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FTR #1150 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: This pro­gram com­pletes the line of inquiry we under­took in FTR #‘s 1146, 1147, 1148 and 1149. Most impor­tant­ly, we bring the evo­lu­tion of events and insti­tu­tions up to the present. Lis­ten­ers who digest the pro­grams in the future should bear in mind that these pro­grams were record­ed dur­ing, and in the imme­di­ate after­math of, the 2020 GOP con­ven­tion.

After review­ing infor­ma­tion about Nixon con­fi­dante Bebe Rebo­zo and the links of his bank to the dead­ly Bor­mann net­work, we con­tin­ue with the unpub­lished man­u­script by Peter Dale Scott from which we read in our last pro­gram. (The “Covert Action Quar­ter­ly” arti­cle by Pro­fes­sor Scott that we used in this series was orig­i­nal­ly going to be part of a book. How­ev­er the pro­fes­sion­al head­winds at the time [win­ter of 1986] were such that the man­u­script was nev­er pub­lished.)

The broad­cast high­lights inter­ac­tions between the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion, Bebe Rebo­zo, a mys­te­ri­ous and alleged­ly orga­nized-crime con­nect­ed com­pa­ny called Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, an even more mys­te­ri­ous sub­sidiary of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al called the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is cen­tral to this dis­cus­sion.

The Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny’s direc­tors are sug­ges­tive of a pos­si­ble Bor­mann link: ” . . . . It did, how­ev­er, name a num­ber of Ger­man and Swiss investors, One of these, for exam­ple, was Dr. Heinz Ros­terg of Lau­sanne, a for­mer ‘prin­ci­pal stock­hold­er’ and direc­tor of the Win­ter­shall potash con­cern; Win­ter­shall was one of the major sub­sidiaries of BASF, the largest sin­gle suc­ces­sor firm to I.G. Far­ben. . . . .”

The man­u­script sets forth spec­u­la­tion about the pos­si­bil­i­ty that Mary Carter Paint/Resorts Inter­na­tion­al may have gen­er­at­ed funds that greased the wheels for the release of many Nazi war crim­i­nals. ” . . . . Still unan­swered is the ques­tion of whether the sto­ry of the Dewey-Allen Dulles inter­est in Resorts should have referred to funds, not from the CIA itself, but from its Ger­man-Swiss part­ners in the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. Such a hypoth­e­sis might explain some of the many strange coin­ci­dences which sur­round the com­pa­ny’s con­tro­ver­sial his­to­ry. It might, for exam­ple, explain the ‘for­tune in legal fees’ that Mary Carter Paint, on the advice of Thomas Dewey [GOP Pres­i­den­tial can­di­date in 1948–D.E.], paid to Allen Dulles’ long­time law part­ner David Peck. [Dulles ran Dewey’s 1948 campaign–D.E.] (48) The SS-OSS con­nec­tion cer­tain­ly had rea­son to be grate­ful to David Peck. It was on the basis of Peck­’s rec­om­men­da­tion, as chair­man of a three-man advi­so­ry board to review all the Nurem­berg sen­tences, that John J. McCloy com­mut­ed to time served the sen­tence of Sko­rzeny’s post-war employ­er, Baron Alfried Krupp, and eight of his col­leagues, and also ordered Krup­p’s prop­er­ty to be restored. (49) The release of Krupp and oth­er indus­tri­al­ists ful­filled an ear­li­er demand to McCloy from Her­mann Abs, who him­self nar­row­ly escaped pros­e­cu­tion at Nurem­berg. Abs was the first post-war chair­man of BASF, the I.G. Far­ben suc­ces­sor com­pa­ny rep­re­sent­ed among the stock­hold­ers of the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. (50) . . . .”

The author also engages in spec­u­la­tion about the rela­tion­ship between Resorts Inter­na­tion­al and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing. The lat­ter is the com­pa­ny that bought out ABC in the mid 1980’s and whose largest stock­hold­er was William Casey. ” . . . . Might not the OSS-SS con­nec­tion also throw light on the unex­plained inter­lock between James Cros­by’s com­pa­ny Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, tight­ly con­trolled by the relat­ed and dou­bly inter­mar­ried Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies, and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing, the major invest­ment of the CIA’s present direc­tor William Casey. (51) Casey would be the log­i­cal per­son to have estab­lished the orig­i­nal con­nec­tion between the Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies and their mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man-Swiss part­ners. For it was Casey who, in 1944–45, ‘was giv­en over­all oper­a­tional con­trol of [OSS] Ger­man projects,’ and ‘co-ordi­nat­ed . . . the over 150 men’ whom OSS sent into Ger­many. (52) With Dulles, Wis­ner, and For­gan, Casey was also one of the OSS vet­er­ans who lob­bied suc­cess­ful­ly for a CIA which could legit­i­mate­ly uti­lize the resources of the Gehlen Org. (53) . . . .”

The “unex­plained inter­lock” between Resorts Inter­na­tion­al and Cap­i­tal Cities is described by the author: ” . . . . James Cros­by’s cousin and broth­er-in-law, Thomas S. Mur­phy, was in 1964, the Exec­u­tive Vice-Pres­i­dent and a direc­tor of Cap­i­tal Cities, as well as a direc­tor of Mary Carter Paint. Low­ell Thomas, a long-time radio broad­cast­er with intel­li­gence con­nec­tions, was a direc­tor of both com­pa­nies. At the time, William Casey was an offi­cer, direc­tor, and major stock­hold­er of Cap­i­tal Cities. . . .”

After James Cros­by’s “unex­pect­ed” death in April of 1986, Don­ald Trump–whose oper­a­tions are bankrolled by Deutsche Bank–pur­chased the com­pa­ny. Fol­low­ing lit­i­ga­tion with Merv Grif­fin, the assets were divid­ed with the tele­vi­sion per­son­al­i­ty. ”  . . . . Real estate devel­op­er Don­ald Trump, who owned two Atlantic City casi­nos, beat out sev­er­al oth­er bid­ders to pur­chase a con­trol­ling stake in the com­pa­ny from Cros­by’s fam­i­ly for $79 mil­lion in July 1987.^[26] Trump was appoint­ed chair­man of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, and said he would com­plete the Taj Mahal in about a year. . . . The two ulti­mate­ly reached a set­tle­ment, which was exe­cut­ed in Novem­ber 1988, with Grif­fin pur­chas­ing the com­pa­ny for $365 mil­lion, and Trump pur­chas­ing the Taj Mahal from the com­pa­ny for $273 mil­lion. . . .”

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1. Dis­cus­sion of Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing’s acqui­si­tion of ABC fol­low­ing the CIA’s fil­ing of a “fair­ness doc­trine” com­plaint against the com­pa­ny for their cov­er­age of Bish­op, Bald­win, Rewald, Dilling­ham and Wong. Ron Rewald alleged that he and the firm for which he worked front­ed for CIA. (At the time William Casey was head of CIA and Cap­i­tal Cities largest stock­hold­er.)
2. The fact that Thomas Dewey, two time GOP can­di­date for Pres­i­dent, was one of the founders of Cap­i­tal Cities. The gen­e­sis of the Nazi branch of the GOP was Dewey’s 1948 cam­paign.
3. Review of William Casey’s career, includ­ing the posi­tions he held in the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion and his involve­ment with the Black Eagle Trust, which evolved from the Gold­en Lily plun­der acquired by Japan after World War II.
4. Dis­cus­sion of Attor­ney Gen­er­al William Bar­r’s back­ground in the CIA, includ­ing his role in George H.W. Bush’s par­don of key play­ers in the Iran-Con­tra scan­dal.
5. Analy­sis of Bar­r’s father Don­ald Barr and his work for the OSS in World War II, which may have inter­sect­ed with the machi­na­tions of Dulles, Dono­van, Casey and the Nazi “Oper­a­tion Sun­rise” par­tic­i­pants.
6. Don­ald Bar­r’s hir­ing of col­lege dropout Jef­frey Epstein to teach at the Dal­ton School.
7. Don­ald Bar­r’s author­ship of a sci­ence fic­tion nov­el–Space Rela­tions–about a plan­et dom­i­nat­ed by oli­garchs and dri­ven by sex­u­al slav­ery.
8. Review of a deci­sive strat­a­gem of the Under­ground Reich, enun­ci­at­ed by Army offi­cer Glenn Pinch­back in a let­ter to New Orleans D.A. Jim Gar­ri­son. Pinch­back wrote of a ” . . . . ‘Neo-Nazi plot to enslave Amer­i­ca in the name of anti-Com­mu­nism,’ . . .”
9. In past pro­grams, we have briefly not­ed that mil­i­tary and [osten­si­bly] civil­ian pro­grams offi­cial­ly involved with “epi­dem­ic pre­ven­tion” might con­ceal clan­des­tine bio­log­i­cal war­fare appli­ca­tions designed to cre­ate epi­demics. The offi­cial dis­tinc­tion between “offen­sive” and “defen­sive” bio­log­i­cal war­fare research is aca­d­e­m­ic. In that con­text, one should note that the offi­cial title of Unit 731, the noto­ri­ous Japan­ese bio­log­i­cal war­fare unit was “the Epi­dem­ic Pre­ven­tion and Water Purifi­ca­tion Depart­ment of the Kwan­tung Army.” Unit 731’s research was incor­po­rat­ed into the U.S. bio­log­i­cal war­fare pro­gram at the end of World War II.
10. Note­wor­thy in that gen­er­al con­text is the obser­va­tion by Jonathan King (pro­fes­sor of mol­e­c­u­lar biol­o­gy at MIT), that Pen­ta­gon research into the appli­ca­tion of genet­ic engi­neer­ing to bio­log­i­cal war­fare could be masked as vac­cine research, which sounds “defen­sive.”

1a. Pro­vid­ing back­ground to dis­cus­sion of the rela­tion­ship between the milieu of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, Nixon, his bank­ing asso­ciate Bebe Rebo­zo, William Casey and (pos­si­bly) we review the fact that Rebo­zo’s bank­ing of funds from the dead­ly Bor­mann net­work, the insti­tu­tion that Mr. Emory feels will prove to be the deci­sive ele­ment on this earth.

Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; Lyle Stu­art [HC]; Copy­right 1981 by Paul Man­ning; p. 275.

. . . . The Ger­man-South Amer­i­can group also had direct access to the Nixon White House through their rep­re­sen­ta­tives in Wash­ing­ton, and were proud of the fact that Bebe Rebo­zo was Pres­i­dent Nixon’s clos­est friend. For, know­ing­ly or unknow­ing­ly, Rebo­zo processed mil­lions of their dol­lars through his Flori­da bank as part of nor­mal com­mer­cial oper­a­tions. . . .

1b. Con­tin­u­ing with dis­cus­sion from the unpub­lished man­u­script by Peter Dale Scott from which we read in our last pro­gram, the broad­cast high­lights inter­ac­tions between the Nixon admin­is­tra­tion, Bebe Rebo­zo, a mys­te­ri­ous and alleged­ly orga­nized-crime con­nect­ed com­pa­ny called Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, an even more mys­te­ri­ous sub­sidiary of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al called the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny and the Dewey, Dulles, Nazi, William Casey milieu that is cen­tral to this dis­cus­sion.

The Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny’s direc­tors are sug­ges­tive of a pos­si­ble Bor­mann link: ” . . . . It did, how­ev­er, name a num­ber of Ger­man and Swiss investors, One of these, for exam­ple, was Dr. Heinz Ros­terg of Lau­sanne, a for­mer ‘prin­ci­pal stock­hold­er’ and direc­tor of the Win­ter­shall potash con­cern; Win­ter­shall was one of the major sub­sidiaries of BASF, the largest sin­gle suc­ces­sor firm to I.G. Far­ben. . . . .”

The man­u­script sets forth spec­u­la­tion about the pos­si­bil­i­ty that Mary Carter Paint/Resorts Inter­na­tion­al may have gen­er­at­ed funds that greased the wheels for the release of many Nazi war crim­i­nals. ” . . . . Still unan­swered is the ques­tion of whether the sto­ry of the Dewey-Allen Dulles inter­est in Resorts should have referred to funds, not from the CIA itself, but from its Ger­man-Swiss part­ners in the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. Such a hypoth­e­sis might explain some of the many strange coin­ci­dences which sur­round the com­pa­ny’s con­tro­ver­sial his­to­ry. It might, for exam­ple, explain the ‘for­tune in legal fees’ that Mary Carter Paint, on the advice of Thomas Dewey, paid to Allen Dulles’ long­time law part­ner David Peck. (48) The SS-OSS con­nec­tion cer­tain­ly had rea­son to be grate­ful to David Peck. It was on the basis of Peck­’s rec­om­men­da­tion, as chair­man of a three-man advi­so­ry board to review all the Nurem­berg sen­tences, that John J. McCloy com­mut­ed to time served the sen­tence of Sko­rzeny’s post-war employ­er, Baron Alfried Krupp, and eight of his col­leagues, and also ordered Krup­p’s prop­er­ty to be restored. (49) The release of Krupp and oth­er indus­tri­al­ists ful­filled an ear­li­er demand to McCloy from Her­mann Abs, who him­self nar­row­ly escaped pros­e­cu­tion at Nurem­berg. Abs was the first post-war chair­man of BASF, the I.G. Far­ben suc­ces­sor com­pa­ny rep­re­sent­ed among the stock­hold­ers of the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. (50) . . . .”

The author also engages in spec­u­la­tion about the rela­tion­ship between Resorts Inter­na­tion­al and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing. The lat­ter is the com­pa­ny that bought out ABC in the mid 1980’s and whose largest stock­hold­er was William Casey. ” . . . . Might not the OSS-SS con­nec­tion also throw light on the unex­plained inter­lock between James Cros­by’s com­pa­ny Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, tight­ly con­trolled by the relat­ed and dou­bly inter­mar­ried Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies, and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing, the major invest­ment of the CIA’s present direc­tor William Casey. (51) Casey would be the log­i­cal per­son to have estab­lished the orig­i­nal con­nec­tion between the Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies and their mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man-Swiss part­ners. For it was Casey who, in 1944–45, ‘was giv­en over­all oper­a­tional con­trol of [OSS] Ger­man projects,’ and ‘co-ordi­nat­ed . . . the over 150 men’ whom OSS sent into Ger­many. (52) With Dulles, Wis­ner, and For­gan, Casey was also one of the OSS vet­er­ans who lob­bied suc­cess­ful­ly for a CIA which could legit­i­mate­ly uti­lize the resources of the Gehlen Org. (53) . . .”

The “unex­plained inter­lock” between Resorts Inter­na­tion­al and Cap­i­tal Cities is described by the author: ” . . . . James Cros­by’s cousin and broth­er-in-law, Thomas S. Mur­phy, was in 1964, the Exec­u­tive Vice-Pres­i­dent and a direc­tor of Cap­i­tal Cities, as well as a direc­tor of Mary Carter Paint. Low­ell Thomas, a long-time radio broad­cast­er with intel­li­gence con­nec­tions, was a direc­tor of both com­pa­nies. At the time, William Casey was an offi­cer, direc­tor, and major stock­hold­er of Cap­i­tal Cities. . . .”

The sto­ry of Cap­i­tal Cities and its acqui­si­tion of ABC is set forth below.

“Men­gele and Dulles: The SS-OSS Con­nec­tion: Transna­tion­al­ism and the Cold War” by Peter Dale Scott; pp. 82–85.

. . . . One of the most-researched and ill-under­stood sto­ries about such pay­ments con­cerns a Bahamas casi­no, Par­adise Island, which fig­ured in inves­tiga­tive sto­ries about Richard Nixon and Water­gate. The casi­no was owned by an Amer­i­can com­pa­ny, Mary Carter Paint Com­pa­ny, lat­er known as Resorts Inter­na­tion­al; and there is no ques­tion but that, in 1968, the chair­man of the com­pa­ny, James Cros­by; “. . . . made a $100,000 con­tri­bu­tion to the Nixon cam­paign. It took the unusu­al form of thir­ty-four checks, thir­ty-three of them for $3,000 apiece, the last for $1,000” (37) In 1972, Howard Hunt, in his dou­ble capac­i­ty as an employ­ee of the Nixon White House and of a CIA-linked pub­lic­i­ty rela­tions firm, the Robert Mullen Agency, did cer­tain work for Inter­tel, an inves­tiga­tive and intel­li­gence sub­sidiary of Resorts; Inter­tel was try­ing to hush up alle­ga­tions, based on a con­tro­ver­sial inter­nal mem­o­ran­dum from a woman named Dita Beard, about a $400,000 pay­off to the Repub­li­can par­ty in exchange for set­tle­ment of a Jus­tice Depart­ment suit against ITT” (38)

In 1972, Cros­by made no acknowl­edged con­tri­bu­tion to Nixon, even though he was report­ed­ly asked to by Nixon’s per­son­al lawyer, Her­bert Kalm­bach. But in 1973, the New York Times ran a sto­ry about; ” . . . . pecu­liar move­ments . . . between the Par­adise Island casi­no and the Key Bis­cayne Bank, which belonged to then-pres­i­dent Richard Nixon’s friend Bebe Rebo­zo. There was spec­u­la­tion that the bank and the casi­no were laun­der­ing funds for the Pres­i­dent.” (39)

The sto­ry focused on the move­ments of a close friend of Rebo­zo called Sey­mour Alter, “whom a lot of peo­ple called Resorts’ ‘bag­man.’ ” (40) Tes­ti­mo­ny by an IRS infor­mant to a House Sub­com­mit­tee, two years lat­er, sug­gest­ed that the mon­ey was, in fact, skim from anoth­er of James Cros­by’s com­pa­nies, the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny, and that Alter had on at least one occa­sion car­ried $200.000 of such mon­ey and been met on a Key Bis­cayne dock by Bebe Rebo­zo him­self (“they head­ed for either Bebe’s or Nixon’s house.”) (41)

Through­out the Water­gate scan­dal, there were rumors among inves­tiga­tive reporters that Nixon and Rebo­zo were silent part­ners with Cros­by in the lucra­tive bridge com­pa­ny. I myself was sent a list of the share­hold­ers at this time: the­list, lat­er con­firmed by Cros­by in pub­lic tes­ti­mo­ny, did not show Nixon or Rebo­zo. It did, how­ev­er, name a num­ber of Ger­man and Swiss investors, One of these, for exam­ple, was Dr. Heinz Ros­terg of Lau­sanne, a for­mer “prin­ci­pal stock­hold­er” and direc­tor of the Win­ter­shall potash con­cern; Win­ter­shall was one of the major sub­sidiaries of BASF, the largest sin­gle suc­ces­sor firm to I.G. Far­ben. (42)

By itself, this would be a ten­u­ous link between the CIA-Gehlen‑I.G. Far­ben con­nec­tion and the alleged pay­ments to Richard Nixon. But the same IRS infor­mant tes­ti­fied to links (lat­er cor­rob­o­rat­ed by inves­tiga­tive jour­nal­ists) between Resorts and a Bahamas Bank, Cas­tle Bank, which the Wall Street Jour­nal lat­er revealed to have had among its deposits “a $5 mil­lion CIA fund.” (43) Cas­tle Banik had been found­ed by an OSS and CIA vet­er­an, Paul Hel­li­well, whose role in help­ing to con­sol­i­date the post-war CIA-mafia-nar­cotics con­nec­tion I have described else­where. (44) CIA’s oper­a­tional inter­est in the mob-con­nect­ed Cas­tle Bank was so great that, accord­ing to the Wall Street jour­nal, the Jus­tice Depart­ment dropped its pur­suit of Cas­tle Bank under pres­sure from the CIA. (45)The Wall Street Jour­nal’s rev­e­la­tion revived inter­est in a con­tro­ver­sial claim, print­ed four years ear­li­er in the Rolling Stone mag­a­zine, that Resorts Inter­na­tion­al “in its ear­li­er incar­na­tion as Mary Carter Paint, was a CIA front set up by for­mer New York dis­trict attor­ney and gov­er­nor Thomas Dewey and Allen Dulles, first chief of the CIA, to laun­der funds to sup­port coun­terin­sur­gency groups in Latin Amer­i­ca.” (46)

After a suit for libel brought by Resorts, Rolling Stone retract­ed the claim. (47)

Still unan­swered is the ques­tion of whether the sto­ry of the Dewey-Allen Dulles inter­est in Resorts should have referred to funds, not from the CIA itself, but from its Ger­man-Swiss part­ners in the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. Such a hypoth­e­sis might explain some of the many strange coin­ci­dences which sur­round the com­pa­ny’s con­tro­ver­sial his­to­ry. It might, for exam­ple, explain the “for­tune in legal fees” that Mary Carter Paint, on the advice of Thomas Dewey, paid to Allen Dulles’ long­time law part­ner David Peck. (48) The SS-OSS con­nec­tion cer­tain­ly had rea­son to be grate­ful to David Peck. It was on the basis of Peck­’s rec­om­men­da­tion, as chair­man of a three-man advi­so­ry board to review all the Nurem­berg sen­tences, that John J. McCloy com­mut­ed to time served the sen­tence of Sko­rzeny’s post-war employ­er, Baron Alfried Krupp, and eight of his col­leagues, and also ordered Krup­p’s prop­er­ty to be restored. (49) The release of Krupp and oth­er indus­tri­al­ists ful­filled an ear­li­er demand to McCloy from Her­mann Abs, who him­self nar­row­ly escaped pros­e­cu­tion at Nurem­berg. Abs was the first post-war chair­man of BASF, the I.G. Far­ben suc­ces­sor com­pa­ny rep­re­sent­ed among the stock­hold­ers of the Par­adise Island Bridge Com­pa­ny. (50)

Might not the OSS-SS con­nec­tion also throw light on the unex­plained inter­lock between James Cros­by’s com­pa­ny Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, tight­ly con­trolled by the relat­ed and dou­bly inter­mar­ried Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies, and Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing, the major invest­ment of the CIA’s present direc­tor William Casey. (51) Casey would be the log­i­cal per­son to have estab­lished the orig­i­nal con­nec­tion between the Cros­by-Mur­phy fam­i­lies and their mys­te­ri­ous Ger­man-Swiss part­ners. For it was Casey who, in 1944–45, “was giv­en over­all oper­a­tional con­trol of [OSS] Ger­man projects,” and “co-ordi­nat­ed . . . the over 150 men” whom OSS sent into Ger­many. (52) With Dulles, Wis­ner, and For­gan, Casey was also one of the OSS vet­er­ans who lob­bied suc­cess­ful­ly for a CIA which could legit­i­mate­ly uti­lize the resources of the Gehlen Org. (53)

Notes:

(37) The Com­pa­ny That Bought The Board­walkby Gigi Mahon, p. 117; Night­mare: The Under­side of the Nixon Yearsby J. Antho­ny Lukas, p. 182.

(38) Lukas, pp. 182–183.

(39) Mahon, p. 32; New York Times, 12/6/1973.

(40) Mahon, p. 33.

(41) Mahon, pp. 39–40; U.S. Cong., House, Comm. on Gov­ern­ment Oper­a­tions, Over­sight Hear­ings, 94th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 191.

(42) Cf. Mahon, pp. 44, 216.

(43)  In Banks We Trustby Pen­ny Lernoux, p. 83; Wall Street Jour­nal, April 18, 1980, p. 1. The infor­mant also tes­ti­fied he had seen “a name that said Richard Nixon” on a print­out of trust accounts at the Cas­tle Bank. (p. 179, cf. p. 187.)

(44) The War Con­spir­a­cy by Peter Dale Scott, p.211; The Great Hero­in Coup by Hen­rik Krueger, pp. 15–16. Cf. Lernoux, pp. 79–88; XXX Chap­ter VI.

(45) Lernoux, p. 93; Wall Street Jour­nal, April 16, 1980, p. 1.

(46) Mahon, p. 42, sum­ma­riz­ing Rolling Stone, May 20, 1976. Paul Hel­li­well, whose law firm had rep­re­sent­ed a com­pa­ny involved in a gam­bling ven­ture with Resorts, was described by the Wall Street Jour­nal as a CIA pay­mas­ter dur­ing the 1961 Bay of Pigs inva­sion. The Wall Street Jour­nal also iden­ti­fied Wal­lace Groves, the Resorts part­ner rep­re­sent­ed by Hel­li­well, as an under­cov­er agent for the CIA’s clan­des­tine sec­tion; cf. Lernoux, pp. 77, 83; Wall Street Jour­nal, April 18, 1980, p. 1.

(47) Rolling Stone, April 28, 1983, p. 6. A Bar­ron’s reporter, Gigi Mahon, sub­mit­ted a Free­dom of Infor­ma­tion request to CIA. After two years, she report­ed that “they admit they have files on Mary Carter/Resorts, but to date have found excus­es not to pro­duce them” (Mahon, p. 42.)

(48) Mahon, pp. 57–58.

(49) The Pledge Betrayed by Tom Bow­er, pp. 347–50. In all, 74 out of 110 sen­tences were dras­ti­cal­ly reduced as a result of Peck­’s rec­om­men­da­tions. This includ­ed the sen­tence of I.G. Far­ben offi­cials such as Her­mann Schmitz, and of Dr. Alfred Six, the Hirschfeld-Bar­bie asso­ciate whom Wis­ner had tried to release back in 1948.

(50) The Pledge Betrayed by Tom Bow­er, pp. 341–342.

(51) James Cros­by’s cousin and broth­er-in-law, Thomas S. Mur­phy, was in 1964, the Exec­u­tive Vice-Pres­i­dent and a direc­tor of Cap­i­tal Cities, as well as a direc­tor of Mary Carter Paint. Low­ell Thomas, a long-time radio broad­cast­er with intel­li­gence con­nec­tions, was a direc­tor of both com­pa­nies. At the time, William Casey was an offi­cer, direc­tor, and major stock­hold­er of Cap­i­tal Cities. For more on the takeover of ABC by Cap­i­tal Cities, after CIA had lodged an unprece­dent­ed com­plaint about ABC News with the Fed­er­al Com­mu­ni­ca­tions Com­mis­sion, cf. Cov­er-ups, May 1985.

(52) OSS: The Secret His­to­ry of Amer­i­ca’s First Cen­tral Intel­li­gence Agency by R. Har­ris Smith; Lyons Press [SC]; Copy­right 1972, 2005 by R. Har­ris Smith; ISBN 978–1‑4930–4217‑3; p. 206.

(53) Casey memo, in For­gan papers, Stan­ford Uni­ver­si­ty.

2. After James Cros­by’s “unex­pect­ed” death in April of 1986, Don­ald Trump–whose oper­a­tions are bankrolled by Deutsche Bank–purchased the com­pa­ny. Fol­low­ing lit­i­ga­tion with Merv Grif­fin, the assets were divid­ed with the tele­vi­sion per­son­al­i­ty. ”  . . . . Real estate devel­op­er Don­ald Trump, who owned two Atlantic City casi­nos, beat out sev­er­al oth­er bid­ders to pur­chase a con­trol­ling stake in the com­pa­ny from Cros­by’s fam­i­ly for $79 mil­lion in July 1987.^[26] Trump was appoint­ed chair­man of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, and said he would com­plete the Taj Mahal in about a year. . . . The two ulti­mate­ly reached a set­tle­ment, which was exe­cut­ed in Novem­ber 1988, with Grif­fin pur­chas­ing the com­pa­ny for $365 mil­lion, and Trump pur­chas­ing the Taj Mahal from the com­pa­ny for $273 mil­lion. . . .”

“Resorts Inter­na­tion­al;” Wikipedia.com.

. . . . Cros­by died unex­pect­ed­ly in April 1986, and Resorts Inter­na­tion­al became a takeover tar­get.^[24] The Taj Mahal [in Atlantic City, N.J.—D.E.] had encoun­tered con­struc­tion prob­lems, and Cros­by’s heirs, lack­ing expe­ri­ence in large devel­op­ment projects, doubt­ed their abil­i­ty to com­plete it suc­cess­ful­ly.^[25] Real estate devel­op­er Don­ald Trump, who owned two Atlantic City casi­nos, beat out sev­er­al oth­er bid­ders to pur­chase a con­trol­ling stake in the com­pa­ny from Cros­by’s fam­i­ly for $79 mil­lion in July 1987.^[26] Trump was appoint­ed chair­man of Resorts Inter­na­tion­al, and said he would com­plete the Taj Mahal in about a year.^[26]

As the Taj Mahal’s bud­get had bal­looned to $930 mil­lion, Resorts strug­gled to find the financ­ing to com­plete it.^[27] With the com­pa­ny claim­ing to be near bank­rupt­cy in ear­ly 1988, Trump made a ten­der offer to buy all out­stand­ing stock for $22 a share, stat­ing that he was will­ing to per­son­al­ly finance the con­struc­tion, but only if he owned the entire com­pa­ny.^[28] Tele­vi­sion pro­duc­er Merv Grif­fin made an unex­pect­ed offer to pur­chase the com­pa­ny for $35 a share,^[29] spark­ing a high­ly pub­li­cized takeover bat­tle,^[30] with Trump and Grif­fin fil­ing law­suits against each oth­er.^[31]  The two ulti­mate­ly reached a set­tle­ment, which was exe­cut­ed in Novem­ber 1988, with Grif­fin pur­chas­ing the com­pa­ny for $365 mil­lion, and Trump pur­chas­ing the Taj Mahal from the com­pa­ny for $273 mil­lion. . . .

3. Next, we dis­cuss Cap­i­tal Cities Broad­cast­ing’s acqui­si­tion of ABC fol­low­ing the CIA’s fil­ing of a “fair­ness doc­trine” com­plaint against the com­pa­ny for their cov­er­age of Bish­op, Bald­win, Rewald, Dilling­ham and Wong. Ron Rewald alleged that he and the firm for which he worked front­ed for CIA. (At the time William Casey was head of CIA and Cap­i­tal Cities largest stock­hold­er.

Thomas Dewey, two time GOP can­di­date for Pres­i­dent, was one of the founders of Cap­i­tal Cities. The gen­e­sis of the Nazi branch of the GOP was Dewey’s 1948 cam­paign.

“The Seiz­ing of the Amer­i­can Broad­cast­ing Com­pa­ny” by Andy Boehm; Kennedysandking.com [LA Week­ly, 2/20–27, 1987]; 11/14/2003.

. . . . Cap Cities was found­ed in 1954 by sev­er­al men who were or would become promi­nent. Chief among them, and the prin­ci­pal play­ers in the com­pa­ny, were famed explor­er-news­cast­er Thomas; Tom Dewey, the for­mer New York gov­er­nor and twice GOP can­di­date for pres­i­dent (both, like most oth­er Cap Cities founders, now deceased); and William J. Casey, who was Cap Cities’ chief coun­sel and a mem­ber of its board of direc­tors until 1981, when he joined the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion. He still owns $7.5 mil­lion in stock in the now-merged enti­ty called CC/ABC, his largest hold­ing. . . .

. . . . On Novem­ber 21, 1984, the CIA asked the Fed­er­al Com­mu­ni­ca­tions Com­mis­sion to strip ABC of its five TV and 14 radio sta­tion licens­es. (ABC has hun­dreds of affil­i­ate radio and TV sta­tions, but it’s legal­ly lim­it­ed to own­ing just a few sta­tions, all of which are locat­ed in the biggest, most lucra­tive mar­kets.) The CIA was osten­si­bly upset because on Sept. 19–20, 1984, ABC News had aired alle­ga­tions that the agency had con­tract­ed for the mur­der of Ron Rewald, a Hon­olu­lu swindler who claimed that his scams were direct­ed by the CIA, of which he claimed to be a secret agent. The sto­ry sup­pos­ed­ly so enraged then-CIA direc­tor William Casey that he asked the FCC to strike the ulti­mate eco­nom­ic death blow to ABC by revok­ing its sta­tion licens­es. In Feb­ru­ary 1985, the CIA reduced its demands to ask­ing for FCC penal­ties under the “Fair­ness Doc­trine,” which requires the broad­cast­ers to air at least two sides of “con­tro­ver­sial issues of pub­lic impor­tance.” In both FCC com­plaints, Bill Casey’s CIA became the first gov­ern­ment agency ever to seek such redress from the news media.

On March 18, 1985, while the FCC con­sid­ered Casey’s com­plaints, ABC agreed to be acquired by Cap­i­tal Cities, a media con­glom­er­ate with the low­est pro­file and high­est prof­it mar­gins in the broad­cast­ing busi­ness. It was a “friend­ly” takeover; ABC chief Leonard Gold­en­son and Cap Cities pres­i­dent Tom Mur­phy had been close friends for years. Cap Cities also owns dai­ly papers in Fort Worth and Kansas City, trade jour­nals (includ­ing Wom­en’s Wear Dai­ly) and, at that time, 55 cable TV sys­tems.

What might explain the chain of events that began with Casey attack­ing ABC and end­ed with Cap Cities buy­ing the net­work? Of course, Casey may sim­ply have been out­raged at ABC for air­ing a false sto­ry about a CIA mur­der plot. (Even some CIA crit­ics have con­clud­ed the sto­ry was untrue. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, we’ll prob­a­bly nev­er know; the judge at the Rewald tri­al sealed all evi­dence relat­ing to the CIA.) . . . .

4.  The pro­gram con­tin­ues with a look at the his­to­ry of for­mer CIA direc­tor William Casey, on whose watch many of the intel­li­gence fronts involved with the Uyghur desta­bi­liza­tion effort were found­ed.

Key Aspects of Analy­sis of Casey Include: Casey’s Wall Street legal back­ground and the man­ner in which it dove­tailed with William Dono­van and the OSS (Amer­i­ca’s World War II intel­li­gence ser­vice); Casey’s net­work­ing with Lands­dale and oth­ers involved with the recov­ery of Gold­en Lily loot, in the Philip­pines, in par­tic­u­lar; Casey’s pos­si­ble role as a key imple­menter of the Black Eagle Fund; Casey’s role in set­ting up Cap­i­tal Cities, a com­pa­ny that even­tu­al­ly bought ABC in 1985; Casey’s posi­tion as Cap­i­tal Cities’ largest stock­hold­er, includ­ing in 1985, when he was CIA direc­tor; the prob­a­bil­i­ty that Cap­i­tal Cities was an intel­li­gence front; Casey’s key posi­tions in the Nixon Administration–Chairman of the SEC, Under Sec­re­tary of State for Eco­nom­ic Affairs and head of the Export-Import Bank; the prob­a­bil­i­ty that Casey was with CIA through­out his post-World War II career; Casey’s friend­ship with both Allen and John Fos­ter Dulles; Casey’s knowl­edge of how to “pri­va­tize” the CIA; Casey’s role as the han­dler of Fer­di­nand Mar­cos and his Gold­en Lily bul­lion; Rea­gan’s sign­ing of Exec­u­tive Order 12333, autho­riz­ing the CIA to enter into pri­vate rela­tion­ships with PMF’s (pri­vate mil­i­tary foun­da­tions) for intel­li­gence pur­pos­es, while per­mit­ting those rela­tion­ships to be kept secret.

Gold Warriors—America’s Secret Recov­ery of Yamashita’s Gold; by Ster­ling Sea­grave and Peg­gy Sea­grave; Ver­so [SC]; Copy­right 2003, 2005 by Ster­ling and Peg­gy Sea­grave; ISBN 1–84467-531–9; pp. 187–188.

. . . . Many CIA agents spent years or even decades under var­i­ous cov­ers, so it was hard to estab­lish beyond any doubt whether they ever left the Agency, or mere­ly went under­ground.

A per­fect exam­ple is William Casey.

Casey was one of the orig­i­nal OSS crowd. After law school, he went to work for an account­ing firm but kept in touch with fel­low lawyer John ‘Pop’ How­ley, who worked for Wild Bill Donovan’s law firm, Dono­van Leisure New­ton & Irvine. When Dono­van became head of OSS, Casey and How­ley joined him. Casey was John Singlaub’s case offi­cer in the war, while Paul Hel­li­well was Singlaub’s direct supe­ri­or. Casey also was a close friend of Allen Dulles and John Fos­ter Dulles, worked with Ray Cline, and became involved with Lans­dale as San­ta Romana’s tor­ture of Major Koji­ma was bear­ing fruit. This put Casey in a posi­tion to know a great deal about the Black Eagle Trust, and one source insists that Casey’s finan­cial skills made him one of the key play­ers, along with Paul Hel­li­well and Edwin Pauley, in imple­ment­ing the Black Eagle Trust under the guid­ance of Robert B. Ander­son and John J. McCloy.

Fol­low­ing the war, Casey and his old friend How­ell found­ed their own Wall Street law firm. But what made Casey real­ly wealthy was his involve­ment with oth­er for­mer intel­li­gence offi­cers in set­ting up the media hold­ing com­pa­ny Cap­i­tal Cities in 1954. Accord­ing to many inves­ti­ga­tors, dur­ing this peri­od the CIA poured mil­lions into set­ting up front com­pa­nies for covert oper­a­tions in broad­cast­ing and pub­lish­ing, and it is alleged that Casey fun­neled some of these funds into Capi­tol Cities to acquire fail­ing media com­pa­nies and turn them around. It is like­ly that Casey nev­er left the Agency, but only moult­ed into one of its finan­cial but­ter­flies. It would not be the first time a senior CIA agent has had a dou­ble career on Wall Street, Allen Dulles being but one of many oth­ers. From 1971–1973, Casey was Nixon’s appointee as chief of the Secu­ri­ties and Exchange Com­mis­sion, where he worked close­ly with SEC attor­ney Stan­ley Sporkin (lat­er appoint­ed by Casey as CIA gen­er­al coun­sel and involved in the Schlei case.) Casey also served as Nixon’s Under-Sec­re­tary of State for Eco­nom­ic Affairs, and chair­man of the Export-Import Bank. In 1978, Casey found­ed a think tank called the Man­hat­tan Insti­tute that absorbed a num­ber of for­mer CIA offi­cers, and fun­neled mon­ey from con­ser­v­a­tive foun­da­tions to con­ser­v­a­tive authors. When Casey left Cap­i­tal Cities to head the Rea­gan pres­i­den­tial cam­paign and then to become Reagan’s direc­tor of the CIA, he is said to have been its biggest sin­gle stock­hold­er with $7.5‑million in Cap­i­tal Cities stock. He was still its biggest stock­hold­er, and CIA direc­tor, in 1985 when Cap­i­tal Cities bought ABC.

A man who was involved in covert finan­cial oper­a­tions through­out his entire career, Casey had links to all the key play­ers in this book; his DNA is all over the place, from pre-San­ty to post Mar­cos. He was one of the men who dreamed up the pri­va­ti­za­tion of the CIA, and as CIA direc­tor, he showed Rea­gan how to imple­ment it.

One of Reagan’s first acts was to sign Exec­u­tive Order 12333, which autho­rized the CIA and oth­er gov­ern­ment agen­cies to enter into con­tracts with PMFs, “and need not reveal the spon­sor­ship of such con­tracts or arrange­ments for autho­rized intel­li­gence pur­pos­es.” This put Casey back in har­ness with Cline, Singlaub, Shack­ley, Lans­dale and many oth­ers purged ear­li­er, whole obscur­ing their activ­i­ties, keep­ing them—theoretically at least—in the pri­vate domain. Simul­ta­ne­ous­ly, Casey per­son­al­ly took over han­dling Pres­i­dent Mar­cos press­ing him to pro­vide black gold for covert pur­pos­es, and final­ly mas­ter­mind­ed the down­fall and removal of Mar­cos and his bul­lion.

Even­tu­al­ly, Iran-Con­tra revealed the inti­mate bonds between mem­bers of The Enter­prise and unelect­ed offi­cials of the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil, Pen­ta­gon and CIA. . . .

5. Next, we focus on the career of “ex” CIA offi­cer William Barr, the cur­rent Attor­ney Gen­er­al. His father, Don­ald Barr, was a vet­er­an of the OSS and may have been a par­tic­i­pant in the machi­na­tions of Dulles, Dono­van, Casey and the Nazi “Sun­rise” par­tic­i­pants.

“The Advo­cate” by Mat­tathias Schwartz; The New York Times Mag­a­zine; 6/7/2020 [West­ern Edi­tion.]

. . . . Barr start­ed his career in the C.I.A. as an ana­lyst, work­ing on Chi­na and oth­er mat­ters. When I asked about the ori­gin of his inter­est in the intel­li­gence ser­vice, he respond­ed indi­rect­ly, with an anec­dote about telling his high school guid­ance coun­selor that he want­ed to be C.I.A. direc­tor. It was tempt­ing to link Barr’s career and con­ser­vatism with his father, Don­ald Barr, who served in the Office of Strate­gic Ser­vices, the C.I.A.’s fore­run­ner, dur­ing World War II. . . . Don­ald, who already spoke three lan­guages had been sent there [to Mis­souri] to learn Ital­ian. . . . Don­ald Barr’s 26-page O.S.S. file, obtained from the Nation­al Archives, gives a detailed account of his tran­si­tion from the mil­i­tary to intel­li­gence work. In 1944, he shipped off to Europe. . . . The next year, he was assigned to the O.S.S. . . . . In late 1945, he moved to Wash­ing­ton to begin work at the Inter­im Research and Intel­li­gence Ser­vice, which would become the State Department’s in-house intel­li­gence bureau. . . .

. . . . Barr interned at the C.I.A. in the sum­mers of 1971 and 1972. In 1973, after com­plet­ing his grad­u­ate degree in gov­ern­ment and Chi­nese stud­ies, he mar­ried Chris­tine Moyni­han, whom he met at a fra­ter­ni­ty par­ty. The next day, the cou­ple drove to Wash­ing­ton, and Barr began a per­ma­nent job at the C.I.A. the day after that. . . . The new job put Barr on the C.I.A.’s sev­enth floor, not far from the director’s office and near the cen­ter of what was shap­ing up to be a his­toric fight with Con­gress. . . . The scan­dals around the Pen­ta­gon Papers (1971) and the Water­gate break-in (1972), cul­mi­nat­ing in the long-antic­i­pat­ed Viet­nam defeat, con­vinced much of the pub­lic that the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment should no longer be giv­en the ben­e­fit of the doubt. In 1973, Richard Helms, the long­time C.I.A. direc­tor, ordered the destruc­tion of inter­nal C.I.A. doc­u­ments regard­ing MK-Ultra, an exper­i­men­tal mind-con­trol pro­gram. “The pro­gram was over,” Helms lat­er recalled. “We thought we would just get rid of the files as well, so any­body who had assist­ed us in the past would not be sub­ject to fol­low-up, or ques­tions, embar­rass­ment, if you will. … We kept faith with the peo­ple who had helped us, and I see noth­ing wrong with that.” . . . .

. . . . Rather than accept post-Water­gate con­gres­sion­al lim­i­ta­tions, the hard-lin­ers decamped from the C.I.A. and became floaters, bureau­crat­ic nomads who sought out under­used and low-vis­i­bil­i­ty pock­ets of the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment from which to wage their war over exec­u­tive pow­er. The largest bat­tle was fought around the Iran-con­tra affair. . . . Many of the Iran-con­tra plot­ters were dragged into the pub­lic eye and indict­ed by a spe­cial pros­e­cu­tor, anoth­er post-Water­gate inno­va­tion. Evi­dence point­ing to the involve­ment of Pres­i­dent Ronald Rea­gan and Vice Pres­i­dent George H.W. Bush was incon­clu­sive. The hard-lin­ers felt that for­eign pol­i­cy and covert oper­a­tions were an exclu­sive­ly pres­i­den­tial domain. “The busi­ness of Con­gress is to stay the [exple­tive] out of my busi­ness” is how Reagan’s first C.I.A. direc­tor, William Casey, put it in an inter­view . . . .

6. Barr was instru­men­tal in George H.W. Bush’s par­don of key play­ers in the Iran-Con­tra scan­dal.

“William Barr;” Wikipedia.com

. . . . In late 1992, Inde­pen­dent Coun­sel Lawrence Walsh, who had been cho­sen to inves­ti­gate the Iran–Contra affair, found doc­u­ments in the pos­ses­sion of Rea­gan’s for­mer defense sec­re­tary, Cas­par Wein­berg­er, which Walsh said was “evi­dence of a con­spir­a­cy among the high­est-rank­ing Rea­gan Admin­is­tra­tion offi­cials to lie to Con­gress and the Amer­i­can pub­lic.”^[52][53] Wein­berg­er was set to stand tri­al on felony charges on Jan­u­ary 5, 1993.^[52][54] His “indict­ment said Mr. Wein­berg­er’s notes con­tra­dict­ed Mr. Bush’s asser­tions that he had only a frag­men­tary knowl­edge of the arms secret­ly sold to Iran in 1985 and 1986 in exchange for Amer­i­can hostages in Lebanon.”^[54][53][55] Accord­ing to Walsh, then-pres­i­dent Bush might have been called as a wit­ness.^[56]

On Decem­ber 24, 1992, dur­ing his final month in office, Bush, on the advice of Barr, par­doned Wein­berg­er,^[13][57] along with five oth­er admin­is­tra­tion offi­cials who had been found guilty on charges relat­ing to the Iran–Contra affair.^{[13][58][59][52]} Barr was con­sult­ed exten­sive­ly regard­ing the par­dons, and espe­cial­ly advo­cat­ed for par­don­ing Wein­berg­er.^[60]

Walsh com­plained about the move insin­u­at­ing that Bush on Bar­r’s advice had used the par­dons to avoid tes­ti­fy­ing and stat­ing that: “The Iran-con­tra cov­er-up, which has con­tin­ued for more than six years, has now been com­plet­ed.”^[61] In 2003, he wrote an account of the inves­ti­ga­tion in his book, Fire­wall: The Iran-Con­tra Con­spir­a­cy and Cov­er-Up.

Because of this and Bar­r’s unwill­ing­ness to appoint an inde­pen­dent coun­sel to look into a sec­ond scan­dal known as Iraq­gate, New York Times writer William Safire began to refer to Barr as “Coverup-Gen­er­al Barr.” . . . .

7. Return­ing to the sub­ject of Don­ald Barr, William’s father, we note that it was the elder Barr who gave col­lege dropout Jef­frey Epstein his first job.

“How Far Do the Ten­ta­cles of the Jef­frey Epstein Case Extend?” by Heather Cox Richard­son; Moy­ers on Democ­ra­cy; 7/3/2020.

. . . . It was Barr’s father, Don­ald Barr, the head­mas­ter of the pres­ti­gious Dal­ton School in New York City, who launched Epstein, hir­ing the 20-year-old math whiz and col­lege dropout Epstein to teach high school cal­cu­lus and physics. It was a student’s father who gave him a start in the more lucra­tive pro­fes­sion of options trad­ing. . . .

8. Don­ald Barr wrote a sci­ence fic­tion nov­el that is eeri­ly sug­ges­tive of the sor­did real­i­ty of Jef­fery Epstein’s career.

“Don­ald Barr;” Wikipedia.com

. . . . Don­ald Barr was head­mas­ter of the Dal­ton School from 1964 to 1974.^[10] Dur­ing his time as Dal­ton’s head­mas­ter, Barr is alleged to have had a role in hir­ing Jef­frey Epstein as a math teacher despite the fact that Epstein had dropped out of col­lege and was only 21 years old at the time.^[11][12] In 1973, Don­ald Barr pub­lished Space Rela­tions, a sci­ence-fic­tion nov­el about a plan­et ruled by oli­garchs who per­form child sex slav­ery. It has been not­ed that the plot of the nov­el reflects the crimes of Jef­frey Epstein. . . .

9. A vital con­sid­er­a­tion in assess­ing the influ­ence of, and actions of, the Under­ground Reich is the strat­a­gem dis­cussed in AFA #37, enun­ci­at­ed by Army offi­cer Glenn Pinch­back. (We dis­cussed this in FTR #971.)

Gen­er­al Walk­er and the Mur­der of Pres­i­dent Kennedy by Jef­frey H. Cau­field, M.D.; More­land Press [HC]; Copy­right 2015 Jef­frey H. Cau­field; ISBN-13: 978–0‑9915637–0‑8; pp. 86–87.

. . . . Gar­ri­son did not pro­vide an expla­na­tion for all of the [David Fer­rie] note’s sub­ject mat­ter. How­ev­er, he did know the mean­ing of “fly­ing Barag­o­na in the Beech.” “Beech” refers to the mod­el of Fer­rie’s air­plane, a Beechcraft. . . .

 . . . . Barag­o­na was a Nazi from Fort Sill. . . . Gar­ri­son also obtained a tran­script of a let­ter writ­ten by Fer­rie to Barag­o­na. Next to Barag­o­na’s name, Gar­ri­son wrote: ”Note Barag­o­na is impor­tant.” The let­ter had been sent to Gar­ri­son by Glenn Pinch­back, and a car­bon copy was sent to Mendel Rivers, a con­gress­man from Geor­gia. (Pinch­back worked in the Oper­a­tions Com­mand at Fort Sill, where he inter­cept­ed mail.) In the let­ter, Fer­rie shared his dream of the re-uni­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many and liv­ing in a world where all the cur­ren­cy was in Deutschmarks. Pinch­back­’s sum­ma­tion of the let­ter described a ”Neo-Nazi plot to enslave Amer­i­ca in the name of anti-Com­mu­nism,“and “a neo-Nazi plot gar­gan­tu­an in scope.” The Fer­rie let­ter spoke of the need to kill all the Kennedys and Mar­tin Luther King, Jr. . . . Pinch­back also report­ed­ly obtained a let­ter from David Fer­rie to Barag­o­na con­fess­ing his role in the assas­si­na­tion of Robert Gehrig, who was a Nazi and Fort Sill sol­dier. . . .

10a. In past pro­grams, we have briefly not­ed that mil­i­tary and [osten­si­bly] civil­ian pro­grams offi­cial­ly involved with “epi­dem­ic pre­ven­tion” might con­ceal clan­des­tine bio­log­i­cal war­fare appli­ca­tions designed to cre­ate epi­demics.

The offi­cial dis­tinc­tion between “offen­sive” and “defen­sive” bio­log­i­cal war­fare research is aca­d­e­m­ic.

In that con­text, one should note that the offi­cial title of Unit 731, the noto­ri­ous Japan­ese bio­log­i­cal war­fare unit was “the Epi­dem­ic Pre­ven­tion and Water Purifi­ca­tion Depart­ment of the Kwan­tung Army.”

“Unit 731”; Wikipedia.com.

Unit 731 (Japan­ese: 731部隊, Hep­burn: Nana-san-ichi Butai), also referred to as Detach­ment 731, the 731 Reg­i­ment, Man­shu Detach­ment 731, The Kamo Detach­ment,^[3]:198 Ishii Unit,^[5] Ishii Detach­ment^[5] or the Ishii Com­pa­ny, was a covert bio­log­i­cal and chem­i­cal war­fare research and devel­op­ment unit of the Impe­r­i­al Japan­ese Army that under­took lethal human exper­i­men­ta­tion dur­ing the Sec­ond Sino-Japan­ese War (1937–1945) of World War II. It was respon­si­ble for some of the most noto­ri­ous war crimes car­ried out by Impe­r­i­al Japan. Unit 731 was based at the Ping­fang dis­trict of Harbin, the largest gas cham­ber in the Japan­ese pup­pet state of Manchukuo (now North­east Chi­na), and had active branch offices through­out Chi­na and South­east Asia.

It was offi­cial­ly known as the Epi­dem­ic Pre­ven­tion and Water Purifi­ca­tion Depart­ment of the Kwan­tung Army (関東軍防疫給水部本部, Kan­tō­gun Bōe­ki Kyū­suibu Hon­bu). . . .

10b. Note­wor­thy in that gen­er­al con­text is the obser­va­tion by Jonathan King (pro­fes­sor of mol­e­c­u­lar biol­o­gy at MIT), that Pen­ta­gon research into the appli­ca­tion of genet­ic engi­neer­ing to bio­log­i­cal war­fare could be masked as vac­cine research, which sounds “defen­sive.”

In FTR #1130, we not­ed the role of four-star gen­er­al Gus­tave Per­na in Trump’s “Oper­a­tion Warp Speed,” insti­tut­ed by Gen­er­al Mark Mil­ley, Chair­man of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Whether the pro­gram serves as cov­er for mil­i­tary research seems a rea­son­able ques­tion to ask, under the cir­cum­stances.

Gene Wars: Mil­i­tary Con­trol Over the New Tech­nolo­gies by Charles Piller and Kei­th R. Yamamo­to; Beech Tree Books/William Mor­row [HC]; Copy­right 1988 by Charles Piller and Kei­th Yamamo­to; ISBN 0–688-07050–7; p. 217

. . . . King, who has chaired the micro­bial phys­i­ol­o­gy study sec­tion for the NIH, believes that with­out inten­sive inde­pen­dent scruti­ny, the Pen­ta­gon is free to obscure its true goals.

“The Defense Depart­ment appears to be pur­su­ing many nar­row, applied goals that are by nature offen­sive, such as the genet­ic ‘improve­ment’ of BW agents,” King says. “But to achieve polit­i­cal accept­abil­i­ty, they mask these inten­tions under forms of research, such as vac­cine devel­op­ment, which sound defen­sive. . . .