Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #1160 Bio-Psy-Op Apocalypse Now, Part 20: An Ounce of Prevention, Part 5

WFMU-FM is pod­cast­ing For The Record–You can sub­scribe to the pod­cast HERE.

You can sub­scribe to e‑mail alerts from Spitfirelist.com HERE.

You can sub­scribe to RSS feed from Spitfirelist.com HERE.

You can sub­scribe to the com­ments made on pro­grams and posts–an excel­lent source of infor­ma­tion in, and of, itself, HERE.

Mr. Emory’s entire life’s work is avail­able on a 32GB flash dri­ve, avail­able for a con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more (to KFJC). Click Here to obtain Dav­e’s 40+ years’ work, com­plete through Fall of 2020 (through FTR #1156).

Please con­sid­er sup­port­ing THE WORK DAVE EMORY DOES.

FTR #1160 This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: The pro­gram begins with dis­cus­sion of oper­a­tional links between the Nazi/GOP milieu ana­lyzed in FTR #1159 and ele­ments we have ana­lyzed in the con­text of the desta­bi­liza­tion of Chi­na. (For the con­ve­nience of the lis­ten­er and read­er, key points of that dis­cus­sion are includ­ed in the broad­cast and below in this descrip­tion.)

In FTR #‘s 1103, 1143, 1144, 1153 and 1154, we detailed the pres­ence of OUN/B‑connected ele­ments in Hong Kong and work­ing in a pro­pa­gan­da role vis a vis the Uighurs in Xin­jiang province. In Hong Kong, ele­ments of the Azov Bat­tal­ion and Pravy Sek­tor (Right Sec­tor) have been active in con­junc­tion with the “pro-democ­ra­cy” move­ment in Hong Kong (under the aus­pices of an EU NGO.)

Ger­man nation­al and End Times Chris­t­ian Adri­an Zenz, a fel­low with the Vic­tims of Com­mu­nism Memo­r­i­al Foun­da­tion, has been the go-to fig­ure for West­ern media on the alleged per­se­cu­tion of the Uighurs in Xin­jiang Province. The Vic­tims of Com­mu­nism Memo­r­i­al Foun­da­tion is a sub­sidiary ele­ment of the Cap­tive Nations Com­mit­tee and the OUN/B.

In pre­vi­ous pro­grams, we exam­ined in detail the activ­i­ty of Peter Daszak and his Eco­Health Alliance–an orga­ni­za­tion craft­ed to “pre­vent” future pan­demics, yet net­worked with the Pen­ta­gon and oth­er nation­al secu­ri­ty bod­ies in work dis­turbing­ly sug­ges­tive of bio­log­i­cal war­fare research.

Join­ing Daszak in a com­mis­sion assem­bled by the pres­ti­gious British med­ical jour­nal The Lancet is Jef­frey Sachs, eco­nom­ic advis­er to Bernie Sanders and AOC and the prin­ci­pal eco­nom­ic advis­er to Russ­ian pres­i­dent Boris Yeltsin. Sachs’ advice drove the Russ­ian econ­o­my back to the Stone Age.

In this pro­gram we detail the strong, eugeni­cist over­lap between “main­stream” anti-abor­tion orga­ni­za­tions and their close­ly linked white suprema­cist col­leagues. Seek­ing to max­i­mize the birth rate of “Aryan” off­spring and their per­cent­age in the world’s pop­u­la­tion, they may be seen as being part of a polit­i­cal con­tin­u­um which includes the Third Reich.

” . . . . Coex­ist­ing in abor­tion oppo­si­tion is . . . . a white suprema­cist ide­ol­o­gy that only desires to pre­vent white women from obtain­ing abor­tions, but uses uni­ver­sal oppo­si­tion to abor­tion as a prag­mat­ic screen for its goals. As Kath­leen Belew, author of Bring the War Home: The White Pow­er Move­ment in Para­mil­i­tary Amer­i­ca, told The Nation in an inter­view in Sep­tem­ber, for white suprema­cists, ‘oppos­ing abor­tion, oppos­ing gay rights, oppos­ing fem­i­nism, in white pow­er dis­course, all of this is tied to repro­duc­tion and the birth of white chil­dren.’ . . . Tim Bish­op, a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the white nation­al­ist Aryan Nations, said, ‘Lots of our peo­ple join [the anti-abor­tion move­ment]…. It’s part of our Holy War for the pure Aryan race.’ . . . .

Cen­tral to our analy­sis is a spec­u­la­tive, yet ter­ri­fy­ing biotech­no­log­i­cal ele­ment–gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy. We have spo­ken about this in numer­ous pre­vi­ous pro­grams.

” . . . . Gene dri­ves have been dubbed an ‘extinc­tion tech­nol­o­gy’ and with good rea­son: gene dri­ve organ­isms are cre­at­ed by genet­i­cal­ly engi­neer­ing a liv­ing organ­ism with a par­tic­u­lar trait, and then mod­i­fy­ing the organism’s repro­duc­tive sys­tem in order to always force the mod­i­fied gene onto future gen­er­a­tions, spread­ing the trait through­out the entire pop­u­la­tion. . . .”

” . . . . the Bill and Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion (BMGF) is forc­ing dan­ger­ous gene dri­ve tech­nolo­gies onto the world. BMGF is either the first or sec­ond largest fun­der of gene dri­ve research (along­side the shad­owy U.S. mil­i­tary organ­i­sa­tion Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency [DARPA] ). . . .”

Just imag­ine what such technology–applied to human repro­duc­tive capacity–could do when deployed by fas­cist and Nazi ele­ments in the military/medical estab­lish­ment!

The emer­gence of such a devel­op­ment is being facil­i­tat­ed:

” . . . . a pri­vate PR firm called Emerg­ing Ag, was paid US$1.6 mil­lion by the BMGF. Part of their work involved coor­di­nat­ing the ‘fight back against gene dri­ve mora­to­ri­um pro­po­nents,’ as well as run­ning a covert advo­ca­cy coali­tion to exert influ­ence on the Unit­ed Nations Con­ven­tion on Bio­log­i­cal Diver­si­ty (CBD), the key body for gene dri­ve gov­er­nance. After calls in 2016 for a glob­al mora­to­ri­um on the use of gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy, the CBD sought input from sci­en­tists and experts in an online forum. Emerg­ing Ag recruit­ed and coor­di­nat­ed over 65 experts, includ­ing a Gates Foun­da­tion senior offi­cial, a DARPA (Defense Advanced Research Project Agency) offi­cial, and gov­ern­ment and uni­ver­si­ty sci­en­tists, in an attempt to flood the offi­cial UN process with their coor­di­nat­ed inputs. . . .”

At the con­clu­sion of the pro­gram we present a very dis­turb­ing hypo­thet­i­cal con­cept: we fear that the effort to find viral pathogens around the world and make them more infec­tious via gain-of-func­tion manip­u­la­tions is intend­ed to real­ize a glob­al, eugeni­cist, exter­mi­na­tion­ist and white suprema­cist agen­da by cre­at­ing pan­demics in the Third World, prof­it enor­mous­ly by mak­ing vac­cines to treat those pan­demics and intro­duce gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy into those pop­u­la­tions via the vac­cines in order to dimin­ish repro­duc­tion in those pop­u­la­tions.

The mRNA and DNA vac­cines being pro­duced by the DARPA-sup­port­ed Mod­er­na and Inovio firms should be con­sid­ered in con­nec­tion with this night­mar­ish work­ing hypoth­e­sis. 

1. It is impor­tant to note that serv­ing, in effect,  as an advance ele­ment for the neo-Lib­er­al poli­cies presided over by Yeltsin and craft­ed by Jef­frey Sachs & Com­pa­ny, the Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion served as an exten­sion of The Cru­sade For Free­dom and the incor­po­ra­tion of the ABN milieu into the GOP.

This was the polit­i­cal pre­de­ces­sor to the Yeltsin poli­cies.

Dom­i­nat­ing the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion, the ABN milieu was pro­ject­ed back into East­ern Europe and the for­mer Sovi­et Union by the Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion, heav­i­ly over­lapped with Las­z­lo Pasz­tor and the GOP Nazis dat­ing from the Cru­sade For Free­dom.

This pha­lanx played a lead­ing role in the polit­i­cal tutor­ing of Boris Yeltsin’s IRG orga­ni­za­tion. Ulti­mate­ly, Yeltsin’s forces were instru­men­tal in break­ing up the U.S.S.R.

Hav­ing their path cleared by the FCF, ABN and OUN/B, Jef­frey Sachs and the U.S. gov­ern­ment-financed Har­vard Inter­na­tion­al Insti­tute of Devel­op­ment then pro­vid­ed the advi­so­ry capac­i­ty to Boris Yeltsin which drove the Russ­ian econ­o­my back to the stone age.

We won­der just WHAT he is doing co-chair­ing The Lancet’s Covid-19 inquiry com­mis­sion? Are the Rus­sians right about Sachs being CIA? Is THAT what he is doing on The Lancet’s Covid-19 inquiry com­mis­sion? 

“The Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion Goes East” by Russ Bel­lant and Louis Wolf; Covert Action Infor­ma­tion Bul­letin #35; Fall/1990.

With the rapid pace of polit­i­cal change sweep­ing East­ern Europe and the Union of Sovi­et Social­ist Republics, many oppor­tu­ni­ties have emerged for west­ern inter­ests to inter­vene in the pol­i­tics of  that region. In some cas­es, such a vac­u­um has been cre­at­ed that vir­tu­al strangers to the area sev­er­al years ago are now able to active­ly par­tic­i­pate in chang­ing those soci­eties from with­in.

These inter­ven­tions are not only being prac­ticed by main­stream orga­ni­za­tions. The involve­ment of the Unit­ed States Far Right brings with it the poten­tial revival of fas­cist orga­ni­za­tions in the East. One U.S. group, the Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion, has been plahy­ing a role in East­ern Euro­pean and Sovi­et pol­i­tics and has ties to Boris Yeltsin and the Inter-Region­al Deputies Group (IRG) in the U.S.S.R.

The Free Con­gress Foun­da­tion (FCF) was found­ed in 1974 by Paul Weyrich as the Com­mit­tee for the Sur­vival of a Free Con­gress. Weyrich, who had start­ed the Her­itage Foun­da­tion the year before, was heav­i­ly fund­ed by the Coors fam­i­ly for both orga­ni­za­tions.

Weyrich has kept one foot in the right wing of the Repub­li­can Par­ty while dal­ly­ing with the racist Right and the extreme Chris­t­ian Right. In 1976, for instance, he and a hand­ful of oth­er New Rights (William Rush­er, Mor­ton Black­well, Richard Viguerie) attempt­ed to take over the seg­re­ga­tion­ist  Amer­i­can Inde­pen­dent Par­ty (AIP), formed by George Wal­lace in 1968. The AIP was an amal­gam of Ku Klux Klan and John Birch Soci­ety ele­ments. . . .

. . . . The IRG was estab­lished by Andrei Sakharov, Boris Yeltsin and oth­ers in the sum­mer of 1989. By the end of that year, a train­ing school had been estab­lished for can­di­dates to put for­ward the IRG pro­gram. Their elec­toral suc­cess this year pro­pelled Yeltsin to the lead­er­ship of the Russ­ian Sovi­et Social­ist Repub­lic. He imme­di­ate­ly began forg­ing col­lab­o­ra­tive rela­tion­ships with the deeply reac­tionary lead­ers of the Lithuan­ian Sajud­is par­ty. The IRG has also served as a source of right-wing pres­sure on Gor­bachev to dis­man­tle social­ism and the Sovi­et Union itself.

One of the key dan­gers in this agen­da is the polit­i­cal vac­u­um it cre­ates, allow­ing ultra-nation­al­ist forces in a num­ber of republics to take pow­er. Such nation­al­ist and fas­cist ele­ments are already evi­dent in Lithua­nia and the Ukraine. In the lat­ter repub­lic, the pro-Nazi Orga­ni­za­tion of Ukrain­ian Nation­al­ists (OUN) has gained influ­ence in sev­er­al par­ties and has mobi­lized large demon­stra­tions that hon­or OUN lead­ers who abet­ted Hitler’s war on the East­ern Front. Sim­i­lar­ly, sev­er­al deputies Sajud­is deputies served in Ger­man mil­i­tary units in 1944, and Sajud­is has made dec­la­ra­tions against eth­nic Rus­sians liv­ing in Lithua­nia. Accord­ing to some reports, Poles have also been den­i­grat­ed.

It should also be not­ed that the “rad­i­cal reformer” Boris Yeltsin has dal­lied with Pamy­at, the fore­most Russ­ian fas­cist group to emerge in the last sev­er­al years. Pamy­at’s vir­u­lent anti-Semi­tism com­pares to the crude pro­pa­gan­da of the ear­ly Ger­man Nazi Par­ty in the 1920’s.

The FCF is not entire­ly dis­con­nect­ed from the his­to­ry of the OUN. The Trea­sur­er of the FCF board is George­town Uni­ver­si­ty Pro­fes­sor Charles Moser. Moser is also serves on the edi­to­r­i­al advi­so­ry board of the Ukrain­ian Quar­ter­ly, pub­lished by the Ukrain­ian Con­gress Com­mit­tee of Amer­i­ca, a group dom­i­nat­ed by the OUN. The Ukrain­ian Quar­ter­ly has praised mil­i­tary units of the Ger­man SS and oth­er­wise jus­ti­fied the OUN alliance with the Third Reich which reflects the fact that the OUN was polit­i­cal­ly and mil­i­tar­i­ly allied with Hitler and the Nazi occu­pa­tion of the Ukraine.

The OUN, an inter­na­tion­al semi-secret cadre orga­ni­za­tion head­quar­tered in Bavaria, has received finan­cial assis­tance from the late Franz Joseph Strauss, the right­ist head of the Bavar­i­an state. Strauss also had a work­ing rela­tion­ship with Weyrich. . . .

. . . . Final­ly, FCF’s insin­u­a­tion into the pol­i­tics of the East must be judged by their selec­tion of Las­z­lo Pasz­tor to head their Lib­er­a­tion Sup­port Alliance, “which seeks to lib­er­ate peo­ples in Cen­tral and East­ern Euro­pean Nations.”

Pasz­tor’s involve­ment in East Euro­pean pol­i­tics began in World War II when he joined the youth orga­ni­za­tion of the Arrow Cross, the Nazi par­ty of Hun­gary.

When the Arrow Cross was installed in pow­er by a Ger­man com­man­do oper­a­tion, Pasz­tor was sent to Berlin to help facil­i­tate the liai­son between the Arrow Cross and Hitler.

Pasz­tor was tried and served two years in jail for his Arrow Cross activ­i­ties after an anti­com­mu­nist gov­ern­ment was elect­ed in 1945. He even­tu­al­ly came to the U.S. and estab­lished the eth­nic arm of the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee for Richard Nixon. He brought oth­er Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors from the East­ern front into the GOP. Some were lat­er found to have par­tic­i­pat­ed in mass mur­der dur­ing the war.

The dor­mant Arrow Cross has sur­faced again in Hun­gary, where there have been attempts to lift the ban on the orga­ni­za­tion. Pasz­tor spent sev­er­al months in Hun­gary. When Weyrich lat­er con­duct­ed train­ing there, he was pro­vid­ed a list of Pasz­tor’s con­tacts inside the coun­try. Weyrich reports that he con­duct­ed train­ing for the recent­ly formed and now gov­ern­ing New Demo­c­ra­t­ic Forum.

Pasz­tor claims to have assist­ed some of his friends in Hun­gary in get­ting NED funds through his advi­so­ry posi­tion with NED. In 1989 he spoke at the Her­itage Foun­da­tion under the spon­sor­ship of the Anti-Bol­she­vik Bloc of Nations (ABN), a multi­na­tion­al umbrel­la orga­ni­za­tion of emi­gre fas­cists and Nazis found­ed in alliance with Hitler in 1943. It is led by the OUN. Pasz­tor spoke for the “Hun­gar­i­an Orga­ni­za­tion” of ABN, which is the Arrow Cross. . . . .

2. Switch­ing focus to the eugeni­cist phi­los­o­phy at the core of the Under­ground Reich, we note the heavy degree of over­lap between the pro-life move­ment and white suprema­cy.

” . . . . Coex­ist­ing in abor­tion oppo­si­tion is . . . . a white suprema­cist ide­ol­o­gy that only desires to pre­vent white women from obtain­ing abor­tions, but uses uni­ver­sal oppo­si­tion to abor­tion as a prag­mat­ic screen for its goals. As Kath­leen Belew, author of Bring the War Home: The White Pow­er Move­ment in Para­mil­i­tary Amer­i­ca, told The Nation in an inter­view in Sep­tem­ber, for white suprema­cists, ‘oppos­ing abor­tion, oppos­ing gay rights, oppos­ing fem­i­nism, in white pow­er dis­course, all of this is tied to repro­duc­tion and the birth of white chil­dren.’ . . . Tim Bish­op, a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the white nation­al­ist Aryan Nations, said, ‘Lots of our peo­ple join [the anti-abor­tion move­ment]…. It’s part of our Holy War for the pure Aryan race.’ . . . .

“The Long His­to­ry of the Anti-Abor­tion Movement’s Links to White Suprema­cists” by Alex DiBran­co; The Nation; 02/02/2020

The anti-abor­tion move­ment in the Unit­ed States has long been com­plic­it with white suprema­cy. In recent decades, the move­ment main­stream has been care­ful to pro­tect its pub­lic image by dis­tanc­ing itself from overt white nation­al­ists in its ranks. Last year, anti-abor­tion leader Kris­ten Hat­ten was oust­ed from her posi­tion as vice pres­i­dent of the anti-choice group New Wave Fem­i­nists after iden­ti­fy­ing as an “eth­nona­tion­al­ist” and shar­ing white suprema­cist alt-right con­tent. In 2018, when neo-Nazis from the Tra­di­tion­al­ist Work­er Par­ty (TWP) sought to join the local March for Life ral­ly orga­nized by Ten­nessee Right to Life, the anti-abor­tion orga­ni­za­tion reject­ed TWP’s involve­ment. (The organization’s state­ment, how­ev­er, engaged in the same false equiv­a­len­cy between left and right that Trump used in the wake of fatal white suprema­cist vio­lence at Char­lottesville. “Our organization’s march has a sin­gle agen­da to sup­port the rights of moth­ers and the unborn, and we don’t agree with the vio­lent agen­da of white suprema­cists or Antifa,” the group wrote on its Face­book page.)

But despite the movement’s care­ful cura­tion of its pub­lic image, racism and xeno­pho­bia have been woven into it through­out its his­to­ry. With large fam­i­lies, due to Roman Catholic Church pro­hi­bi­tions on con­tra­cep­tion and abor­tion, Catholic immi­gra­tion in the mid-1800s through 1900s sparked white Anglo-Sax­on Protes­tant fears of being over­tak­en demo­graph­i­cal­ly that fueled oppo­si­tion to abor­tion as a means of increas­ing birthrates among white Protes­tant women. At the time, Roman Catholic immi­grants from coun­tries like Ire­land and Italy who would be con­sid­ered white today were among the tar­gets of white suprema­cist groups like the Ku Klux Klan. As soci­ol­o­gists Nico­la Beisel and Tama­ra Kay wrote with regards to the crim­i­nal­iza­tion of abor­tion in the late 19th cen­tu­ry, “While laws reg­u­lat­ing abor­tion would ulti­mate­ly affect all women, physi­cians argued that mid­dle-class, Anglo-Sax­on mar­ried women were those obtain­ing abor­tions, and that their use of abor­tion to cur­tail child­bear­ing threat­ened the Anglo-Sax­on race.”

Hos­tile anti-Catholic sen­ti­ment cut both ways when it came to abor­tion, how­ev­er. Until the 1970s, “pro-life” activism was firm­ly asso­ci­at­ed with Catholics and the pope in the minds of Amer­i­can Protes­tants. This deterred many Protes­tants from oppos­ing abor­tion as a Chris­t­ian moral issue—not only in the polit­i­cal sphere, but even as a mat­ter of denom­i­na­tion­al teaching—because of its asso­ci­a­tion with “papists” (a deroga­to­ry term for Catholics). Even the Roe v. Wade deci­sion in 1973 decrim­i­nal­iz­ing abor­tion did not imme­di­ate­ly bring con­ser­v­a­tive Protes­tants around. As late as 1976, the con­ser­v­a­tive evan­gel­i­cal South­ern Bap­tist Con­ven­tion (SBC) passed res­o­lu­tions affirm­ing abor­tion rights. “The assump­tion was that it must not be right if Catholics backed it, so we haven’t,” com­ment­ed John Wilder, who found­ed Chris­tians for Life as a South­ern Bap­tist min­istry in 1977 as the resis­tance to the pro-life move­ment began to dis­si­pate.

The cul­tur­al posi­tion of Catholics had shift­ed dra­mat­i­cal­ly by the 1970s. As sub­stan­tial immi­gra­tion from Latin Amer­i­ca and Asia posed a new threat to white numer­i­cal supe­ri­or­i­ty, Catholics from Euro­pean coun­tries became cul­tur­al­ly accept­ed as part of the white race, a read­just­ing of bound­aries that main­tains demo­graph­ic con­trol. The elec­tion of Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy as pres­i­dent in 1960 demon­strat­ed how far Catholic accep­tance had come—at least among lib­er­als. Although con­ser­v­a­tive evan­gel­i­cal oppo­si­tion to his can­di­da­cy remained rife with anti-Catholic fears, the rhetoric was less racial­ized and more focused on con­cerns about influ­ence from the Vat­i­can.

To counter this lin­ger­ing prej­u­dice, con­ser­v­a­tive Catholic lead­ers seized on the oppor­tu­ni­ty offered by the specter of athe­ist Com­mu­nism in the mid-20th cen­tu­ry to estab­lish them­selves as part of a Chris­t­ian coali­tion with Protes­tants, uni­fied against a com­mon god­less ene­my. As Ran­dall Balmer has writ­ten, evan­gel­i­cal con­cerns about being forced to deseg­re­gate Chris­t­ian schools spurred polit­i­cal invest­ment that Catholic New Right lead­ers cap­i­tal­ized on and chan­neled into anti-abor­tion and anti-LGBT oppo­si­tion.

For white nation­al­ists, mean­while, as Car­ol Mason wrote in Killing for Life, Jew­ish peo­ple replaced Catholics as tar­gets for groups like the KKK. “Now that abor­tion is tan­ta­mount to race suicide…naming Catholics—whose oppo­si­tion to abor­tion has been so keen—as ene­mies would be coun­ter­pro­duc­tive,” Mason wrote. Mil­i­tant anti-abor­tion and explic­it white nation­al­ist groups came togeth­er promi­nent­ly in the 1990s when a wing of the anti-abor­tion move­ment, frus­trat­ed with a lack of leg­isla­tive progress, took on a more vio­lent char­ac­ter fed by rela­tion­ships with white suprema­cists and neo-Nazis.

White suprema­cists were already par­tic­i­pants in the anti-abor­tion cause, as Loret­ta Ross wrote in the 1990s. In 1985, the KKK began cre­at­ing want­ed posters list­ing per­son­al infor­ma­tion for abor­tion providers (dox­ing before the Inter­net age). Ran­dall Ter­ry, founder of the anti-choice group Oper­a­tion Res­cue, and John Burt, region­al direc­tor of the anti-abor­tion group Res­cue Amer­i­ca in the 1990s, adopt­ed this tac­tic in the 1990s. Terry’s first want­ed poster tar­get­ed Dr. David Gunn, who was mur­dered in 1993 in Pen­saco­la, Flori­da. Gunn’s suc­ces­sor, Dr. John Brit­ton, tar­get­ed by a Res­cue Amer­i­ca want­ed pos­er, was killed in 1994.

The Flori­da-based KKK orga­nized a ral­ly in sup­port of Dr. Britton’s killer, Paul Hill, and Tom Met­zger, founder of the racist group White Aryan Resis­tance (WAR), con­doned the killing if it “pro­tect­ed Aryan women and chil­dren.” Burt him­self was a Flori­da Klans­man pri­or to becom­ing Chris­t­ian and an asso­ciate of both killers. “Fun­da­men­tal­ist Chris­tians and those peo­ple [the Klan] are pret­ty close, scary close, fight­ing for God and coun­try,” Burt told The New York Times in 1994. “Some day we may all be in the trench­es togeth­er in the fight against the slaugh­ter of unborn chil­dren.” Mem­bers of the Port­land-based skin­head group Amer­i­can Front reg­u­lar­ly joined Oper­a­tion Res­cue to protest abor­tion clin­ics. Tim Bish­op, a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the white nation­al­ist Aryan Nations, said, “Lots of our peo­ple join [the anti-abor­tion move­ment]…. It’s part of our Holy War for the pure Aryan race.”

While in recent years, the main­stream anti-choice move­ment has been care­ful to dis­tance itself from overt­ly racist and white nation­al­ist groups and fig­ures, embed­ded anti-Semi­tism appears in the triv­i­al­iza­tion of the Holo­caust and in cod­ed appeals to neo-Nazis. Abol­ish Human Abor­tion (AHA), a more recent­ly found­ed group led by young white men (in a move­ment that typ­i­cal­ly likes to put female lead­ers at the fore­front for bet­ter main­stream appeal) that views that pro-life move­ment as too mod­er­ate, cre­at­ed an icon link­ing the acronym AHA in such a way as to resem­ble “new­er incar­na­tions of swastikas that are pro­lif­er­at­ing among white suprema­cist groups,” accord­ing to Mason.

AHA claims that “the abor­tion holo­caust exceeds all pre­vi­ous atroc­i­ties prac­ticed by the West­ern World,” a state­ment that sig­nals to anti-Semi­tes an implic­it dis­be­lief in the Nazi Holo­caust and a triv­i­al­iz­ing of real his­tor­i­cal per­se­cu­tions. The anti-abor­tion move­ment has long framed abor­tion as a holocaust—a holo­caust that it depicts as numer­i­cal­ly more sig­nif­i­cant than the killing of 6 mil­lion Jew­ish peo­ple. His­to­ri­an Jen­nifer Hol­land told Jew­ish Cur­rents that because Jew­ish peo­ple in the Unit­ed States are more pro-choice than oth­er reli­gious groups, anti-abor­tion activists “often imply and even out­ward­ly state that Jews are par­tic­i­pat­ing in a cur­rent geno­cide and were thus ide­o­log­i­cal­ly com­plic­it in the Jew­ish Holo­caust.” This frame some­times goes hand in hand with out­right anti-Semit­ic denial that the Nazi Holo­caust even hap­pened.

Flori­da State Sen­a­tor Den­nis Bax­ley, dis­cussing the pos­si­bil­i­ty of imple­ment­ing sim­i­lar leg­is­la­tion in his state, revealed that nativist fears of replace­ment went into sup­port for the idea. “When you get a birth rate less than 2 per­cent, that soci­ety is dis­ap­pear­ing,” Bax­ley said of West­ern Europe. “And it’s being replaced by folks that come behind them and immi­grate, don’t wish to assim­i­late into that soci­ety and they do believe in hav­ing chil­dren.”

Anti-choice fig­ures con­tin­ue to tout demo­graph­ic concerns—which at their core are a form of white nationalism—in order to oppose abor­tion. In the polit­i­cal sphere, Rep­re­sen­ta­tive Steve King is the most promi­nent polit­i­cal fig­ure to emerge as a sym­bol of both white suprema­cism and abor­tion oppo­si­tion. “If we con­tin­ue to abort our babies and import a replace­ment for them in the form of young vio­lent men, we are sup­plant­i­ng our cul­ture, our civ­i­liza­tion,” King stat­ed. King has tak­en far-right posi­tions on both immi­gra­tion and abor­tion, includ­ing defend­ing rape and incest as nec­es­sary for his­tor­i­cal pop­u­la­tion growth.

These overt expres­sions of demo­graph­ic nativism by politi­cians mak­ing deci­sions about repro­duc­tive rights on the state and nation­al lev­el is cause for alarm. With the elec­tion of Don­ald Trump and the rise of the alt-right—an umbrel­la for white suprema­cist, male suprema­cist, and anti-Semit­ic mobilizations—the “kinder, gen­tler” image the Chris­t­ian right and the “pro-life” move­ment have strate­gi­cal­ly invest­ed in may be slip­ping, but also may be less nec­es­sary.

Coex­ist­ing in abor­tion oppo­si­tion is an ide­ol­o­gy that hon­est­ly seeks to end abor­tion for peo­ple of all races and eth­nic­i­ties, along­side a white suprema­cist ide­ol­o­gy that only desires to pre­vent white women from obtain­ing abor­tions, but uses uni­ver­sal oppo­si­tion to abor­tion as a prag­mat­ic screen for its goals. As Kath­leen Belew, author of Bring the War Home: The White Pow­er Move­ment in Para­mil­i­tary Amer­i­ca, told The Nation in an inter­view in Sep­tem­ber, for white suprema­cists, “oppos­ing abor­tion, oppos­ing gay rights, oppos­ing fem­i­nism, in white pow­er dis­course, all of this is tied to repro­duc­tion and the birth of white chil­dren.”

Com­ment­ing on the strate­gic prag­ma­tism of white suprema­cist move­ments, Jean Hardis­ty and Pam Cham­ber­lain wrote in 2000 that “pub­lic advo­ca­cy of abor­tion for women of col­or might alien­ate poten­tial far right sup­port­ers who oppose all abor­tion.” White suprema­cist lead­ers, like David Duke, have instead focused on oth­er ways to deter birthrates among peo­ple of col­or, such as encour­ag­ing long-term con­tra­cep­tion or con­demn­ing social wel­fare pro­grams.

The rela­tion­ship between Chris­t­ian right anti-abor­tion, white suprema­cist, and sec­u­lar male suprema­cist ide­ol­o­gy is com­plex. While they often put aside their dif­fer­ences in order to col­lab­o­rate on shared goals, the agen­das are dif­fer­ent and inclu­sive of con­flict.

White suprema­cist respons­es demon­strat­ed “com­pli­cat­ed feel­ings” fol­low­ing the pas­sage of the Alaba­ma law, as the Anti-Defama­tion League (ADL), which tracks hate and big­otry, report­ed. Some, like the founder of Gab, a pop­u­lar alter­na­tive social media forum fre­quent­ed by white suprema­cists and neo-Nazis, her­ald­ed the Alaba­ma law. Oth­er white suprema­cists were unsat­is­fied that the ban would apply to white women and women of col­or alike. Long­time white nation­al­ist Tom Met­zger eschewed the prag­mat­ic approach in post­ing on Gab that he had instruct­ed “com­rades in the Alaba­ma state leg­is­la­ture to intro­duce a bill that releas­es all non­white women with­in the bor­ders of Alaba­ma to have free abor­tions on demand.” (It’s not clear whether this claim is true or which rep­re­sen­ta­tives he meant.)

The anony­mous nature of many online forums, like The Red Pill, pos­es a chal­lenge for deter­min­ing how much influ­ence mem­bers of these com­mu­ni­ties have. We might be inclined to dis­miss Metzger’s claim to have “com­rades in the Alaba­ma state leg­is­la­ture” as mere blus­ter. But before Bon­nie Bacarisse’s inves­tiga­tive report­ing in The Dai­ly Beast in 2017 uncov­ered New Hamp­shire Repub­li­can state Rep­re­sen­ta­tive Robert Fish­er as the founder of The Red Pill, which pro­motes con­spir­acist the­o­ries about fem­i­nist con­trol of soci­ety and advo­cates manip­u­lat­ing women into sex­u­al inter­course, these online misog­y­nist forums were often assumed to be divorced from real-world pol­i­tics. An online pseu­do­nym that The Dai­ly Beast has linked to Fisher’s per­son­al e‑mail address advo­cat­ed vot­ing for Trump in 2016 because he’d been accused of sex­u­al vio­lence. A spokesper­son for a state anti-vio­lence group said that Fish­er was part of a “very vocal minor­i­ty in the NH House right now that is very anti­woman and antivic­tim,” and that there had been sur­pris­es in recent leg­isla­tive votes.

These sec­u­lar misog­y­nist mobi­liza­tions address abor­tion in a vari­ety of ways, though always through the lens of estab­lish­ing male pow­er and rights, even when endors­ing legal abor­tion. Male suprema­cist com­mu­ni­ties seek con­trol over women’s bod­ies, whether it is through deny­ing abor­tion care or coerc­ing it, or through defend­ing or even per­pe­trat­ing sex­u­al assault.

On Return of Kings (ROK), a web­site list­ed by the South­ern Pover­ty Law Cen­ter as a hate group for pick­up artists (PUAs) and found­ed by Daryush Val­izadeh, who goes by “Roosh V.,” the cov­er­age of abor­tion has shift­ed from a posi­tion accept­ing of abortion—though not out of sup­port for women’s human rights—to an increas­ing­ly anti-choice posi­tion. In 2013, abor­tion was dis­cussed as ben­e­fi­cial because it reduces the minor­i­ty pop­u­la­tion, demon­strat­ing the racism already inher­ent in this ide­ol­o­gy, and “sav[es] a lot of alpha play­ers from hav­ing to write a check to a sin­gle mom.” Oth­er posts pro­mot­ed access to con­tra­cep­tion as a means to pre­vent abor­tion, crit­i­ciz­ing Chris­t­ian right oppo­si­tion to birth con­trol as inef­fec­tive to stop­ping abor­tion.

Two years lat­er, Val­izadeh him­self wrote a post on ROK titled “Women Must Have Their Behav­ior and Deci­sions Con­trolled by Men,” rec­om­mend­ing that women receive per­mis­sion from a guardian to access abor­tion or birth con­trol. He con­tin­ues, “While my pro­pos­als are undoubt­ed­ly extreme on the sur­face and hard to imag­ine imple­ment­ing, the alter­na­tive of a rapid­ly pro­gress­ing cul­tur­al decline that we are cur­rent­ly expe­ri­enc­ing will end up entail­ing an even more extreme out­come.” (In case you’re won­der­ing, Val­izadeh has iden­ti­fied oth­er offen­sive posts as satire, but made no such excuse for this one.) In anoth­er 2015 arti­cle, “The End Goal of West­ern Pro­gres­sivism Is Depop­u­la­tion,” he con­demns abor­tion rights, birth con­trol, and female empow­er­ment as caus­es of declin­ing pop­u­la­tion that risk West­ern cul­ture. Val­izadeh has admit­ted to per­pe­trat­ing acts that meet the legal def­i­n­i­tion of sex­u­al assault and has endorsed the decrim­i­nal­iza­tion of rape. Though he lat­er claimed that endorse­ment was a “thought exper­i­ment,” sim­i­lar excus­es have been used by oth­er misog­y­nist lead­ers such as Paul Elam to pro­vide cov­er for their most egre­gious state­ments.

In 2019, Val­izadeh announced that he had found God and would no longer pro­mote casu­al sex. His pri­or argu­ments about male con­trol of women and his oppo­si­tion to abor­tion and con­tra­cep­tion on the basis of con­cern about pop­u­la­tion decline, how­ev­er, fit seam­less­ly into his new per­spec­tive, demon­strat­ing how easy it can be to shift from sec­u­lar to reli­gious misog­y­ny.

As ele­ments of the male suprema­cist sphere take on more anti-abor­tion and white suprema­cist posi­tions, the con­flu­ence of this overt misog­y­ny and racism with the anti-abor­tion move­ment may strength­en the sup­port for harsh­er anti-abor­tion leg­is­la­tion that eschews the anti-abor­tion prag­ma­tism of the past and becomes more overt about its crim­i­nal­iza­tion of preg­nant peo­ple. In 2019, Geor­gia passed a six-week abor­tion ban, cur­rent­ly blocked in court, that applies crim­i­nal penal­ties for mur­der (which includes life impris­on­ment or the death penal­ty) for ter­mi­nat­ing a preg­nan­cy, with no excep­tion for preg­nant peo­ple self-ter­mi­nat­ing. Bills like this ful­fill Trump’s and Abol­ish Human Abortion’s claims that the crim­i­nal­iza­tion of abor­tion should include pun­ish­ments for women; even though Trump backpedaled because of con­cerns from main­stream anti-choice groups, his sup­port for this posi­tion is already out there, along with his dog whis­tles to white and male suprema­cists.

Anti-abor­tion vio­lence has also been climb­ing in recent years, as has white suprema­cist and misog­y­nist vio­lence. Giv­en the his­to­ry of fatal anti-abor­tion vio­lence in the 1990s per­pe­trat­ed by indi­vid­u­als with the con­nec­tions with white suprema­cist and anti-Semit­ic groups, the con­flu­ence of these ide­olo­gies must be cause for con­cern beyond the polit­i­cal realm as well.

3. Cen­tral to our analy­sis is a spec­u­la­tive, yet ter­ri­fy­ing biotech­no­log­i­cal element–gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy. We have spo­ken about this in numer­ous pre­vi­ous pro­grams.

” . . . . Gene dri­ves have been dubbed an ‘extinc­tion tech­nol­o­gy’ and with good rea­son: gene dri­ve organ­isms are cre­at­ed by genet­i­cal­ly engi­neer­ing a liv­ing organ­ism with a par­tic­u­lar trait, and then mod­i­fy­ing the organism’s repro­duc­tive sys­tem in order to always force the mod­i­fied gene onto future gen­er­a­tions, spread­ing the trait through­out the entire pop­u­la­tion. . . .”

” . . . . the Bill and Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion (BMGF) is forc­ing dan­ger­ous gene dri­ve tech­nolo­gies onto the world. BMGF is either the first or sec­ond largest fun­der of gene dri­ve research (along­side the shad­owy U.S. mil­i­tary organ­i­sa­tion Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency [DARPA] ). . . .”

Just imag­ine what such technology–applied to human repro­duc­tive capacity–could do when deployed by fas­cist and Nazi ele­ments in the military/medical estab­lish­ment!

The emer­gence of such a devel­op­ment is being facil­i­tat­ed:

” . . . . a pri­vate PR firm called Emerg­ing Ag, was paid US$1.6 mil­lion by the BMGF. Part of their work involved coor­di­nat­ing the ‘fight back against gene dri­ve mora­to­ri­um pro­po­nents,’ as well as run­ning a covert advo­ca­cy coali­tion to exert influ­ence on the Unit­ed Nations Con­ven­tion on Bio­log­i­cal Diver­si­ty (CBD), the key body for gene dri­ve gov­er­nance. After calls in 2016 for a glob­al mora­to­ri­um on the use of gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy, the CBD sought input from sci­en­tists and experts in an online forum. Emerg­ing Ag recruit­ed and coor­di­nat­ed over 65 experts, includ­ing a Gates Foun­da­tion senior offi­cial, a DARPA (Defense Advanced Research Project Agency) offi­cial, and gov­ern­ment and uni­ver­si­ty sci­en­tists, in an attempt to flood the offi­cial UN process with their coor­di­nat­ed inputs. . . .”

“Dri­ven to Extinc­tion”; ETC Group; 10/14/2020

As part of our con­tri­bu­tion to a new Glob­al Citizen’s Report ‘Gates to a Glob­al Empire’, we explore the way in which the Bill and Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion (BMGF) is forc­ing dan­ger­ous gene dri­ve tech­nolo­gies onto the world. BMGF is either the first or sec­ond largest fun­der of gene dri­ve research (along­side the shad­owy U.S. mil­i­tary organ­i­sa­tion Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency [DARPA] whose exact lev­el of invest­ment is dis­put­ed). BMGF have also fund­ed and influ­enced lob­by­ists, reg­u­la­tors, and pub­lic nar­ra­tives around gene dri­ves, in an attempt to push this dan­ger­ous sci-fi sound­ing tech­nol­o­gy into real world use, shift­ing research pri­or­i­ties on indus­tri­al agri­cul­ture, con­ser­va­tion and health strate­gies along the way, and attract­ing the inter­est of the mil­i­tary and agribusi­ness sec­tors alike.

Full report: Glob­al Cit­i­zens’ Report “Gates to a Glob­al Empire”, pub­lished by Nav­danya Inter­na­tion­al

Full arti­cle:

Dri­ven to Exter­mi­nate

How Bill Gates brought gene dri­ve extinc­tion tech­nol­o­gy into the world

By Zahra Moloo and Jim Thomas, ETC Group.

In 2016, at the Forbes 400 Sum­mit on Phil­an­thropy in New York, Bill Gates was asked to give his opin­ion on gene dri­ves, a risky and con­tro­ver­sial new tech­nol­o­gy that could—by design—lead to the com­plete exter­mi­na­tion of the malar­ia-car­ry­ing mos­qui­to species, Anophe­les gam­bi­ae. If it were his deci­sion to wipe out this mos­qui­to once and for all, giv­en the risks and ben­e­fits being con­sid­ered, would he be ready to do it? “I would deploy it two years from now,” he replied con­fi­dent­ly. How­ev­er, he added, “How we get approval is pret­ty open end­ed.”

Gates’s ‘let’s deploy it’ response may not seem out of char­ac­ter, but it was an unusu­al­ly gung ho response giv­en how risky the tech­nol­o­gy is wide­ly acknowl­edged to be. Gene dri­ves have been dubbed an “extinc­tion tech­nol­o­gy” and with good rea­son: gene dri­ve organ­isms are cre­at­ed by genet­i­cal­ly engi­neer­ing a liv­ing organ­ism with a par­tic­u­lar trait, and then mod­i­fy­ing the organism’s repro­duc­tive sys­tem in order to always force the mod­i­fied gene onto future gen­er­a­tions, spread­ing the trait through­out the entire pop­u­la­tion.

In the case of the Anophe­les gam­bi­ae project (that Gates bankrolls), a gene dri­ve is designed to inter­fere with the fer­til­i­ty of the mos­qui­to: essen­tial genes for fer­til­i­ty would be removed, pre­vent­ing the mos­qui­toes from hav­ing female off­spring or from hav­ing off­spring alto­geth­er. These mod­i­fied mos­qui­toes would then pass on their genes to a high per­cent­age of their off­spring, spread­ing auto-extinc­tion genes through­out the pop­u­la­tion. In time, the entire species would in effect be com­plete­ly elim­i­nat­ed.

Although still new and unproven, gene dri­ves have pro­voked sig­nif­i­cant alarm among ecol­o­gists, biosafe­ty experts and civ­il soci­ety, many of whom have backed a call for a com­plete mora­to­ri­um on the tech­nol­o­gy. By delib­er­ate­ly har­ness­ing the spread of engi­neered genes to alter entire pop­u­la­tions, gene dri­ves turn on its head the usu­al imper­a­tive to try to con­tain and pre­vent engi­neered genes from con­t­a­m­i­nat­ing and dis­rupt­ing ecosys­tems. The under­ly­ing genet­ic engi­neer­ing tech­nol­o­gy is unpre­dictable and may pro­voke spread of intend­ed traits. The notion that a species can be removed from an ecosys­tem with­out pro­vok­ing a set of neg­a­tive impacts on food webs and ecosys­tem func­tions is wish­ful think­ing and even tak­ing out a car­ri­er of an unpleas­ant par­a­site does not mean the par­a­site won’t just jump to a dif­fer­ent host. More­over, the implic­it pow­er in being able to re-mod­el or delete entire species and ecosys­tems from the genet­ic lev­el up is attract­ing the inter­est of mil­i­tar­i­ties and agribusi­ness alike and runs counter to the idea of work­ing with nature to man­age con­ser­va­tion and agri­cul­ture.

That Gates is so enthu­si­as­tic about releas­ing this pow­er­ful genet­ic tech­nol­o­gy is not so sur­pris­ing when one scratch­es the sur­face of the myr­i­ad insti­tu­tions that have been research­ing and pro­mot­ing gene dri­ves for years. To date, the Bill and Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion (BMGF) is either the first or sec­ond largest fun­der of gene dri­ve research (along­side the shad­owy U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) whose exact lev­el of invest­ment is dis­put­ed). Gates is not just anoth­er tech opti­mist stand­ing on a busi­ness stage call­ing for gene dri­ve release to be allowed—his foun­da­tion has poured mil­lions of dol­lars into gene dri­ve research for over a decade. Yet direct research fund­ing is not the only way in which the BMGF has accel­er­at­ed the devel­op­ment of this tech­nol­o­gy. They have also fund­ed and influ­enced lob­by­ists, reg­u­la­tors, and pub­lic nar­ra­tives around gene dri­ves, in an attempt to push this dan­ger­ous sci-fi sound­ing tech­nol­o­gy into real world use, shift­ing research pri­or­i­ties on indus­tri­al agri­cul­ture, con­ser­va­tion and health strate­gies along the way.

Fund­ing the Research

While the con­tro­ver­sy around gene dri­ves is recent, pro­mot­ers like to empha­size that research towards cre­at­ing gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy has been in the works for many years. From its incep­tion, much of this research has received direct fund­ing from the BMGF, fun­neled through dif­fer­ent aca­d­e­m­ic insti­tu­tions. The begin­ning of cur­rent research into genet­i­cal­ly mod­i­fied extinc­tion tech­nol­o­gy can be traced back to 2003 when Austin Burt, a pro­fes­sor of Evo­lu­tion­ary Genet­ics at Impe­r­i­al Col­lege in Lon­don, was work­ing with yeast enzymes, not­ing how ‘self­ish genes’ were able to repro­duce with a greater prob­a­bil­i­ty than the usu­al 50–50 ratio that occurs in nor­mal sex­u­al repro­duc­tion. In a paper, he explained how these genes could be adapt­ed for oth­er uses, such as in mos­qui­toes, where the destruc­tion of the insects could be embed­ded direct­ly into their genes. Burt, along with Andrea Chrisan­ti, anoth­er biol­o­gist at Impe­r­i­al Col­lege, applied for a US$8.5 mil­lion grant from the Bill and Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion (which they received in 2005) to take for­ward their the­o­ries and apply them in a lab, even­tu­al­ly cre­at­ing an inter­na­tion­al project called ‘Tar­get Malar­ia’. In an inter­view with Wired mag­a­zine, Chrisan­ti explained how this fund­ing and the rela­tion­ship with the BMGF was instru­men­tal in the fur­ther devel­op­ment of gene dri­ves tech­nol­o­gy. “If you need a resource, you get it, if you need a tech­nol­o­gy, you get it, if you need equip­ment, you get it. We were left with the notion that suc­cess is only up to us,” he said.

At the same time, in 2005, the BMGF was also chan­nel­ing mon­ey into the Foun­da­tion for the Nation­al Insti­tutes of Health (FNIH), as part of a larg­er US$436 mil­lion grant for a project called the Grand Chal­lenges in Glob­al Health Ini­tia­tive. Through the FNIH, a biol­o­gist at UC Irvine, Antho­ny James, was inject­ing DNA into mos­qui­to embryos to cre­ate trans­genic mos­qui­toes resis­tant to dengue fever. These mos­qui­toes were able to repro­duce which meant that nor­mal mos­qui­to pop­u­la­tions could pos­si­bly be replaced by GM mos­qui­toes if only a way could be found to dri­ve the engi­neered genes into pop­u­la­tions. In 2011, James’ lab genet­i­cal­ly engi­neered the mos­qui­to species Anophe­les stephen­si with genes that made it resis­tant to malar­ia.

All these devel­op­ments were sig­nif­i­cant, but they had not yet led to the cre­ation of gene dri­ves. That moment came in 2015, when two sci­en­tists at UC San Diego, Cal­i­for­nia, Ethan Bier and Valenti­no Gantz, cre­at­ed a gene-con­struct that could spread a trait through fruit flies, turn­ing the entire pop­u­la­tion yel­low. The tech­nol­o­gy they had devel­oped used a new genet­ic engi­neer­ing tool called CRISPR-Cas9 which could cut DNA and enable genes to be insert­ed, replaced or delet­ed from DNA sequences. In effect Gantz and bier built the genet­ic engi­neer­ing tool direct­ly into the flies genome so each gen­er­a­tion genet­i­cal­ly engi­neered its off­spring. CRISPR-Cas9 tech­nol­o­gy was instru­men­tal in the cre­ation of the gene dri­ve and in late 2015, func­tion­al gene dri­ve mod­i­fied mos­qui­toes were cre­at­ed. This is what the Gates Foun­da­tion was wait­ing for. In 2016, an offi­cial with the Gates Foun­da­tion said in an inter­view that malar­ia could not be wiped out with­out a gene dri­ve; all of a sud­den this ‘extinc­tion tech­nol­o­gy’ was con­sid­ered not just desir­able, but “nec­es­sary” in the fight to end malar­ia.

Since then, the push for fur­ther research and deploy­ment of gene dri­ves has gained con­sid­er­able momentum—mostly pro­pelled by Gates dol­lars. The BMGF has fun­neled even more fund­ing into tak­ing gene dri­ve research for­ward. In 2017, UC Irvine received anoth­er US$2 mil­lion direct­ly from the BMGF for Antho­ny James to genet­i­cal­ly engi­neer the malar­ia-car­ry­ing mos­qui­to species Anophe­les gam­bi­ae, with a view to even­tu­al­ly releas­ing them in a tri­al. Mean­while, Tar­get Malar­ia, the flag­ship research con­sor­tium that came from Burt and Chrisanti’s work, has received US$75 mil­lion from the foun­da­tion. This has been used to cre­ate labs in Burk­i­na Faso, Mali and Ugan­da in order to begin exper­i­ment­ing with gene dri­ves in Africa, and in 2019 Tar­get Malar­ia released 4,000 genet­i­cal­ly mod­i­fied (not gene dri­ve) mos­qui­toes in Burk­i­na Faso as a first step in their exper­i­ment. Their goal is to release the gene dri­ve mos­qui­toes in Burk­i­na Faso in 2024. BMGF has also bankrolled fur­ther gene dri­ve research in Siena Italy, Jerusalem, Israel and Boston, USA.

Syn­thet­ic Biol­o­gy and Agri­cul­tur­al Inter­ests

Although main­stream media cov­er­age of gene dri­ve devel­op­ments empha­sizes Gates’s grandiose phil­an­thropic inten­tions in elim­i­nat­ing malar­ia and sav­ing lives in Africa, there is more than meets the eye when it comes to Gates’s direct fund­ing of gene dri­ve research.

Gene dri­ves are clas­si­fied as part of a con­tro­ver­sial field of extreme genet­ic engi­neer­ing known as syn­thet­ic biol­o­gy (syn­bio) or ‘GMO 2.0’ in which liv­ing organ­isms can be redesigned in the lab to have new abil­i­ties. Syn­thet­ic Biol­o­gy aims to redesign and fab­ri­cate bio­log­i­cal com­po­nents and sys­tems that do not exist in the nat­ur­al world. Today it is a mul­ti-bil­lion-dol­lar indus­try which cre­ates com­pounds like syn­thet­ic ingre­di­ents (syn­thet­ic ver­sions of saf­fron, vanil­la etc), med­i­cines and lab-grown food prod­ucts. Gates’s ambi­tions for this rad­i­cal biotech field extend beyond gene dri­ves and malar­ia research and into the field of syn­bio. In an inter­view, he said that if he were a teenag­er today, he would be hack­ing biol­o­gy: “If you want to change the world in some big way, that’s where you should start—biological mol­e­cules.”

The Gates Foun­da­tion has had a sub­stan­tial influ­ence on the syn­thet­ic biol­o­gy indus­try since its incep­tion. In 2005, when the field was still rel­a­tive­ly new, the BMGF gave a grant of US$42.5 mil­lion (and lat­er more) to the Uni­ver­si­ty of Cal­i­for­nia Berke­ley and Amyris, a start­up syn­bio com­pa­ny, in order to pro­duce the anti­malar­i­al drug artemisinin in a lab­o­ra­to­ry with genet­i­cal­ly engi­neered microbes. The aim of this grant was not only to cre­ate the anti­malar­i­al drug, but also to cre­ate new bio­fu­els, med­i­cines and high val­ue chem­i­cals. The founder of Amyris, Jay Keasling, has told ETC Group that the Gates funds were con­tin­gent on find­ing oth­er more prof­itable lines of busi­ness in addi­tion to artemisinin and so ini­tial­ly the tech­nol­o­gy was simul­ta­ne­ous­ly applied to bio­fu­el pro­duc­tion. Jack New­man, a sci­en­tist at Amyris explained that “the very same path­ways” used in artemisinin “can be used for anti­cancer (drugs), antivi­rals, antiox­i­dants.”

While using phil­an­thropic funds to bankroll a pri­vate bio­fu­el busi­ness might seem eth­i­cal­ly ques­tion­able, the sup­pos­ed­ly ben­e­fi­cial tar­get of mak­ing an anti­malar­i­al mol­e­cule may not have been so pos­i­tive either. In 2013, after many years of research by the UC Berke­ley Lab­o­ra­to­ry and Amyris, it was announced that the French phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal com­pa­ny, Sanofi, would launch the pro­duc­tion of syn­thet­ic artemisinin. Com­mer­cial pro­duc­tion of the com­pound was hailed as more afford­able than nat­u­ral­ly grown artemisinin, which is farmed in coun­tries like Kenya, Tan­za­nia, Mada­gas­car, Mozam­bique, India, Viet­nam and Chi­na. How­ev­er, what was not men­tioned dur­ing all the hype around the syn­thet­ic pro­duc­tion of the com­pound was that artemisinin farm­ers in these coun­tries would lose their liveli­hoods as a result of the sale of the syn­bio ver­sion. In the hype and sup­port­ed by phil­an­thropic mon­ey, prices for artemisinin crashed and some nat­ur­al artemisinin extrac­tors were shut­tered. Even­tu­al­ly, even the syn­thet­ic prod­uct proved too expen­sive to sell.

The BMGF invest­ments’ in syn bio go fur­ther still. The Foun­da­tion invest­ed in a num­ber of oth­er syn­bio com­pa­nies includ­ing Edi­tas Med­i­cine, a genome edit­ing com­pa­ny that con­trols the CRISPR-Cas9 tech­nol­o­gy behind gene dri­ves, and Gink­go Bioworks, which cre­ates microbes for appli­ca­tion in fash­ion, med­i­cine and indus­try. Gates is also keen on the so-called “cel­lu­lar food rev­o­lu­tion” which grows food from cells in a lab. His invest­ments in the sec­tor include Mem­phis Meat, a com­pa­ny that cre­ates cell-based meat with­out ani­mals, Piv­ot Bio, which cre­ates engi­neered microbes for use in agri­cul­ture, and Impos­si­ble Foods, which makes processed meat-like burg­ers from a syn­thet­ic biol­o­gy-derived blood sub­sti­tute.

That Gates is pour­ing so much mon­ey into an indus­try that is ori­ent­ed toward shift­ing agri­cul­ture and the food sys­tems toward hi-tech approach­es is no acci­dent, giv­en how influ­en­tial the Foun­da­tion is in glob­al health and agri­cul­ture pol­i­cy gen­er­al­ly, and in pro­mot­ing indus­tri­al agri­cul­ture in the glob­al South and espe­cial­ly Africa. In the case of gene dri­ves, while most inter­na­tion­al debate has focused on their appli­ca­tion in malar­ia and con­ser­va­tion, the indus­tri­al farm is where gene dri­ves may first make their impact; the very foun­da­tion­al patents for gene dri­ves have been writ­ten with agri­cul­tur­al appli­ca­tions in mind. In 2017, a secre­tive group of mil­i­tary advi­sors known as the JASON Group pro­duced a clas­si­fied study on gene dri­ves com­mis­sioned by the US gov­ern­ment which was tasked to address “what might be real­iz­able in the next 3–10 years, espe­cial­ly with regard to agri­cul­tur­al appli­ca­tions.” The JASON Group was also informed by gene dri­ve researchers who were present dur­ing a pre­sen­ta­tion on crop sci­ence and gene dri­ves deliv­ered by some­one from Bay­er-Mon­san­to. Oth­er groups involved in gene dri­ve dis­cus­sions behind the scene include Cibus, an agri­cul­tur­al biotech firm, as well as agribusi­ness majors includ­ing Syn­gen­ta and Corte­va Agri­science. The start­up Agra­gene, whose co-founders are none oth­er than the gene dri­ve researchers Ethan Bier and Valenti­no Gantz of Uni­ver­si­ty of Cal­i­for­nia at San Diego, “intends to alter plants and insects” using gene dri­ves. The JASON Group and oth­ers have also raised the flag that gene dri­ves have biowar­fare potential—in part explain­ing the strong inter­est of US and oth­er mil­i­taries in the tech­nol­o­gy.

Shap­ing the Nar­ra­tive Around Gene Dri­ves

Not only has the Gates Foun­da­tion fund­ed the under­ly­ing tools of the syn bio indus­try and mould­ed gene dri­ve research for years, it has also been qui­et­ly work­ing behind the scenes to influ­ence the adop­tion of these risky tech­nolo­gies. The way in which pol­i­cy and pub­lic rela­tions about gene dri­ves research has been shaped by the Foun­da­tion becomes clear when one exam­ines what hap­pened imme­di­ate­ly after the cre­ation of the first func­tion­al gene dri­ves with CRISPR Cas9 tech­nol­o­gy in late 2014.

In ear­ly 2015, the US Nation­al Acad­e­mies of Sci­ence, Engi­neer­ing and Med­i­cine announced that they would have a major inquiry into gene drives—an unprece­dent­ed move for such a brand new (only months old) tech­nol­o­gy. The study did not explore just the sci­ence of gene dri­ves, but also aimed to frame issues around pol­i­cy, ethics, risk assess­ment, gov­er­nance and pub­lic engage­ment around gene dri­ves. It was spon­sored by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) and The Bill & Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion, through the Nation­al Insti­tutes of Health (NIH) and the Foun­da­tion for the Nation­al Insti­tutes of Health (FNIH). Sev­er­al pan­el mem­bers were recip­i­ents of Gates funds.

The Foun­da­tion has also chan­neled mon­ey into the MIT media lab, home to Kevin Esvelt, who directs a group called Sculpt­ing Evo­lu­tion and was among the first peo­ple to iden­ti­fy the poten­tial of CRISPR-based gene dri­ve to alter wild pop­u­la­tions. Last year the MIT Media Lab was embroiled in a con­tro­ver­sy when it was revealed that it had received dona­tions from the con­vict­ed sex offend­er Jef­frey Epstein. Through Epstein, the media lab secured US$2 mil­lion from Gates although it is not clear for which project.

One of the most con­tro­ver­sial find­ings which illus­trate the extent to which the Gates Foun­da­tion is invest­ed in influ­enc­ing the uptake of gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy was made in 2017 by civ­il soci­ety orga­ni­za­tions fol­low­ing a Free­dom of Infor­ma­tion request. That process led to the release of a trove of emails reveal­ing that a pri­vate PR firm called Emerg­ing Ag, was paid US$1.6 mil­lion by the BMGF. Part of their work involved coor­di­nat­ing the “fight back against gene dri­ve mora­to­ri­um pro­po­nents,” as well as run­ning a covert advo­ca­cy coali­tion to exert influ­ence on the Unit­ed Nations Con­ven­tion on Bio­log­i­cal Diver­si­ty (CBD), the key body for gene dri­ve gov­er­nance. After calls in 2016 for a glob­al mora­to­ri­um on the use of gene dri­ve tech­nol­o­gy, the CBD sought input from sci­en­tists and experts in an online forum. Emerg­ing Ag recruit­ed and coor­di­nat­ed over 65 experts, includ­ing a Gates Foun­da­tion senior offi­cial, a DARPA (Defense Advanced Research Project Agency) offi­cial, and gov­ern­ment and uni­ver­si­ty sci­en­tists, in an attempt to flood the offi­cial UN process with their coor­di­nat­ed inputs.

Emerg­ing Ag now man­ages an overt advo­ca­cy net­work also fund­ed by the BMGF called the Out­reach Net­work for Gene Dri­ve Research whose stat­ed inten­tion is to “raise aware­ness of the val­ue of gene dri­ve research for the pub­lic good.” Its mem­bers include researchers and orga­ni­za­tions that work on gene dri­ve research, stake­hold­er engage­ment, out­reach and even fun­ders. Almost all of its mem­bers are sep­a­rate­ly fund­ed by the Gates Foun­da­tion. In 2020, Emerg­ing Ag received anoth­er grant from the Foun­da­tion for $2,509,762. . . .

 

 

 

 

Discussion

One comment for “FTR #1160 Bio-Psy-Op Apocalypse Now, Part 20: An Ounce of Prevention, Part 5”

  1. Fol­low­ing up on the dis­turb­ing new rev­e­la­tions about the close and chum­my rela­tion­ship between Bill Gates and Jef­frey Epstein and the influ­ence Epstein had on Gates’s phil­an­thropic giv­ing, along with ear­li­er report­ing on the far right atti­tudes of Epstein, includ­ing the view that food and med­i­cine should be kept from the glob­al poor to pre­vent over-pop­u­la­tion, here’s a New Repub­lic piece from last month that adds anoth­er impor­tant sto­ry about anoth­er poten­tial­ly trou­bling role Bill Gates’s phil­an­thropic inter­ests:

    It turns out Bill Gates has spent the last cou­ple of decades cham­pi­oning a mod­el for how the world can work togeth­er to address glob­al dis­eases and pan­demics. It just hap­pens to be the case that Gates’s mod­el is one that man­ages to pro­tect the monop­oly-based intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights sys­tem that the glob­al phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try is based on. And it also just hap­pens to be the case that, at the time Gates first jumped into the issue of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights in the face of glob­al pan­demics, his com­pa­ny Microsoft was fac­ing antitrust suits on two con­ti­nents. Yes, Gates’s sud­den inter­est in glob­al dis­ease was that self-serv­ing.

    But the worst part of this chap­ter in his­to­ry is the issue that was being glob­al­ly debat­ed at the time Gates jumped into this area in 1999: The intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights sys­tem that, back in the 90’s, was sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly pric­ing poor coun­tries out of the mar­ket­place for expen­sive HIV drugs by arti­fi­cial­ly rais­ing the prices of these drugs well beyond the cost of pro­duc­tion. Coun­tries with HIV rates above 20% sim­ply could­n’t afford the med­i­cine. Not because it was incred­i­bly expen­sive to pro­duce the drugs but pure­ly due to intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights and the pric­ing pow­er that comes with the effec­tive monop­o­lies cre­at­ed by the sys­tem. In a year when the phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try man­aged to turn itself into a glob­al pari­ah indus­try after suing South Africa to pre­vent the man­u­fac­ture of cheap HIV drugs, Bill Gates arrived to con­vince the world that there was no con­flict between deliv­er­ing med­i­cine to the world’s poor while main­tain­ing a sys­tem of monop­oly intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights for phar­ma­ceu­ti­cals that ensured drugs would be expen­sive for decades to come.

    It’s that crass self-serv­ing nature of Gates’s char­i­ta­ble work on vac­cines and phar­ma­ceu­ti­cals that’s part of what this is such an impor­tant piece of his­to­ry today. Because as the fol­low­ing piece describes, when the scale of the COVID pan­dem­ic first hit the glob­al com­mu­ni­ty in ear­ly 2020, the ini­tial mod­el for a glob­al response put out by the World Health Orga­ni­za­tion was one that decid­ed­ly pri­or­i­tized mak­ing glob­al afford­able access to vac­cines over the pro­tec­tion of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights. And then Bill Gates stepped for­ward with an alter­na­tive mod­el. An alter­na­tive mod­el high­ly favor­able to the phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try that ulti­mate­ly pre­vailed. As a result, we’re liv­ing in a moment when the devel­oped world is get­ting rapid­ly vac­ci­nat­ed at the same time the devel­op­ing world is fac­ing the prospect of vac­cine short­ages through the next cou­ple of years. Prof­its pre­vailed over pub­lic health. Mis­sion accom­plished:

    New Repub­lic

    How Bill Gates Imped­ed Glob­al Access to Covid Vac­cines
    Through his hal­lowed foun­da­tion, the world’s de fac­to pub­lic health czar has been a stal­wart defend­er of monop­oly med­i­cine.

    Alexan­der Zaitchik
    April 12, 2021

    On Feb­ru­ary 11, 2020, pub­lic health and infec­tious dis­ease experts gath­ered by the hun­dreds at the World Health Organization’s Gene­va moth­er­ship. The offi­cial pro­nounce­ment of a pan­dem­ic was still a month out, but the agency’s inter­na­tion­al brain trust knew enough to be wor­ried. Bur­dened by a sense of bor­rowed time, they spent two days furi­ous­ly sketch­ing an “R&D Blue­print” in prepa­ra­tion for a world upend­ed by the virus then known as 2019-nCoV.

    The result­ing doc­u­ment sum­ma­rized the state of coro­n­avirus research and pro­posed ways to accel­er­ate the devel­op­ment of diag­nos­tics, treat­ments, and vac­cines. The under­ly­ing premise was that the world would unite against the virus. The glob­al research com­mu­ni­ty would main­tain broad and open chan­nels of com­mu­ni­ca­tion, since col­lab­o­ra­tion and infor­ma­tion-shar­ing min­i­mize dupli­ca­tion and accel­er­ate dis­cov­ery. The group also drew up plans for glob­al com­par­a­tive tri­als over­seen by the WHO, to assess the mer­its of treat­ments and vac­cines.

    One issue not men­tioned in the paper: intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty. If the worst came to pass, the experts and researchers assumed coop­er­a­tion would define the glob­al response, with the WHO play­ing a cen­tral role. That phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal com­pa­nies and their allied gov­ern­ments would allow intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty con­cerns to slow things down—from research and devel­op­ment to man­u­fac­tur­ing scale-up—does not seem to have occurred to them.

    They were wrong, but they weren’t alone. Bat­tle-scarred vet­er­ans of the med­i­cines-access and open-sci­ence move­ments hoped the immen­si­ty of the pan­dem­ic would over­ride a glob­al drug sys­tem based on pro­pri­etary sci­ence and mar­ket monop­o­lies. By March, strange but wel­come melodies could be heard from unex­pect­ed quar­ters. Anx­ious gov­ern­ments spoke of shared inter­ests and glob­al pub­lic goods; drug com­pa­nies pledged “pre­c­om­pet­i­tive” and “no-prof­it” approach­es to devel­op­ment and pric­ing. The ear­ly days fea­tured tan­ta­liz­ing glimpses of an open-sci­ence, coop­er­a­tive pan­dem­ic response. In Jan­u­ary and Feb­ru­ary 2020, a con­sor­tium led by the Nation­al Insti­tutes of Health and the Nation­al Insti­tute of Aller­gy and Infec­tious Dis­eases col­lab­o­rat­ed to pro­duce atom­ic-lev­el maps of the key viral pro­teins in record time. “Work that would nor­mal­ly have tak­en months—or pos­si­bly even years—has been com­plet­ed in weeks,” not­ed the edi­tors of Nature.

    When the Finan­cial Times edi­to­r­i­al ized on March 27 that “the world has an over­whelm­ing inter­est in ensur­ing [Covid-19 drugs and vac­cines] will be uni­ver­sal­ly and cheap­ly avail­able,” the paper expressed what felt like a hard­en­ing con­ven­tion­al wis­dom. This sense of pos­si­bil­i­ty embold­ened forces work­ing to extend the coop­er­a­tive mod­el. Ground­ing their efforts was a plan, start­ed in ear­ly March, to cre­ate a vol­un­tary intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty pool inside the WHO. Instead of putting up pro­pri­etary walls around research and orga­niz­ing it as a “race,” pub­lic and pri­vate actors would col­lect research and asso­ci­at­ed intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty in a glob­al knowl­edge fund for the dura­tion of the pan­dem­ic. The idea became real in late May with the launch of the WHO Covid-19 Tech­nol­o­gy Access Pool, or C‑TAP.

    By then, how­ev­er, the opti­mism and sense of pos­si­bil­i­ty that defined the ear­ly days were long gone. Advo­cates for pool­ing and open sci­ence, who seemed ascen­dant and even unstop­pable that win­ter, con­front­ed the pos­si­bil­i­ty they’d been out­matched and out­ma­neu­vered by the most pow­er­ful man in glob­al pub­lic health.

    In April, Bill Gates launched a bold bid to man­age the world’s sci­en­tif­ic response to the pan­dem­ic. Gates’s Covid-19 ACT-Accel­er­a­tor expressed a sta­tus quo vision for orga­niz­ing the research, devel­op­ment, man­u­fac­ture, and dis­tri­b­u­tion of treat­ments and vac­cines. Like oth­er Gates-fund­ed insti­tu­tions in the pub­lic health are­na, the Accel­er­a­tor was a pub­lic-pri­vate part­ner­ship based on char­i­ty and indus­try entice­ments. Cru­cial­ly, and in con­trast to the C‑TAP, the Accel­er­a­tor enshrined Gates’s long-stand­ing com­mit­ment to respect­ing exclu­sive intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty claims. Its implic­it arguments—that intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights won’t present prob­lems for meet­ing glob­al demand or ensur­ing equi­table access, and that they must be pro­tect­ed, even dur­ing a pandemic—carried the enor­mous weight of Gates’s rep­u­ta­tion as a wise, benef­i­cent, and prophet­ic leader.

    How he’s devel­oped and wield­ed this influ­ence over two decades is one of the more con­se­quen­tial and under­ap­pre­ci­at­ed shapers of the failed glob­al response to the Covid-19 pan­dem­ic. Enter­ing year two, this response has been defined by a zero-sum vac­ci­na­tion bat­tle that has left much of the world on the los­ing side.

    Gates’s mar­quee Covid-19 ini­tia­tive start­ed rel­a­tive­ly small. Two days before the WHO declared a pan­dem­ic on March 11, 2020, the Bill & Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion announced some­thing called the Ther­a­peu­tics Accel­er­a­tor, a joint ini­tia­tive with Mas­ter­card and the char­i­ty group the Well­come Trust to iden­ti­fy and devel­op poten­tial treat­ments for the nov­el coro­n­avirus. Dou­bling as a social brand­ing exer­cise for a giant of glob­al finance, the Accel­er­a­tor reflect­ed Gates’s famil­iar for­mu­la of cor­po­rate phil­an­thropy, which he has applied to every­thing from malar­ia to mal­nu­tri­tion. In ret­ro­spect, it was a strong indi­ca­tor that Gates’s ded­i­ca­tion to monop­oly med­i­cine would sur­vive the pan­dem­ic, even before he and his foundation’s offi­cers began to say so pub­licly.

    This was con­firmed when a big­ger ver­sion of the Accel­er­a­tor was unveiled the fol­low­ing month at the WHO. The Access to Covid-19 Tools Accel­er­a­tor, or ACT-Accel­er­a­tor, was Gates’s bid to orga­nize the devel­op­ment and dis­tri­b­u­tion of every­thing from ther­a­peu­tics to test­ing. The biggest and most con­se­quen­tial arm, COVAX, pro­posed to sub­si­dize vac­cine deals with poor coun­tries through dona­tions by, and sales to, rich­er ones. The goal was always lim­it­ed: It aimed to pro­vide vac­cines for up to 20 per­cent of the pop­u­la­tion in low-to-mid­dle-income coun­tries. After that, gov­ern­ments would large­ly have to com­pete on the glob­al mar­ket like every­one else. It was a par­tial demand-side solu­tion to what the move­ment coa­lesc­ing around a call for a “people’s vac­cine” warned would be a dual cri­sis of sup­ply and access, with intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty at the cen­ter of both.

    Gates not only dis­missed these warn­ings but active­ly sought to under­mine all chal­lenges to his author­i­ty and the Accelerator’s intel­lec­tu­al property–based char­i­ty agen­da.

    “Ear­ly on, there was space for Gates to have a major impact in favor of open mod­els,” says Manuel Mar­tin, a pol­i­cy advis­er to the Médecins Sans Fron­tières Access Cam­paign. “But senior peo­ple in the Gates orga­ni­za­tion very clear­ly sent out the mes­sage: Pool­ing was unnec­es­sary and coun­ter­pro­duc­tive. They damp­ened ear­ly enthu­si­asm by say­ing that I.P. is not an access bar­ri­er in vac­cines. That’s just demon­stra­tive­ly false.”

    Few have observed Bill Gates’s devo­tion to monop­oly med­i­cine more close­ly than James Love, founder and direc­tor of Knowl­edge Ecol­o­gy Inter­na­tion­al, a Wash­ing­ton, D.C.–based group that stud­ies the broad nexus of fed­er­al pol­i­cy, the phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try, and intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty. Love entered the world of glob­al pub­lic health pol­i­cy around the same time Gates did, and for two decades has watched him scale its heights while rein­forc­ing the sys­tem respon­si­ble for the very prob­lems he claims to be try­ing to solve. The through-line for Gates has been his unwa­ver­ing com­mit­ment to drug com­pa­nies’ right to exclu­sive con­trol over med­ical sci­ence and the mar­kets for its prod­ucts.

    “Things could have gone either way,” says Love, “but Gates want­ed exclu­sive rights main­tained. He act­ed fast to stop the push for shar­ing the knowl­edge need­ed to make the products—the know-how, the data, the cell lines, the tech trans­fer, the trans­paren­cy that is crit­i­cal­ly impor­tant in a dozen ways. The pool­ing approach rep­re­sent­ed by C‑TAP includ­ed all of that. Instead of back­ing those ear­ly dis­cus­sions, he raced ahead and sig­naled sup­port for busi­ness-as-usu­al on intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty by announc­ing the ACT-Accel­er­at0or in March.”

    One year lat­er, the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor has failed to meet its goal of pro­vid­ing dis­count­ed vac­cines to the “pri­or­i­ty fifth” of low-income pop­u­la­tions. The drug com­pa­nies and rich nations that had so much praise for the ini­tia­tive a year ago have retreat­ed into bilat­er­al deals that leave lit­tle for any­body else. “The low- and mid­dle-income coun­tries are pret­ty much on their own, and there’s just not much out there,” said Peter Hotez, dean of the Nation­al School of Trop­i­cal Med­i­cine in Hous­ton. “Despite their best efforts, the Gates mod­el and its insti­tu­tions are still indus­try-depen­dent.”

    As of this writ­ing in ear­ly April, few­er than 600 mil­lion vac­cine dos­es have been admin­is­tered around the world; three-quar­ters of those in just 10 most­ly high-income coun­tries. Close to 130 coun­tries con­tain­ing 2.5 bil­lion peo­ple have yet to admin­is­ter a sin­gle dose. The time­line for sup­ply­ing poor and mid­dle-income coun­tries with enough vac­cines to achieve herd immu­ni­ty, mean­while, has been pushed into 2024. These num­bers rep­re­sent more than the “cat­a­stroph­ic moral fail­ure” the direc­tor gen­er­al of the WHO warned about this Jan­u­ary. It is a stark reminder than any pol­i­cy that obstructs or inhibits vac­cine pro­duc­tion risks being self-defeat­ing for the rich coun­tries defend­ing exclu­sive rights and gob­bling up the lion’s share of avail­able vac­cine sup­plies. The truth repeat­ed so often through­out the pandemic—no one is safe until every­one is safe—remains in force.

    This eas­i­ly antic­i­pat­ed mar­ket failure—together with the C‑TAP’s fail­ure to launch—led devel­op­ing coun­tries to open a new front against intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty bar­ri­ers in the World Trade Orga­ni­za­tion. Since Octo­ber, the WTO’s Trade-Relat­ed Aspects of Intel­lec­tu­al Prop­er­ty Rights Coun­cil has been cen­ter ring in a dra­mat­ic north-south stand­off over rights to con­trol vac­cine knowl­edge, tech­nol­o­gy, and mar­kets. More than 100 low- and mid­dle-income coun­tries sup­port a call by India and South Africa to waive cer­tain pro­vi­sions relat­ed to Covid-19 intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty for the dura­tion of the pan­dem­ic. Although Gates and his orga­ni­za­tion do not have an offi­cial posi­tion on the debate roil­ing the WTO, Gates and his deputies have left lit­tle doubt about their oppo­si­tion to the waiv­er pro­pos­al. Just as he did fol­low­ing the roll­out of the WHO’s C‑TAP, Gates has cho­sen to stand with the drug com­pa­nies and their gov­ern­ment patrons.

    Tech­ni­cal­ly housed with­in the WHO, the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor is a Gates oper­a­tion, top to bot­tom. It is designed, man­aged, and staffed large­ly by Gates orga­ni­za­tion employ­ees. It embod­ies Gates’s phil­an­thropic approach to wide­ly antic­i­pat­ed prob­lems posed by intel­lec­tu­al property–hoarding com­pa­nies able to con­strain glob­al pro­duc­tion by pri­or­i­tiz­ing rich coun­tries and inhibit­ing licens­ing. Com­pa­nies part­ner­ing with COVAX are allowed to set their own tiered prices. They are sub­ject to almost no trans­paren­cy require­ments and to tooth­less con­trac­tu­al nods to “equi­table access” that have nev­er been enforced. Cru­cial­ly, the com­pa­nies retain exclu­sive rights to their intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty. If they stray from the Gates Foun­da­tion line on exclu­sive rights, they are quick­ly brought to heel. When the direc­tor of Oxford’s Jen­ner Insti­tute had fun­ny ideas about plac­ing the rights to its COV­AX-sup­port­ed vac­cine can­di­date in the pub­lic domain, Gates inter­vened. As report­ed by Kaiser Health News, “A few weeks lat­er, Oxford—urged on by the Bill & Melin­da Gates Foundation—reversed course [and] signed an exclu­sive vac­cine deal with AstraZeneca that gave the phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal giant sole rights and no guar­an­tee of low prices.”

    Con­sid­er­ing the alter­na­tives being dis­cussed, it is no sur­prise that drug com­pa­nies have been the most enthu­si­as­tic boost­ers of the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor and COVAX. The speak­ers at the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor launch cer­e­mo­ny in March 2020 includ­ed Thomas Cueni, direc­tor gen­er­al of the Inter­na­tion­al Fed­er­a­tion of Phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal Man­u­fac­tur­ers and Asso­ci­a­tions, who hailed the ini­tia­tive as a “land­mark glob­al part­ner­ship.” Since vac­cines start­ed com­ing online, the IFPMA’s mem­ber com­pa­nies have lost inter­est in the Accel­er­a­tor, pre­fer­ring bilat­er­al deals with rich coun­tries. But they con­tin­ue to ben­e­fit from the halo effect of their asso­ci­a­tion with Gates, which has proved price­less through­out the pan­dem­ic, espe­cial­ly at a cru­cial junc­ture in its first year.

    On May 29, Don­ald Trump announced U.S. with­draw­al from the WHO. This was in response, he said, to China’s “total con­trol” of the agency. The drug indus­try, mean­while, was dis­pleased with the WHO for entire­ly dif­fer­ent rea­sons. The same day, the WHO direc­tor gen­er­al had unveiled the C‑TAP with a “Sol­i­dar­i­ty Call to Action” for gov­ern­ments and com­pa­nies to share all intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty relat­ed to Covid-19 treat­ments and vac­cines. The phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal com­pa­nies didn’t attack the ini­tia­tive direct­ly. Instead, their glob­al trade asso­ci­a­tion, the IFPMA, pre­empt­ed the announce­ment with a livestreamed media event on the evening of May 28. The event fea­tured the heads of AstraZeneca, Glax­o­SmithK­line, John­son & John­son, and Pfiz­er, and Thomas Cueni.

    The evening’s sixth par­tic­i­pant was the specter of Bill Gates.

    As antic­i­pat­ed, the ques­tions sub­mit­ted by jour­nal­ists touched repeat­ed­ly on the much-antic­i­pat­ed launch of C‑TAP the fol­low­ing morn­ing, as well as relat­ed issues of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty, vac­cine access and equi­ty, and debates over the extent and ways intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty posed bar­ri­ers to ramp­ing up pro­duc­tion. Most­ly, the exec­u­tives evinced igno­rance and sur­prise over the immi­nent launch of C‑TAP; only Pfiz­er CEO Albert Bourla open­ly denounced the pool­ing of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty as “dan­ger­ous” and “non­sense.”

    All of the exec­u­tives, how­ev­er, shared a play­book in which they quick­ly piv­ot­ed to affir­ma­tions of their sup­port for Bill Gates and the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor. The asso­ci­a­tion with Gates was sub­mit­ted as evi­dence of indus­try com­mit­ment to equi­ty and access—as well as proof of the com­plete lack of need for over­lap­ping or com­pet­ing ini­tia­tives, such as the “dan­ger­ous” C‑TAP.

    “We already have plat­forms,” Cueni said dur­ing the May 28 event. “The indus­try is already doing all the right things.”

    As the ques­tions about C‑TAP and intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty piled up, the industry’s Gates rap start­ed to sound less like a shared P.R. script than a bro­ken record. Con­front­ed for the sec­ond time about intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty, Glax­o­SmithK­line CEO Emma Walm­s­ley emit­ted an undi­gest­ed stream of Gate­sian word sal­ad. “We are absolute­ly com­mit­ted to this ques­tion of access,” she stam­mered, “and deeply wel­come the for­ma­tion of ACT, which is this mul­ti­lat­er­al orga­ni­za­tion that is going to be a mech­a­nism with mul­ti­ple stake­hold­ers, whether it’s heads of state or orga­ni­za­tions like [the Gates-fund­ed] CEPI or the Gates and [the Gates-fund­ed] Gavi and oth­ers and the WHO, of course, where we actu­al­ly look at these prin­ci­ples of, uh, access and so clear­ly, we’re engaged in that as well.”

    With­out the Gates and COVAX asso­ci­a­tions to lean on, the stam­mer­ing would have been much worse. Pfizer’s Albert Bourla seemed to rec­og­nize this, at one point inter­rupt­ing him­self to express his industry’s grat­i­tude and admi­ra­tion. “I want to take the oppor­tu­ni­ty to empha­size the role that Bill Gates is play­ing,” he said. He went on to call him “an inspi­ra­tion for all.”

    ***************************

    Gates can hard­ly dis­guise his con­tempt for the grow­ing inter­est in intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty bar­ri­ers. In recent months, as the debate has shift­ed from the WHO to the WTO, reporters have drawn testy respons­es from Gates that harken back to his prick­ly per­for­mances before con­gres­sion­al antitrust hear­ings a quar­ter-cen­tu­ry ago. When a Fast Com­pa­ny reporter raised the issue in Feb­ru­ary, she described Gates “rais­ing his voice slight­ly and laugh­ing in frus­tra­tion,” before snap­ping, “It’s irri­tat­ing that this issue comes up here. This isn’t about IP.”

    In inter­view after inter­view, Gates has dis­missed his crit­ics on the issue—who rep­re­sent the poor major­i­ty of the glob­al population—as spoiled chil­dren demand­ing ice cream before din­ner. “It’s the clas­sic sit­u­a­tion in glob­al health, where the advo­cates all of a sud­den want [the vac­cine] for zero dol­lars and right away,” he told Reuters in late Jan­u­ary. Gates has lard­ed the insults with com­ments that equate state-pro­tect­ed and pub­licly fund­ed monop­o­lies with the “free mar­ket.” “North Korea doesn’t have that many vac­cines, as far as we can tell,” he told The New York Times in Novem­ber. (It is curi­ous that he chose North Korea as an exam­ple and not Cuba, a social­ist coun­try with an inno­v­a­tive and world-class vac­cine devel­op­ment pro­gram with mul­ti­ple Covid-19 vac­cine can­di­dates in var­i­ous stages of test­ing.)

    The clos­est Gates has come to con­ced­ing that vac­cine monop­o­lies inhib­it pro­duc­tion came dur­ing a Jan­u­ary inter­view with South Africa’s Mail & Guardian. Asked about the grow­ing intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty debate, he respond­ed, “At this point, chang­ing the rules wouldn’t make any addi­tion­al vac­cines avail­able.”

    The first impli­ca­tion of “at this point” is that the moment has passed when chang­ing the rules could make a dif­fer­ence. This is a false but debat­able claim. The same can’t be said for the sec­ond impli­ca­tion, which is that nobody could have pos­si­bly fore­seen the cur­rent sup­ply cri­sis. Not only were the obsta­cles posed by intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty eas­i­ly pre­dictable a year ago, there was no lack of peo­ple mak­ing noise about the urgency of avoid­ing them. They includ­ed much of the glob­al research com­mu­ni­ty, major NGOs with long expe­ri­ence in med­i­cines devel­op­ment and access, and dozens of cur­rent and for­mer world lead­ers and pub­lic health experts. In a May 2020 open let­ter, more than 140 polit­i­cal and civ­il soci­ety lead­ers called upon gov­ern­ments and com­pa­nies to begin pool­ing their intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty. “Now is not the time … to leave this mas­sive and moral task to mar­ket forces,” they wrote.

    Bill Gates’s posi­tion on intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty was con­sis­tent with a life­long ide­o­log­i­cal com­mit­ment to knowl­edge monop­o­lies, forged dur­ing a venge­ful teenage cru­sade against the open-source pro­gram­ming cul­ture of the 1970s. As it hap­pens, a nov­el use of one cat­e­go­ry of intel­lec­tu­al property—copyright, applied to com­put­er code—made Gates the rich­est man in the world for most of two decades begin­ning in 1995. That same year, the WTO went into effect, chain­ing the devel­op­ing world to intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rules writ­ten by a hand­ful of exec­u­tives from the U.S. phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal, enter­tain­ment, and soft­ware indus­tries.

    **************************

    By 1999, Bill Gates was in his final year as CEO of Microsoft, focused on defend­ing the com­pa­ny he found­ed from antitrust suits on two con­ti­nents. As his busi­ness rep­u­ta­tion suf­fered high-pro­file beat­ings from U.S. and Euro­pean reg­u­la­tors, he was in the process of mov­ing on to his sec­ond act: the for­ma­tion of the Bill & Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion, which com­menced his unlike­ly rise to the com­mand­ing apex of glob­al pub­lic health pol­i­cy. His debut in that role occurred dur­ing the con­tentious fifty-sec­ond Gen­er­al Health Assem­bly in May 1999.

    It was the height of the bat­tle to bring gener­ic AIDS drugs to the devel­op­ing world. The cen­tral front was South Africa, where the HIV rate at the time was esti­mat­ed as high as 22 per­cent and threat­ened to dec­i­mate an entire gen­er­a­tion. In Decem­ber 1997, the Man­dela gov­ern­ment passed a law giv­ing the health min­istry pow­ers to pro­duce, pur­chase, and import low-cost drugs, includ­ing unbrand­ed ver­sions of com­bi­na­tion ther­a­pies priced by West­ern drug com­pa­nies at $10,000 and more. In response, 39 drug multi­na­tion­als filed suit against South Africa alleg­ing vio­la­tions of the country’s con­sti­tu­tion and its oblig­a­tions under the WTO’s Agree­ment on Trade-Relat­ed Aspects of Intel­lec­tu­al Prop­er­ty Rights, or TRIPS. The indus­try suit was backed by the diplo­mat­ic mus­cle of the Clin­ton admin­is­tra­tion, which tasked Al Gore with apply­ing pres­sure. In his 2012 doc­u­men­tary Fire in the Blood, Dylan Mohan Gray notes it took Wash­ing­ton 40 years to threat­en apartheid South Africa with sanc­tions and less than four to threat­en the post-apartheid Man­dela gov­ern­ment over AIDS drugs.

    Though South Africa bare­ly reg­is­tered as a mar­ket for the drug com­pa­nies, the appear­ance of cheap gener­ics pro­duced in vio­la­tion of patents any­where was a threat to monop­oly pric­ing every­where, accord­ing to the drug industry’s ver­sion of Cold War “domi­no the­o­ry.” Allow­ing poor nations to “free ride” on West­ern sci­ence and build par­al­lel drug economies would even­tu­al­ly cause prob­lems clos­er to home, where the indus­try spent bil­lions of dol­lars on a pro­pa­gan­da oper­a­tion to con­trol the nar­ra­tive around drug prices and keep the lid on pub­lic dis­con­tent. The com­pa­nies suing Man­dela had devised TRIPS as a long-term strate­gic response to the south-based gener­ics indus­try that arose in the 1960s. They had come too far to be set back by the needs of a pan­dem­ic in sub-Saha­ran Africa. U.S. and indus­try offi­cials paired old stand­by argu­ments about patents dri­ving inno­va­tion with claims that Africans posed a pub­lic health men­ace because they couldn’t keep time: Since they could not be relied on to take their med­i­cines on a sched­ule, giv­ing Africans access to the drugs would allow for the emer­gence of drug-resis­tant HIV vari­ants, accord­ing to indus­try and its gov­ern­ment and media allies.*

    In Gene­va, the law­suit was reflect­ed in a bat­tle at the WHO, which was divid­ed along a north-south fault line: on one side, the home coun­tries of the West­ern drug com­pa­nies; on the oth­er, a coali­tion of 134 devel­op­ing coun­tries (known col­lec­tive­ly as the Group of 77, or G77) and a ris­ing “third force” of civ­il soci­ety groups led by Médecins Sans Fron­tières and Oxfam. The point of con­flict was a WHO res­o­lu­tion that called on mem­ber states “to ensure equi­table access to essen­tial drugs; to ensure that pub­lic health inter­ests are para­mount in phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal and health poli­cies; [and] to explore and review their options under rel­e­vant inter­na­tion­al agree­ments, includ­ing trade agree­ments, to safe­guard access to essen­tial drugs.”

    West­ern coun­tries saw the res­o­lu­tion as a threat to the recent con­quest of monop­oly med­i­cine, achieved four years ear­li­er with the estab­lish­ment of the WTO. The indus­try grew increas­ing­ly help­less, how­ev­er, as glob­al pub­lic opin­ion and WHO mem­ber-state sen­ti­ment shift­ed in favor of the res­o­lu­tion and against the South Africa law­suit. In the weeks lead­ing up to the assem­bly, the com­pa­nies and their par­ent embassies floun­dered as they sought to turn the tide. Their grow­ing anx­i­ety is cap­tured in a series of leaked cables sent to Wash­ing­ton by the U.S. ambas­sador in Gene­va, George Moose, that April and May. In a diplo­mat­ic telegram dat­ed April 20, Moose expressed alarm over the grow­ing num­ber of WHO del­e­ga­tions mak­ing

    STATEMENTS THAT PUBLIC HEALTH SHOULD HAVE PRIMACY OVER COMMERCIAL INTERESTS UNDER WTO TRADE AGREEMENTS SUCH AS THE TRIPS (TRADE-RELATED ASPECTS OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS) … THEREBY POTENTIALLY UNDERMINING INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS (IPR).

    Moose was con­cerned that drug com­pa­nies were not help­ing their own cause and seemed inca­pable of doing any­thing but par­rot old talk­ing points about intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty as the dri­ver of inno­va­tion. The phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try, Moose wrote,

    SHOULD BE CARRYING MORE OF ITS OWN WATER ON THIS ISSUE, ESPECIALLY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, AND NOT SOLELY DEPEND ON THE ARGUMENT THAT IPR PROTECTS PROFITS THAT THEN ARE USED FOR DEVELOPMENT OF NEW DRUGS IN THE FUTURE. NOT 10 YEARS FROM NOW. THE SOUTH AFRICANS AND OTHERS ARE MOSTLY CONCERNED ABOUT AVAILABILITY OF DRUGS NOW. PROBLEMS RELATED TO LOCAL AVAILABILITY AND PRICING OF DRUGS THAT ARE UNRELATED TO TRIPS WILL UNDOUBTABLY REQUIRE FURTHER DISCUSSION.

    Over the course of weeks, a pic­ture emerges from Moose’s accounts of a phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try against the ropes, punch drunk and out of ideas. In the U.S. ambassador’s view, the prob­lem wasn’t moral bank­rupt­cy so much as incom­pe­tence. “RECOMMEND THE USG PUSH THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY TO ARGUE ITS POINTS MORE CONVINCINGLY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES,” the exas­per­at­ed ambas­sador wrote. “AND ESPECIALLY DEAL WITH THEIR CONCERNS ABOUT LOCAL DRUG AVAILABILITY AND PRICING.”

    Fol­low­ing the rau­cous buzz saw of the 1999 WHO Assem­bly, the drug com­pa­nies would make a humil­i­at­ing climb­down from their scan­dalous law­suit in South Africa, reduced to what The Wash­ing­ton Post called “close to pari­ah sta­tus.”

    At the same time, the indus­try was rich­er than ever. The Clin­ton admin­is­tra­tion had approved a long Big Phar­ma wish list, from broad­en­ing the avenues for pri­va­tiz­ing gov­ern­ment-fund­ed sci­ence to open­ing the age of direct mar­ket­ing of pre­scrip­tion drugs. The cor­re­spond­ing prof­its went to rein­force already his­tor­i­cal­ly rich D.C. and Gene­va lob­by­ing oper­a­tions. And yet, for all their com­bined might, the com­pa­nies were inca­pable of pro­duc­ing a mask resem­bling a cred­i­ble human face. A glob­al activist move­ment con­tin­ued to gath­er pub­lic opin­ion on its side and chip away at the legit­i­ma­cy of the monop­oly mod­el that under­lay the industry’s enor­mous pow­er. By every non­fi­nan­cial mea­sure, it was an indus­try in dis­tress. To bor­row a phrase from a future Bill Gates pro­duc­tion, you might say it was wait­ing for its Super­man.**

    When Moose was ring­ing the alarm over the future of TRIPS in the spring of 1999, Gates was prepar­ing to fund the launch of a pub­lic-pri­vate part­ner­ship called Gavi, the Vac­cine Alliance, with a seed grant of $750 mil­lion, mark­ing his arrival in the worlds of infec­tious dis­ease and pub­lic health. At the time, he was still best known for being the rich­est man in the world and the own­er of a soft­ware com­pa­ny engaged in anti-com­pet­i­tive prac­tices. This pro­file didn’t mean much in a rau­cous WHO Assem­bly hall packed with civ­il soci­ety groups and G77 del­e­ga­tions, which togeth­er booed the U.S. del­e­ga­tion when it tried to speak. At most, it was a source of brief con­ster­na­tion when offi­cers from the William H. Gates Foun­da­tion began dis­trib­ut­ing a glossy brochure tout­ing the role of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty in dri­ving bio­med­ical inno­va­tion.

    James Love, who orga­nized many of the civ­il soci­ety events around the 1999 Assem­bly, remem­bers see­ing the Gates staffers joined in the dis­tri­b­u­tion effort by Har­vey Bale, a for­mer U.S. trade offi­cial serv­ing as direc­tor gen­er­al of the Inter­na­tion­al Fed­er­a­tion of Phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal Man­u­fac­tur­ers Asso­ci­a­tions.

    “It was this nice full-col­or pam­phlet about why patents don’t present an access prob­lem, with the Gates Foun­da­tion logo at the bot­tom,” says Love. “It was strange, and I just thought, ‘OK, I guess this is what he’s doing now.’ Look­ing back, that’s when the phar­ma-Gates con­sor­tium set the mark­ers down on intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty. He’s been stick­ing his nose into every intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty debate since, telling every­one they can go to heav­en by pay­ing lip ser­vice to a few dis­counts to poor coun­tries.”

    Fol­low­ing the 1999 WHO Assem­bly, the indus­try tried to sal­vage its rep­u­ta­tion by offer­ing African coun­tries dis­counts on the anti­retro­vi­ral com­bi­na­tion ther­a­pies that cost $10,000 or more in rich coun­tries. The com­pro­mise prices it offered were still out­ra­geous­ly high, but even rais­ing the issue of price con­ces­sions was too much for Pfiz­er, whose rep­re­sen­ta­tives stormed out of the indus­try coali­tion on prin­ci­ple. Pub­lic opin­ion swung hard­er against the com­pa­nies, the result of a loud, inge­nious, and effec­tive direct-action cam­paign. Sim­i­lar to the first months of the Covid-19 pan­dem­ic, there was a sense of possibility—a hope that a forced break­down of a moral­ly obscene and blood­stained sys­tem was with­in grasp.

    “The move­ment was very focused and suc­cess­ful­ly build­ing pres­sure for struc­tur­al, more deci­sive solu­tions into the aughts,” says Asia Rus­sell, a vet­er­an HIV-AIDS activist and direc­tor of Health Gap, an HIV med­i­cines access group. “And just when we start­ed to secure some progress, a new ver­sion of the indus­try nar­ra­tive emerged from Gates and Phar­ma. It was all about how pric­ing poli­cies, gener­ic com­pe­ti­tion, any­thing that inter­feres with indus­try prof­its, will under­mine research and devel­op­ment, when the evi­dence shows that that argu­ment doesn’t hold water. Gates’s talk­ing points aligned with those of the indus­try.”

    Adds Manuel Mar­tin, the Médecins Sans Fron­tières pol­i­cy advis­er, “Gates defused the real issue of decol­o­niz­ing glob­al health. Instead, drug com­pa­nies could just give mon­ey to his insti­tu­tions.”

    Even after the drug com­pa­nies with­drew their law­suit against the South African gov­ern­ment and Indi­an-made gener­ics began flow­ing to Africa, Gates stayed cool toward com­pro­mis­es that he saw as threats to the intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty par­a­digm. This includ­ed his atti­tude toward the Uni­taid Med­i­cines Patent Pool, a vol­un­tary intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty pool found­ed in 2010 that enlarged access to some patent­ed HIV/AIDS med­i­cines. Though not a com­plete answer to the prob­lem, the MPP was the first work­ing exam­ple of a vol­un­tary intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty pool, one that many observers expect­ed to serve as a mod­el frame­work for the WHO-admin­is­tered Covid-19 pool.

    Brook Bak­er, a law pro­fes­sor at North­east­ern Uni­ver­si­ty and senior pol­i­cy ana­lyst for Health GAP, says Gates has always been wary of the Uni­taid pool as going too far in the direc­tion of infring­ing on intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty.

    “Ini­tial­ly, Gates was unsup­port­ive and even hos­tile toward the AIDS Med­i­cines Patent Pool,” says Bak­er. “He brought that hos­til­i­ty to relax­ing industry’s iron-fist con­trol over its tech­nolo­gies into the pan­dem­ic. His expla­na­tion for reject­ing mod­els to coun­ter­act this con­trol nev­er added up. If I.P. isn’t impor­tant, why are com­pa­nies refus­ing to vol­un­tar­i­ly give it up when it could be used to expand sup­ply in the mid­dle of the world’s worst pub­lic health cri­sis in a cen­tu­ry? It’s not impor­tant, or it’s so impor­tant it has to be close­ly guard­ed and pro­tect­ed. You can’t have it both ways.”

    ********************

    This win­ter, while Gates assured the world that intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty was a red her­ring, a bloc of devel­op­ing coun­tries at the WTO explained the need for a waiv­er on cer­tain intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty pro­vi­sions by point­ing to the “rather large gap [that] exists between what COVAX or ACT‑A can deliv­er and what is required in devel­op­ing and least devel­oped coun­tries.”

    The force­ful state­ment con­tin­ued:

    The mod­el of dona­tion and phil­an­thropic expe­di­en­cy can­not solve the fun­da­men­tal dis­con­nect between the monop­o­lis­tic mod­el it under­writes and the very real desire of devel­op­ing and least devel­oped coun­tries to pro­duce for them­selves.… The arti­fi­cial short­age of vac­cines is pri­mar­i­ly caused by the inap­pro­pri­ate use of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights.

    Anoth­er state­ment by a dif­fer­ent bloc of coun­tries added, “COVID19 reveals the deep struc­tur­al inequal­i­ty in access to med­i­cines glob­al­ly, and a root cause is IP that sus­tains and dom­i­nates industry’s inter­ests at the cost of lives.”

    Gates is cer­tain he knows bet­ter. But his fail­ure to antic­i­pate a cri­sis of sup­ply, and his refusal to engage those who pre­dict­ed it, have com­pli­cat­ed the care­ful­ly main­tained image of an all-know­ing, saint­ly mega-phil­an­thropist. COVAX presents a high-stakes demon­stra­tion of Gates’s deep­est ide­o­log­i­cal com­mit­ments, not just to intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights but also to the con­fla­tion of these rights with an imag­i­nary free mar­ket in pharmaceuticals—an indus­try dom­i­nat­ed by com­pa­nies whose pow­er derives from polit­i­cal­ly con­struct­ed and polit­i­cal­ly imposed monop­o­lies. Gates has been tac­it­ly and explic­it­ly defend­ing the legit­i­ma­cy of knowl­edge monop­o­lies since his first Ger­ald Ford–era mis­sives against open-source soft­ware hob­by­ists. He was on the side of these monop­o­lies dur­ing the mis­er­able depths of the 1990s African AIDS cri­sis. He’s still there today, defend­ing the sta­tus quo and run­ning effec­tive inter­fer­ence for those prof­it­ing by the bil­lions from their con­trol of Covid-19 vac­cines.

    His lat­est move is to insti­tu­tion­al­ize the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor as the cen­tral orga­niz­ing insti­tu­tion in future pan­demics. The short­ages have made this effort a lit­tle awk­ward, how­ev­er, and Gates is now forced to reck­on with the ques­tion of tech­nol­o­gy trans­fer. This is an aspect of the equi­table access debate that doesn’t con­cern intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty as com­mon­ly perceived—as a sim­ple mat­ter of patents and licenses—but access to the com­po­nents and tech­ni­cal knowl­edge relat­ed to prac­ti­cal man­u­fac­ture, includ­ing bio­log­i­cal mate­r­i­al and oth­er areas oth­er­wise pro­tect­ed under the cat­e­go­ry of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty known as trade secrets. The glob­al south and civ­il soci­ety groups have been call­ing for tech trans­fer for months—either manda­to­ry tech trans­fer that could have been writ­ten into con­tracts or through a vol­un­tary mech­a­nism asso­ci­at­ed with C‑TAP—but Gates has pre­dictably arrived on the scene with a more famil­iar plan in hand.

    In ear­ly March, senior Gates staff joined phar­ma exec­u­tives for a “Glob­al C19 Vac­cine Sup­ply Chain and Man­u­fac­tur­ing Sum­mit” con­vened by Chatham House in Lon­don. The main agen­da item: plans for a new arm with­in the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor, the Covid Vac­cine Capac­i­ty Con­nec­tor, that seeks to address the tech-trans­fer ques­tion with­in the usu­al frame of monop­oly rights and bilat­er­al licens­ing.

    “The tech trans­fer debate is being deci­sive­ly seized and shaped by those who want to set the terms and con­di­tions under which knowl­edge can be trans­ferred,” writes Pri­ti Pat­naik in her Gene­va Health Files newslet­ter. A Gates-direct­ed tech-trans­fer mech­a­nism with­out mean­ing­ful input from WHO mem­bers states, she writes, would be a “body blow” to C‑TAP and sim­i­lar future ini­tia­tives that pro­mote open licens­ing and knowl­edge shar­ing to max­i­mize pro­duc­tion and access.

    ...

    ————–

    “How Bill Gates Imped­ed Glob­al Access to Covid Vac­cines” by Alexan­der Zaitchik; New Repub­lic; 04/12/2021

    “How he’s devel­oped and wield­ed this influ­ence over two decades is one of the more con­se­quen­tial and under­ap­pre­ci­at­ed shapers of the failed glob­al response to the Covid-19 pan­dem­ic. Enter­ing year two, this response has been defined by a zero-sum vac­ci­na­tion bat­tle that has left much of the world on the los­ing side.”

    It’s hard to read that sum­ma­ry of Bill Gates’s more than two decades of work in the vac­cine devel­op­ment field and not arrive at the con­clu­sion that he has played one of the more con­se­quen­tial and under­ap­pre­ci­at­ed roles in shap­ing the glob­al COVID pan­dem­ic response. A role be focused on ensur­ing the con­tin­u­a­tion of a sys­tem of grant­i­ng monop­oly intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights for vac­cine devel­op­ers even in the face of major glob­al pan­demics. When it seemed like the entire world was unit­ed behind the idea of pool­ing togeth­er knowl­edge, resources, and intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights to ensure every­one every­where would get access to a vac­cine as soon one is safe­ly avail­able, man­i­fest­ed as the WHO’s Covid-19 Tech­nol­o­gy Access Pool (C‑TAP), Gates was lit­er­al­ly launch­ing an alter­na­tive glob­al vac­cine devel­op­ment ini­tia­tive — the COVID-19 ACT-Accel­er­a­tor — designed to ensure the main­te­nance of the glob­al intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty monop­oly sys­tem for vac­cines remains intact. Flash for­ward to today, the devel­op­ing world is still bare­ly able to get a vac­cine. The Gates mod­el qui­et­ly won a very con­se­quen­tial vic­to­ry:

    ...
    When the Finan­cial Times edi­to­ri­al­ized on March 27 that “the world has an over­whelm­ing inter­est in ensur­ing [Covid-19 drugs and vac­cines] will be uni­ver­sal­ly and cheap­ly avail­able,” the paper expressed what felt like a hard­en­ing con­ven­tion­al wis­dom. This sense of pos­si­bil­i­ty embold­ened forces work­ing to extend the coop­er­a­tive mod­el. Ground­ing their efforts was a plan, start­ed in ear­ly March, to cre­ate a vol­un­tary intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty pool inside the WHO. Instead of putting up pro­pri­etary walls around research and orga­niz­ing it as a “race,” pub­lic and pri­vate actors would col­lect research and asso­ci­at­ed intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty in a glob­al knowl­edge fund for the dura­tion of the pan­dem­ic. The idea became real in late May with the launch of the WHO Covid-19 Tech­nol­o­gy Access Pool, or C‑TAP.

    ...

    In April, Bill Gates launched a bold bid to man­age the world’s sci­en­tif­ic response to the pan­dem­ic. Gates’s Covid-19 ACT-Accel­er­a­tor expressed a sta­tus quo vision for orga­niz­ing the research, devel­op­ment, man­u­fac­ture, and dis­tri­b­u­tion of treat­ments and vac­cines. Like oth­er Gates-fund­ed insti­tu­tions in the pub­lic health are­na, the Accel­er­a­tor was a pub­lic-pri­vate part­ner­ship based on char­i­ty and indus­try entice­ments. Cru­cial­ly, and in con­trast to the C‑TAP, the Accel­er­a­tor enshrined Gates’s long-stand­ing com­mit­ment to respect­ing exclu­sive intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty claims. Its implic­it arguments—that intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights won’t present prob­lems for meet­ing glob­al demand or ensur­ing equi­table access, and that they must be pro­tect­ed, even dur­ing a pandemic—carried the enor­mous weight of Gates’s rep­u­ta­tion as a wise, benef­i­cent, and prophet­ic leader.

    ...

    Gates’s mar­quee Covid-19 ini­tia­tive start­ed rel­a­tive­ly small. Two days before the WHO declared a pan­dem­ic on March 11, 2020, the Bill & Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion announced some­thing called the Ther­a­peu­tics Accel­er­a­tor, a joint ini­tia­tive with Mas­ter­card and the char­i­ty group the Well­come Trust to iden­ti­fy and devel­op poten­tial treat­ments for the nov­el coro­n­avirus. Dou­bling as a social brand­ing exer­cise for a giant of glob­al finance, the Accel­er­a­tor reflect­ed Gates’s famil­iar for­mu­la of cor­po­rate phil­an­thropy, which he has applied to every­thing from malar­ia to mal­nu­tri­tion. In ret­ro­spect, it was a strong indi­ca­tor that Gates’s ded­i­ca­tion to monop­oly med­i­cine would sur­vive the pan­dem­ic, even before he and his foundation’s offi­cers began to say so pub­licly.

    This was con­firmed when a big­ger ver­sion of the Accel­er­a­tor was unveiled the fol­low­ing month at the WHO. The Access to Covid-19 Tools Accel­er­a­tor, or ACT-Accel­er­a­tor, was Gates’s bid to orga­nize the devel­op­ment and dis­tri­b­u­tion of every­thing from ther­a­peu­tics to test­ing. The biggest and most con­se­quen­tial arm, COVAX, pro­posed to sub­si­dize vac­cine deals with poor coun­tries through dona­tions by, and sales to, rich­er ones. The goal was always lim­it­ed: It aimed to pro­vide vac­cines for up to 20 per­cent of the pop­u­la­tion in low-to-mid­dle-income coun­tries. After that, gov­ern­ments would large­ly have to com­pete on the glob­al mar­ket like every­one else. It was a par­tial demand-side solu­tion to what the move­ment coa­lesc­ing around a call for a “people’s vac­cine” warned would be a dual cri­sis of sup­ply and access, with intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty at the cen­ter of both.

    ...

    “Things could have gone either way,” says Love, “but Gates want­ed exclu­sive rights main­tained. He act­ed fast to stop the push for shar­ing the knowl­edge need­ed to make the products—the know-how, the data, the cell lines, the tech trans­fer, the trans­paren­cy that is crit­i­cal­ly impor­tant in a dozen ways. The pool­ing approach rep­re­sent­ed by C‑TAP includ­ed all of that. Instead of back­ing those ear­ly dis­cus­sions, he raced ahead and sig­naled sup­port for busi­ness-as-usu­al on intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty by announc­ing the ACT-Accel­er­at0or in March.”

    One year lat­er, the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor has failed to meet its goal of pro­vid­ing dis­count­ed vac­cines to the “pri­or­i­ty fifth” of low-income pop­u­la­tions. The drug com­pa­nies and rich nations that had so much praise for the ini­tia­tive a year ago have retreat­ed into bilat­er­al deals that leave lit­tle for any­body else. “The low- and mid­dle-income coun­tries are pret­ty much on their own, and there’s just not much out there,” said Peter Hotez, dean of the Nation­al School of Trop­i­cal Med­i­cine in Hous­ton. “Despite their best efforts, the Gates mod­el and its insti­tu­tions are still indus­try-depen­dent.”

    ...

    His lat­est move is to insti­tu­tion­al­ize the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor as the cen­tral orga­niz­ing insti­tu­tion in future pan­demics. The short­ages have made this effort a lit­tle awk­ward, how­ev­er, and Gates is now forced to reck­on with the ques­tion of tech­nol­o­gy trans­fer. This is an aspect of the equi­table access debate that doesn’t con­cern intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty as com­mon­ly perceived—as a sim­ple mat­ter of patents and licenses—but access to the com­po­nents and tech­ni­cal knowl­edge relat­ed to prac­ti­cal man­u­fac­ture, includ­ing bio­log­i­cal mate­r­i­al and oth­er areas oth­er­wise pro­tect­ed under the cat­e­go­ry of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty known as trade secrets. The glob­al south and civ­il soci­ety groups have been call­ing for tech trans­fer for months—either manda­to­ry tech trans­fer that could have been writ­ten into con­tracts or through a vol­un­tary mech­a­nism asso­ci­at­ed with C‑TAP—but Gates has pre­dictably arrived on the scene with a more famil­iar plan in hand.

    In ear­ly March, senior Gates staff joined phar­ma exec­u­tives for a “Glob­al C19 Vac­cine Sup­ply Chain and Man­u­fac­tur­ing Sum­mit” con­vened by Chatham House in Lon­don. The main agen­da item: plans for a new arm with­in the ACT-Accel­er­a­tor, the Covid Vac­cine Capac­i­ty Con­nec­tor, that seeks to address the tech-trans­fer ques­tion with­in the usu­al frame of monop­oly rights and bilat­er­al licens­ing.
    ...

    And we should­n’t be sur­prised by the cen­tral role Bill Gates as been play­ing in this fight to pro­tect monop­oly intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty rights for phar­ma­ceu­ti­cals. It’s the same bat­tle he’s been fight­ing in the soft­ware sec­tor for decades. Start­ing with the pro­found role Gates played in defend­ing the phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try’s moral­ly con­temptible deci­sion in 1999 to sue to pre­vent the man­u­fac­ture and dis­tri­b­u­tion of HIV med­i­cines in the HIV-rav­aged devel­op­ing coun­tries of the world. It was such an overt­ly gross posi­tion that the indus­try achieved glob­al pari­ah sta­tus that year. That was went Bill Gates entered the vac­cine devel­op­ment debate, seem­ing­ly work­ing hand-in-hand with the indus­try. It’s a reminder that Gates’s osten­si­bly noble inter­est in vac­cine devel­op­ment dou­bled as a kind of indi­rect legal bot­tle to pro­tect his own monop­oly-based soft­ware for­tune. A bat­tle he began wag­ing in 1999 in defense of keep­ing gener­ic HIV drugs out of the hands of poor coun­tries:

    ...
    By 1999, Bill Gates was in his final year as CEO of Microsoft, focused on defend­ing the com­pa­ny he found­ed from antitrust suits on two con­ti­nents. As his busi­ness rep­u­ta­tion suf­fered high-pro­file beat­ings from U.S. and Euro­pean reg­u­la­tors, he was in the process of mov­ing on to his sec­ond act: the for­ma­tion of the Bill & Melin­da Gates Foun­da­tion, which com­menced his unlike­ly rise to the com­mand­ing apex of glob­al pub­lic health pol­i­cy. His debut in that role occurred dur­ing the con­tentious fifty-sec­ond Gen­er­al Health Assem­bly in May 1999.

    It was the height of the bat­tle to bring gener­ic AIDS drugs to the devel­op­ing world. The cen­tral front was South Africa, where the HIV rate at the time was esti­mat­ed as high as 22 per­cent and threat­ened to dec­i­mate an entire gen­er­a­tion. In Decem­ber 1997, the Man­dela gov­ern­ment passed a law giv­ing the health min­istry pow­ers to pro­duce, pur­chase, and import low-cost drugs, includ­ing unbrand­ed ver­sions of com­bi­na­tion ther­a­pies priced by West­ern drug com­pa­nies at $10,000 and more. In response, 39 drug multi­na­tion­als filed suit against South Africa alleg­ing vio­la­tions of the country’s con­sti­tu­tion and its oblig­a­tions under the WTO’s Agree­ment on Trade-Relat­ed Aspects of Intel­lec­tu­al Prop­er­ty Rights, or TRIPS. The indus­try suit was backed by the diplo­mat­ic mus­cle of the Clin­ton admin­is­tra­tion, which tasked Al Gore with apply­ing pres­sure. In his 2012 doc­u­men­tary Fire in the Blood, Dylan Mohan Gray notes it took Wash­ing­ton 40 years to threat­en apartheid South Africa with sanc­tions and less than four to threat­en the post-apartheid Man­dela gov­ern­ment over AIDS drugs.

    Though South Africa bare­ly reg­is­tered as a mar­ket for the drug com­pa­nies, the appear­ance of cheap gener­ics pro­duced in vio­la­tion of patents any­where was a threat to monop­oly pric­ing every­where, accord­ing to the drug industry’s ver­sion of Cold War “domi­no the­o­ry.” Allow­ing poor nations to “free ride” on West­ern sci­ence and build par­al­lel drug economies would even­tu­al­ly cause prob­lems clos­er to home, where the indus­try spent bil­lions of dol­lars on a pro­pa­gan­da oper­a­tion to con­trol the nar­ra­tive around drug prices and keep the lid on pub­lic dis­con­tent. The com­pa­nies suing Man­dela had devised TRIPS as a long-term strate­gic response to the south-based gener­ics indus­try that arose in the 1960s. They had come too far to be set back by the needs of a pan­dem­ic in sub-Saha­ran Africa. U.S. and indus­try offi­cials paired old stand­by argu­ments about patents dri­ving inno­va­tion with claims that Africans posed a pub­lic health men­ace because they couldn’t keep time: Since they could not be relied on to take their med­i­cines on a sched­ule, giv­ing Africans access to the drugs would allow for the emer­gence of drug-resis­tant HIV vari­ants, accord­ing to indus­try and its gov­ern­ment and media allies.*

    ...

    Fol­low­ing the rau­cous buzz saw of the 1999 WHO Assem­bly, the drug com­pa­nies would make a humil­i­at­ing climb­down from their scan­dalous law­suit in South Africa, reduced to what The Wash­ing­ton Post called “close to pari­ah sta­tus.”

    At the same time, the indus­try was rich­er than ever. The Clin­ton admin­is­tra­tion had approved a long Big Phar­ma wish list, from broad­en­ing the avenues for pri­va­tiz­ing gov­ern­ment-fund­ed sci­ence to open­ing the age of direct mar­ket­ing of pre­scrip­tion drugs. The cor­re­spond­ing prof­its went to rein­force already his­tor­i­cal­ly rich D.C. and Gene­va lob­by­ing oper­a­tions. And yet, for all their com­bined might, the com­pa­nies were inca­pable of pro­duc­ing a mask resem­bling a cred­i­ble human face. A glob­al activist move­ment con­tin­ued to gath­er pub­lic opin­ion on its side and chip away at the legit­i­ma­cy of the monop­oly mod­el that under­lay the industry’s enor­mous pow­er. By every non­fi­nan­cial mea­sure, it was an indus­try in dis­tress. To bor­row a phrase from a future Bill Gates pro­duc­tion, you might say it was wait­ing for its Super­man.**

    When Moose was ring­ing the alarm over the future of TRIPS in the spring of 1999, Gates was prepar­ing to fund the launch of a pub­lic-pri­vate part­ner­ship called Gavi, the Vac­cine Alliance, with a seed grant of $750 mil­lion, mark­ing his arrival in the worlds of infec­tious dis­ease and pub­lic health. At the time, he was still best known for being the rich­est man in the world and the own­er of a soft­ware com­pa­ny engaged in anti-com­pet­i­tive prac­tices. This pro­file didn’t mean much in a rau­cous WHO Assem­bly hall packed with civ­il soci­ety groups and G77 del­e­ga­tions, which togeth­er booed the U.S. del­e­ga­tion when it tried to speak. At most, it was a source of brief con­ster­na­tion when offi­cers from the William H. Gates Foun­da­tion began dis­trib­ut­ing a glossy brochure tout­ing the role of intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty in dri­ving bio­med­ical inno­va­tion.

    ...

    “It was this nice full-col­or pam­phlet about why patents don’t present an access prob­lem, with the Gates Foun­da­tion logo at the bot­tom,” says Love. “It was strange, and I just thought, ‘OK, I guess this is what he’s doing now.’ Look­ing back, that’s when the phar­ma-Gates con­sor­tium set the mark­ers down on intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty. He’s been stick­ing his nose into every intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty debate since, telling every­one they can go to heav­en by pay­ing lip ser­vice to a few dis­counts to poor coun­tries.”

    Fol­low­ing the 1999 WHO Assem­bly, the indus­try tried to sal­vage its rep­u­ta­tion by offer­ing African coun­tries dis­counts on the anti­retro­vi­ral com­bi­na­tion ther­a­pies that cost $10,000 or more in rich coun­tries. The com­pro­mise prices it offered were still out­ra­geous­ly high, but even rais­ing the issue of price con­ces­sions was too much for Pfiz­er, whose rep­re­sen­ta­tives stormed out of the indus­try coali­tion on prin­ci­ple. Pub­lic opin­ion swung hard­er against the com­pa­nies, the result of a loud, inge­nious, and effec­tive direct-action cam­paign. Sim­i­lar to the first months of the Covid-19 pan­dem­ic, there was a sense of possibility—a hope that a forced break­down of a moral­ly obscene and blood­stained sys­tem was with­in grasp.

    “The move­ment was very focused and suc­cess­ful­ly build­ing pres­sure for struc­tur­al, more deci­sive solu­tions into the aughts,” says Asia Rus­sell, a vet­er­an HIV-AIDS activist and direc­tor of Health Gap, an HIV med­i­cines access group. “And just when we start­ed to secure some progress, a new ver­sion of the indus­try nar­ra­tive emerged from Gates and Phar­ma. It was all about how pric­ing poli­cies, gener­ic com­pe­ti­tion, any­thing that inter­feres with indus­try prof­its, will under­mine research and devel­op­ment, when the evi­dence shows that that argu­ment doesn’t hold water. Gates’s talk­ing points aligned with those of the indus­try.”

    Adds Manuel Mar­tin, the Médecins Sans Fron­tières pol­i­cy advis­er, “Gates defused the real issue of decol­o­niz­ing glob­al health. Instead, drug com­pa­nies could just give mon­ey to his insti­tu­tions.”
    ...

    As we can see, it was this lega­cy from over two decades ago — a lega­cy of embrac­ing the phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­try’s far­ci­cal ‘no one will devel­op new drugs if we can’t make wild prof­its’ argu­ments in the face of the HIV pan­dem­ic — that the Gates mod­el for COVID vac­cine devel­op­ment was built upon. The Gates mod­el that was ulti­mate­ly adopt­ed and is now the mod­el for future pan­dem­ic respons­es.

    So while we can’t pre­dict where the next pan­dem­ic will hit, when it will strike, or what kind of dis­ease it will be, we can pre­dict with com­plete con­fi­dence that the next pan­dem­ic will be wild­ly prof­itable to an already wild­ly-prof­itable indus­try. Because pri­or­i­ties.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 18, 2021, 4:34 pm

Post a comment