dard Oil. All the com­pa­nies and banks found to have trad­ed with the ene­my would then face the full rig­or of the law in the Unit­ed States.  It was an ele­gant plan for revenge, legit­imized by the vic­to­ry of good over evil on the bat­tle­field.

Since Mor­gen­thau was dis­trust­ful of both the Jus­tice Depart­ment and the State Depart­ment, Safe­haven was entrust­ed to a select hand­ful of per­son­nel in the Fed­er­al Eco­nom­ic Admin­is­tra­tion (FEA) of the Trea­sury Depart­ment. The Pres­i­dent, through the FEA, instruct­ed a new off­shoot of X‑2 coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence with­in the Spe­cial Intel­li­gence divi­sion of the OSS to uncov­er and col­lect evi­dence, par­tic­u­lar­ly in neu­tral coun­tries, con­cern­ing the trans­fers of Nazi loot and gold. How­ev­er this effort required the coop­er­a­tion of OSS agents already on the ground, and in Switzer­land this was problematical—since one of the sus­pects of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven was Allen Dulles him­self, because of his exten­sive cor­po­rate con­nec­tions and his links with var­i­ous Nazi groups. Despite this dif­fi­cul­ty, the inves­ti­ga­tion nec­es­sar­i­ly focused on the gold deal­ings under­tak­en by Swiss banks. This became of major con­cern to Swiss ambas­sador Brug­gmann once he learned of Oper­a­tion Safe­haven trough his indis­creet broth­er-in-law, Vice Pres­i­dent Hen­ry Wal­lace. The expo­sure of the explic­it links between Swiss banks and Nazi Ger­many would be a major poten­tial embar­rass­ment to the Swiss gov­ern­ment once the war over; accord­ing­ly the Swiss Secret Ser­vice alert­ed Allen Dulles about the Safe­haven inves­ti­ga­tion into his affairs. . . .

3. The rest of FTR #1147 and all of FTR #1148 access­es a very impor­tant arti­cle by the bril­liant Peter Dale Scott, writ­ten almost 35 years ago. With the GOP con­ven­tion in full swing as these pro­grams were being record­ed, the sym­bio­sis between Allen Dulles and the Nazi SS is fun­da­men­tal to under­stand­ing not only the gen­e­sis of the U.S. intel­li­gence estab­lish­ment, but how that insti­tu­tion is inex­tri­ca­bly linked with the Repub­li­can Par­ty.

The link to this arti­cle per­mits the listener/reader to down­load (for free) the entire issue of Covert Action Quar­ter­ly. Mr. Emory strong­ly rec­om­mends that they do so, as the oth­er arti­cles in this excel­lent issue will sup­ple­ment the analy­sis beau­ti­ful­ly.

Due to the length and com­plex­i­ty of this arti­cle, we are not tran­scrib­ing it, but will sum­ma­rize impor­tant points of infor­ma­tion.

Key Points of Analy­sis:

  1. Joseph Men­gele, the SS “Angel of Death” of Auschwitz infamy, was net­worked with oth­er SS war crim­i­nals who grav­i­tat­ed seam­less­ly into the ser­vice of the Gehlen “Org” and the CIA. His where­abouts were known to U.S. intel­li­gence, who masked them from Nurem­berg pros­e­cu­tors. Back­ground on Men­gele, his oper­a­tional links with the Kaiser Wil­helm Insti­tute and his posi­tion in the eugen­ics milieu, see, among oth­er pro­grams, FTR #‘s 664 and 908” . . . . the response of Telford Tay­lor, U.S. Chief of Coun­sel for War Crimes at Nurem­berg was “to advise our records show Dr. Menger­le [sic] is dead as of Octo­ber 1946.” (At the time of Gen­er­al Tay­lor’s let­ter, U.S. Army Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence knew both of Men­gele’s sur­vival and even his loca­tion, in the small Bavar­i­an vil­lage of Aut­en­reid.) . . . .”
  2. One of the net­works with which Men­gele oper­at­ed was the Estrel­la firm. ” . . . . Alfons Sassen, the rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Broth­er­hood [Kam­er­aden­werk] Busi­ness enter­prise known as “Estrel­la.” It is said too that Sassen is financed by Dr. Josef Men­gele, who con­trols now such funds as remain liq­uid from the sale of Euro­pean loot. . . . [Klaus Bar­bie] set up a com­pa­ny called Estrel­la, osten­si­bly deal­ing in quin­quina bark. Although no records exist in the pub­lic reg­istry in La Paz, at least one Boli­vian arms deal­er still remem­bers it as a weapons trad­ing com­pa­ny. . . .”
  3. Men­gele may have been incor­po­rat­ed into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare pro­gram, although me main­tained res­i­dence in Latin Amer­i­ca. ” . . . . Could Mengele–not even a polit­i­cal police­man (like Rauff and Bar­bie), but a doc­tor with a pen­chant for lethal exper­i­ments on human guinea pigs–could even Men­gele have been saved s a result of a secret deal between Dulles and the SS? . . . . we have since been told that his col­league in the Auschwitz human exper­i­ments, Wal­ter Schreiber, was shield­ed by the Amer­i­cans from a Pol­ish con­vic­tion in absen­tia, so that he could help guide the post­war research­es of the U.S. Air Force in bac­te­ri­o­log­i­cal war­fare. . . That Men­gele’s escape and immu­ni­ty were arranged by the Unit­ed States, like those of Schreiber and so many oth­ers, will seem more prob­a­ble once we have stud­ied the incred­i­ble post­war careers of [Klaus] Bar­bie, [Friedrich] Schwend and [Wal­ter] Rauff . . . .”
  4. Allen Dulles’s suc­cess­ful nego­ti­a­tions with the SS were fun­da­men­tal to his goal of estab­lish­ing the post­war CIA as a vehi­cle for the per­pet­u­a­tion of the SS under CIA/Gehlen aus­pices: ” . . . . But they [Allen Dulles and OSS chief William Dono­van] also knew that, just as the OSS was the best hope for the sur­vival of the SS cadres, so in a sense these cadres were their high­est trump card in the impend­ing con­test for the OSS’s own insti­tu­tion­al home for the post­war Gehlen Org. In 1948 Dulles, by now a civil­ian, helped write the memo per­suad­ing Tru­man to take on the Gehlen Org, on Gehlen’s own terms. . . .”
  5. Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS pre­ced­ed by months the offi­cial sto­ry of the con­tact between U.S. intel­li­gence and the Gehlen team.
  6. Dulles’s nego­ti­a­tions with the SS, involv­ing Wal­ter Rauff–who devised the mobile gas cham­bers used on the East­ern Front–were con­duct­ed as part of Oper­a­tion Sun­rise. ” . . . . Despite the [U.S.] Army inter­roga­tor’s pleas that Rauff ‘is con­sid­ered a men­ace if ever set free, and fail­ing actu­al elim­i­na­tion, is rec­om­mend­ed for life-long intern­ment,’ Dulles kep his bar­gain and Rauff was released. Accord­ing to usu­al­ly reli­able intel­li­gence sources. Dulles then employed Rauff on anti-com­mu­nist oper­a­tions in Italy, which was Rauf­f’s spe­cial­ty under the Nazis. . . .”
  7. Although the Vat­i­can was deeply involved with the SS/OSS nego­ti­a­tions, Dulles’ team was the pri­ma­ry com­po­nent. ” . . . It was Dulles’s con­tacts, not the Vat­i­can, who han­dled the smug­gling of Nazis. Accord­ing to top secret State Depart­ment doc­u­ments, the Ital­ian police pro­vid­ed the false pass­ports for allied agents; the visas came from the Argen­tine con­sulate in the allied intel­li­gence unit based at Trieste;and the embarka­tion paper­work was han­dled by a U.S. State Depart­ment offi­cer in Genoa. Genoa, inci­den­tal­ly was Rauf­f’s area of juris­dic­tion. All of them worked for Dulles. . . .”

How Allen Dulles and the SS Pre­served Each Oth­er” by Peter Dale Scott; Covert Action Quar­ter­ly; Num­ber 25: Win­ter 1986.

Discussion

2 comments for “FTR #1147 & FTR #1148 The Space Plane and Covid-19: The Paperclip Legacy, Parts 2 and 3”

  1. Peter Dale Scott asks above “Could Mengele–not even a polit­i­cal police­man (like Rauff and Bar­bie), but a doc­tor with a pen­chant for lethal exper­i­ments on human guinea pigs–could even Men­gele have been saved s a result of a secret deal between Dulles and the SS?”

    Not only could he be “saved” but Fred Burks who runs a site (wanttoknow.info) with a lot of very rel­e­vant info about these things, was on Coast to Coast AM a cou­ple years ago telling George Noury’s vast nation­al ter­res­tri­al radio audi­ence of mil­lions that Men­gele was in fact active, on site, at Lan­g­ley in the 1950s: “train­ing” CIA agents in all his fell arts and sci­ences that have become arguably the chief bane of soci­ety: trau­ma-based hyp­no­sis and sundry vari­eties of mind con­trol, as giv­en plot sum­maries for the “pic­ture-is-worth-a-1000-words” crash course served to the view­ing pub­lic in the 2 Manchuri­an Can­di­date movies, espe­cial­ly Jonathan Dem­me’s ver­sion with Den­zel.

    I had long expect­ed to find some con­fir­ma­tion of that dark­ness, as Gehlen could eas­i­ly con­sult with him by phone in South Amer­i­ca and had “white-washed” so many Nazi dossiers at Nurem­berg, even all the way to Sacra­men­to for Otto von Bolschwing, mon­ster of the Holi­caust, who set­tled into the Cal­i­for­nia State Capi­tol for almost 40 years after the “fall” of the 3rd Reich.

    If Gehlen and Dulles could so hand­i­ly sub­vert our gov­ern­ment in so many ways, it had crossed my mind fre­quent­ly, why not bring Men­gele along for that ride, in Vir­ginia?

    As James Dou­glass says in the fore­word to JFK & The Unspeak­able, these bogus “de-naz­i­fi­ca­tions” et al, it’s only through con­fronting the dark­ness of our his­to­ry that we can find hope again.

    Any­body got a light?

    Well, we know how much Dave Emory has done to bring one, so we thank you again for that.

    Posted by John Ervin | October 10, 2020, 2:02 pm
  2. Oh look at that: new­ly dis­closed U.S. and Ger­man intel­li­gence records just iden­ti­fied anoth­er major Nazi war crim­i­nal involved with the post-war Gehland spy out­fit. On one lev­el this is entire­ly unsur­pris­ing, but this was­n’t your aver­age Nazi war crim­i­nal. It was SS Gen­er­al Franz Josef Huber, who led a Gestapo orga­ni­za­tion that stretched across Aus­tria and worked close­ly with Adolf Eich­mann on depor­ta­tions to con­cen­tra­tion and exter­mi­na­tion camps. Not only was Huber allowed to avoid war crimes pros­e­cu­tions after the war, but he nev­er even had to go into hid­ing or escape abroad. Instead, it appears both the US and West Ger­many suc­ceed­ed in efforts to con­ceal Huber’s role in war crimes to pre­vent him from fac­ing tri­al. As we should expect, it was Huber’s net­work of intel­li­gence con­tacts in the East that him extreme­ly valu­able to the West, some­thing Huber rec­og­nized in advance. He report­ed­ly spent much of the end of the war deal­ing with agents from the East in seem­ing antic­i­pa­tion of the val­ue those con­tacts would have in a post-war envi­ron­ment.

    Huber was arrest­ed in May 1945 and spent the next two years held by US mil­i­tary intel­li­gence, but there are not avail­able records about his inter­ac­tions with the mil­i­tary dur­ing this time. Then, in May of 1947, a U.S. inves­ti­ga­tor wrote that Huber was “a fair, fac­tu­al impar­tial police offi­cer who car­ried out the police func­tions with­out par­ty bias or racial and polit­i­cal prej­u­dice.” The doc­u­ment goes on to state that the SS gen­er­al “was not an adher­ent of Nazi par­ty ide­olo­gies” and calls him “com­plete­ly trust­wor­thy and reli­able.” A month lat­er, the com­man­der of the deten­tion camp stat­ed that Huber’s “dili­gence and coop­er­a­tion were high­ly appre­ci­at­ed.” He end­ed up get­ting released in March 1948. In the fol­low­ing years, the US occu­pa­tion and intel­li­gence author­i­ties thwart­ed extra­di­tion requests from Aus­tria and any attempt on the part of a num­ber of sur­vivors’ orga­ni­za­tions and lawyers to pros­e­cute Huber. The US also pressed Ger­man author­i­ties to put Huber through a rapid denaz­i­fi­ca­tion process. He got a short pro­ba­tion­ary sen­tence and a fine. He enlist­ed in the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion in Decem­ber 1955. The BND, which emerged from the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion, end­ed up employ­ing Huber for anoth­er decade, although it was a covert employ­ment under the cov­er of his work­ing for a pri­vate com­pa­ny.

    But the BND appeared to even­tu­al­ly real­ize that secret­ly employ­ing one of the chief archi­tects of the Holo­caust was a bit iffy, so in 1964 they decid­ed to fire him. But since he nev­er actu­al­ly lied to his boss­es about his past (?!?), “no fault could be proved” to jus­ti­fy fir­ing him, so he was sent on paid leave instead. He retired three years lat­er at age 65 and drew a Ger­man civ­il ser­vice pen­sion until his death at age 73.

    That’s right, the guy who helped coor­di­nat­ed the Holo­caust with Adolf Eich­mann was pro­tect­ed from pros­e­cu­tion by the US, then hired by the BND. After a decade, the agency belat­ed­ly seems to real­ize that some­one with his past was a lia­bil­i­ty. But they could­n’t fire him because he osten­si­bly nev­er hid his past from them. So instead he gets paid leave and a pen­sion. It’s more than a lit­tle awk­ward:

    The New York Times

    He Led Hitler’s Secret Police in Aus­tria. Then He Spied for the West.

    Franz Josef Huber, respon­si­ble for deport­ing tens of thou­sands of Jews, escaped pun­ish­ment with U.S. back­ing and went on to work for West Ger­man intel­li­gence, new­ly dis­closed records reveal.

    By Ronen Bergman
    April 5, 2021

    TEL AVIV — A top com­man­der in Hitler’s secret police, respon­si­ble for deport­ing tens of thou­sands of Jews, was shield­ed by the U.S. and Ger­man author­i­ties after World War II and lat­er joined West Germany’s for­eign intel­li­gence ser­vice, which knew about his wartime role, new­ly dis­closed records reveal.

    By the war’s end the offi­cial, Franz Josef Huber — who also held a gen­er­al-lev­el rank in the SS, the Nazi para­mil­i­tary orga­ni­za­tion — led one of the Gestapo’s largest sec­tions, stretch­ing across Aus­tria and with roles out to the east. In Vien­na after the Nazi takeover, his forces worked close­ly with Adolf Eich­mann on depor­ta­tions to con­cen­tra­tion and exter­mi­na­tion camps.

    Eich­mann would even­tu­al­ly be exe­cut­ed for his role in coor­di­nat­ing the mur­der of mil­lions of Jews. Next Sun­day is the 60th anniver­sary of the open­ing of his tri­al in Jerusalem. But Huber nev­er had to hide or to escape abroad, as many oth­er top Third Reich com­man­ders did.

    He spent the final decades of his life based in his home­town, Munich, with his fam­i­ly, under his own name. And the expla­na­tion for this strange immu­ni­ty appears to lie in his use­ful­ness in the spy­ing con­flicts of the Cold War.

    U.S. intel­li­gence doc­u­ments show that there was strong inter­est in draw­ing on Huber’s wartime net­work to recruit agents in the Sovi­et bloc, even as Aus­tria was seek­ing to have him tried for war crimes.

    “Although we are by no means unmind­ful of the dan­gers involved in play­ing around with a Gestapo gen­er­al,” a C.I.A. memo from 1953 stat­ed, “we also believe, on the basis of the infor­ma­tion now in our pos­ses­sion, that Huber might be prof­itably used by this orga­ni­za­tion.”

    New­ly dis­closed U.S. and Ger­man intel­li­gence records reveal that both coun­tries made efforts to con­ceal Huber’s role in the crimes of the Third Reich and to pre­vent him from fac­ing tri­al. The Ger­man pub­lic broad­cast­er ARD obtained the records and shared them with The New York Times. They will be pre­sent­ed in a “Munich Report” inves­tiga­tive doc­u­men­tary sched­uled to be broad­cast in Ger­many on Tues­day.

    The Ger­man intel­li­gence ser­vice, known by the ini­tials BND, employed Huber full-time for near­ly a decade, giv­ing him a cov­er sto­ry that made him appear to work for a pri­vate busi­ness. It was near­ly 20 years after the war before agency boss­es decid­ed they could no longer tol­er­ate the con­nec­tion. A Decem­ber 1964 memo warned that dis­clo­sure of the secret would “frus­trate the efforts of the service’s lead­er­ship to build con­fi­dence with the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment and the pub­lic.”

    ...

    In the 1920s and ear­ly 1930s, as a tal­ent­ed young police offi­cer in Munich, he took part in the sur­veil­lance of polit­i­cal par­ties, includ­ing the Nazis. After Hitler took pow­er in 1933, he became a zeal­ous Nazi and soon after, a senior fig­ure in the Gestapo, Nazi Germany’s feared secret police force.

    The Nazi lead­ers build­ing that force need­ed expe­ri­enced police offi­cers, said Michael Holz­mann, the son of an Aus­tri­an Nazi who has for many years been research­ing the activ­i­ties of the Gestapo in that coun­try. “Huber seized this oppor­tu­ni­ty and turned from a lit­tle inves­ti­ga­tor into a most suc­cess­ful leader of the Gestapo ter­ror regime in for­mer Aus­tria,” he said.

    In March 1938, after Ger­many annexed Aus­tria, Huber was made the Gestapo chief of the most impor­tant part of the coun­try, includ­ing Vien­na, the cap­i­tal. Short­ly after, the Gestapo began an exten­sive hunt for dis­si­dents in Aus­tria, and Huber gave orders “to arrest imme­di­ate­ly unde­sir­able, par­tic­u­lar­ly crim­i­nal­ly moti­vat­ed Jews and trans­fer them to the con­cen­tra­tion camp Dachau.” A few days lat­er, the first two trans­ports of Jews left Vien­na for the camp, with many more to fol­low.

    Huber remained in his post until the end of the war, being giv­en more and more per­son­nel and author­i­ty. Dur­ing that time, 70,000 Aus­tri­an Jews who were not able to leave the coun­try were mur­dered, close to 40 per­cent of the orig­i­nal com­mu­ni­ty, while their prop­er­ty was loot­ed by the Nazis.

    Eich­mann con­firmed at his tri­al that he was involved in the depor­ta­tion of Jews but refused to plead guilty to geno­cide, say­ing, “I did not have any oth­er option than to fol­low the orders I got.”

    Huber took a dif­fer­ent approach. Speak­ing to an offi­cial of the Nurem­berg war crimes tri­bunal in 1948 — who inter­viewed him as a wit­ness, not a sus­pect — he said he had known noth­ing about the exter­mi­na­tion until the end of 1944, when his deputy told him some­thing vague.

    “But the his­tor­i­cal evi­dence paints a com­plete­ly dif­fer­ent pic­ture,” says Prof. Moshe Zim­mer­man, a his­to­ri­an and Holo­caust schol­ar at the Hebrew Uni­ver­si­ty of Jerusalem. “Eich­mann may have been a face more famil­iar to the Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty, but the one who shared respon­si­bil­i­ty for car­ry­ing out the ter­ror against the Jews, their col­lec­tion, their forced board­ing on the trains and their depor­ta­tion to the camps, was the police and the Gestapo under Huber.”

    Huber was also pho­tographed accom­pa­ny­ing the head of the SS and the Gestapo, Hein­rich Himm­ler, on a vis­it to the Mau­thausen con­cen­tra­tion camp in upper Aus­tria, where at least 90,000 internees were mur­dered.

    Toward the end of the war Huber was marked as a senior want­ed war crim­i­nal by U.S. intel­li­gence, and he appears to have antic­i­pat­ed what might come. He devot­ed much of his time to deal­ing with agents from the East, a com­mod­i­ty that would soon be even more valu­able.

    Amer­i­can forces arrest­ed Huber in May 1945.

    There are no avail­able records about his inter­ac­tions with U.S. mil­i­tary intel­li­gence over the two years he was in cus­tody, but in May 1947, despite plen­ti­ful con­tra­dic­to­ry evi­dence, a U.S. inves­ti­ga­tor wrote that Huber was “a fair, fac­tu­al impar­tial police offi­cer who car­ried out the police func­tions with­out par­ty bias or racial and polit­i­cal prej­u­dice.” The doc­u­ment goes on to state that the SS gen­er­al “was not an adher­ent of Nazi par­ty ide­olo­gies” and calls him “com­plete­ly trust­wor­thy and reli­able.”

    A month lat­er, the com­man­der of the U.S. deten­tion camp stat­ed that Huber’s “dili­gence and coop­er­a­tion were high­ly appre­ci­at­ed.” He was released in March 1948.

    “Aus­tria was, at the time, a major front line of the Cold War” said Prof. Shlo­mo Shpiro of Bar-Ilan Uni­ver­si­ty in Israel, who has researched the inter­ac­tion between for­mer Nazis and West­ern intel­li­gence ser­vices. “West­ern intel­li­gence ser­vices strug­gled to recruit reli­able anti-com­mu­nist con­tacts and did not inquire too close­ly at the past of peo­ple they thought would serve them well.”

    “Many for­mer senior Nazis took advan­tage of the new com­mu­nist threat to secure for them­selves both immu­ni­ty from war crimes pros­e­cu­tion and hefty salaries from U.S. and West Ger­man intel­li­gence agen­cies,” Pro­fes­sor Shpiro said.

    In the fol­low­ing years the U.S. occu­pa­tion and intel­li­gence author­i­ties made exten­sive and suc­cess­ful efforts to thwart, on var­i­ous bureau­crat­ic grounds, an extra­di­tion request from Aus­tria and any attempt on the part of a num­ber of sur­vivors’ orga­ni­za­tions and lawyers to pros­e­cute Huber.

    The Unit­ed States also pressed the Ger­man author­i­ties to han­dle Huber through a rapid denaz­i­fi­ca­tion process, which end­ed with a short pro­ba­tion­ary sen­tence and a fine.

    In Decem­ber 1955, Huber enlist­ed in the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion, from which the BND was born short­ly after­ward.

    “The BND recruit­ed many Nazis, but hard­ly any­one had such an out­stand­ing posi­tion,” said Ste­fan Mein­ing, a his­to­ri­an and an edi­tor with Ger­man pub­lic tele­vi­sion who cre­at­ed the doc­u­men­tary about Huber. “They knew exact­ly that Huber was not some pet­ty Gestapo mur­der­er but an SS gen­er­al who moved with­in the inner­most cir­cles of the Nazi ter­ror appa­ra­tus and was respon­si­ble for the deaths of tens of thou­sands of Jews and oppo­nents of the regime.”

    Bodo Hechel­ham­mer, the BND’s chief his­to­ri­an, inter­viewed in the doc­u­men­tary, con­firmed that Huber was an employ­ee of the agency and explained that the search for skilled intel­li­gence per­son­nel with a clear anti-com­mu­nist lean­ing led to recruit­ment “far too often among the for­mer Nazis.” The agency did not respond to a request for fur­ther com­ment. The C.I.A. also declined to com­ment.

    In ear­ly 1964, fear­ing dis­clo­sure, the BND con­clud­ed that it was “no longer con­ceiv­able” to keep Huber, lest his role “endan­ger the ser­vice,” and decid­ed to fire him.

    But because Huber had not lied to his boss­es about his past, “no fault could be proved” to jus­ti­fy fir­ing him, so he was sent on paid leave instead.

    He retired three years lat­er, at age 65, and drew a Ger­man civ­il ser­vice pen­sion until his death at age 73.

    ———–

    “He Led Hitler’s Secret Police in Aus­tria. Then He Spied for the West.” by Ronen Bergman; The New York Times; 04/05/2021

    New­ly dis­closed U.S. and Ger­man intel­li­gence records reveal that both coun­tries made efforts to con­ceal Huber’s role in the crimes of the Third Reich and to pre­vent him from fac­ing tri­al. The Ger­man pub­lic broad­cast­er ARD obtained the records and shared them with The New York Times. They will be pre­sent­ed in a “Munich Report” inves­tiga­tive doc­u­men­tary sched­uled to be broad­cast in Ger­many on Tues­day.”

    It was a group effort. A group effort to ensure one of the top war archi­tects of the Holo­caust avoid pun­ish­ment:

    ...
    Toward the end of the war Huber was marked as a senior want­ed war crim­i­nal by U.S. intel­li­gence, and he appears to have antic­i­pat­ed what might come. He devot­ed much of his time to deal­ing with agents from the East, a com­mod­i­ty that would soon be even more valu­able.

    Amer­i­can forces arrest­ed Huber in May 1945.

    There are no avail­able records about his inter­ac­tions with U.S. mil­i­tary intel­li­gence over the two years he was in cus­tody, but in May 1947, despite plen­ti­ful con­tra­dic­to­ry evi­dence, a U.S. inves­ti­ga­tor wrote that Huber was “a fair, fac­tu­al impar­tial police offi­cer who car­ried out the police func­tions with­out par­ty bias or racial and polit­i­cal prej­u­dice.” The doc­u­ment goes on to state that the SS gen­er­al “was not an adher­ent of Nazi par­ty ide­olo­gies” and calls him “com­plete­ly trust­wor­thy and reli­able.”

    ...

    In the fol­low­ing years the U.S. occu­pa­tion and intel­li­gence author­i­ties made exten­sive and suc­cess­ful efforts to thwart, on var­i­ous bureau­crat­ic grounds, an extra­di­tion request from Aus­tria and any attempt on the part of a num­ber of sur­vivors’ orga­ni­za­tions and lawyers to pros­e­cute Huber.

    The Unit­ed States also pressed the Ger­man author­i­ties to han­dle Huber through a rapid denaz­i­fi­ca­tion process, which end­ed with a short pro­ba­tion­ary sen­tence and a fine.
    ...

    And not only did the guy avoid pun­ish­ment, but after the BND decid­ed they could­n’t risk keep­ing him on the pay­roll, they still could­n’t fire him because he had not lied about his past. They want­ed to fire over his crim­i­nal­ly scan­dalous past could­n’t be fired because he did­n’t hide his crim­i­nal­ly scan­dalous past:

    ...
    The Ger­man intel­li­gence ser­vice, known by the ini­tials BND, employed Huber full-time for near­ly a decade, giv­ing him a cov­er sto­ry that made him appear to work for a pri­vate busi­ness. It was near­ly 20 years after the war before agency boss­es decid­ed they could no longer tol­er­ate the con­nec­tion. A Decem­ber 1964 memo warned that dis­clo­sure of the secret would “frus­trate the efforts of the service’s lead­er­ship to build con­fi­dence with the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment and the pub­lic.”

    ...

    In Decem­ber 1955, Huber enlist­ed in the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion, from which the BND was born short­ly after­ward.

    ...

    In ear­ly 1964, fear­ing dis­clo­sure, the BND con­clud­ed that it was “no longer con­ceiv­able” to keep Huber, lest his role “endan­ger the ser­vice,” and decid­ed to fire him.

    But because Huber had not lied to his boss­es about his past, “no fault could be proved” to jus­ti­fy fir­ing him, so he was sent on paid leave instead.

    He retired three years lat­er, at age 65, and drew a Ger­man civ­il ser­vice pen­sion until his death at age 73.
    ...

    And yet no scan­dal ever tran­spired for the BND over its cod­dling and employ­ment of a top war crim­i­nal. Look­ing at the facts at hand, It’s hard to argue that US and Ger­man intel­li­gence did­n’t effec­tive­ly get away with pro­tect­ing one of the chief archi­tects of the Holo­caust. Well, it’s arguably a scan­dal now, when almost no one seems to care. And that makes this the type of sto­ry that’s a good reminder that scan­dals of this nature, which only get revealed decades after they tran­spired, haven’t been tru­ly ‘got­ten away with’ until they’ve been revealed and the pub­lic releas­es a giant yawn and lack of inter­est over some­thing that hap­pened in the past and seems irrel­e­vant like his­to­ry. If this sto­ry actu­al­ly prompt­ed the kind of pub­lic inter­est and thor­ough his­tor­i­cal review and explo­ration of this chap­ter of his­to­ry we could argue that there were at least, even­tu­al­ly, some reper­cus­sions for the sys­tem­at­ic cod­dling of war crim­i­nals. But assum­ing this sto­ry gets the kind of pub­lic response that sto­ries of this nature typ­i­cal­ly get — a giant yawn before it falls down the col­lec­tive mem­o­ry hole — then we can argue pret­ty con­vinc­ing­ly that they tru­ly got away with this crime. And thus far, when we look at the col­lec­tive ‘meh’ in response to this sto­ry — a col­lec­tive ‘meh’ that’s echoed vir­tu­al­ly every time we learn some­thing new about the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion’s cru­cial role in 20th cen­tu­ry — it’s sure look­ing like the post-war pro­tec­tion of Franz Josef Huber from war crimes pros­e­cu­tion — itself arguably one of the great crimes of the 20th cen­tu­ry — is a crime that the per­pe­tra­tors ful­ly suc­ceed­ing in get­ting away with.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | April 7, 2021, 4:23 pm

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