Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #351 Mein Jihad, Part 3

MP3 Side 1 | Side 2

Sup­ple­ment­ing pre­vi­ous broad­casts deal­ing with “Islam­o­fas­cism,” this pro­gram fur­ther devel­ops con­nec­tions between the milieu of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood and the milieu of Al Qae­da.

1. Begin­ning with dis­cus­sion of Aus­tri­an fas­cist Jurg Haider’s report­ed­ly immi­nent con­ver­sion to Islam, the broad­cast reviews a lit­tle of Haider’s back­ground, includ­ing his recent of sup­port of Sad­dam Hus­sein. (“Life Change” [Avenue of the Amer­i­c­as]; Finan­cial Times; 3/5/2002, p.15) It should be not­ed Hus­sein also has a fas­cist her­itage, albeit a sec­u­lar, not theo­crat­ic, one.

2. Haider’s alleged con­ver­sion was report­ed by his good friend, the son of Libyan dic­ta­tor Moham­mar Khadafy. (Idem.)

3. In that con­text, one should bear in mind that Khadafy’s intel­li­gence ser­vice was assem­bled by for­mer Gestapo chief Hein­rich Mueller, the dead­ly, effi­cient secu­ri­ty direc­tor for the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion. The eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal com­po­nent of a Third Reich gone under­ground, the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion con­trols cor­po­rate Ger­many and much of the rest of the world. The eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal com­po­nent of a Third Reich gone under­ground, cre­at­ed and run by Mar­tin Bor­mann, the orga­ni­za­tion­al genius who was the “the pow­er behind the throne” in Nazi Ger­many, the Bor­mann orga­ni­za­tion con­trols cor­po­rate Ger­many and much of the rest of the world. The Bor­mann group is a pri­ma­ry ele­ment of the analy­sis pre­sent­ed in the For the Record pro­grams.

4. The Mueller/Khadafy oper­a­tion was described by Paul Man­ning:

“Mueller’s team estab­lished such an effec­tive intel­li­gence ser­vice for Nass­er, known as the Gen­er­al Intel­li­gence Ser­vice, that Colonel Qad­hafi of Libya, then the new rev­o­lu­tion­ary leader of his coun­try, asked Nass­er to make the Ger­man team of advi­sors avail­able to him also. This was done, and upon arrival the Ger­mans start­ed with a thor­ough house­clean­ing of the Libyan secret police hired by the pre­vi­ous ruler, King Idris. Today, Libyan intel­li­gence agents are sta­tioned in all Libyan African and over­seas embassies and con­sulates, and they are tough and ruth­less. Per­haps as a quid pro quo to this ser­vice to Libya, the Colonel grant­ed the West Ger­man rock­et com­pa­ny, Otrag, rights to a vast test range 600 miles south of Tripoli in 1980.”

(Mar­tin Bor­mann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Man­ning; Copy­right 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stu­art Inc.; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; p. 212.)

5. Next, the pro­gram turns to the main top­ic of dis­cus­sion, the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood, with a review of the Islam­o­fas­cist ide­ol­o­gy of the Broth­er­hood’s founder, Has­san al-Ban­na. (Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam; by Richard Labeviere; Copy­right 2000 [SC]; Algo­ra Pub­lish­ing; ISBN 1–892941-06–6; p. 126.)

6. Much of the Broth­er­hood’s phi­los­o­phy is adapt­ed from those of Mus­soli­ni and Hitler. (Ibid.; p. 127.)

7. The broad­cast also reviews the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood and (alleged) Third Reich back­ground of Youss­eff Nada, whose Nada man­age­ment (for­mer­ly Al Taqwa) is alleged by the U.S. to be a front for Al Qae­da. (Ibid.; pp. 140–141.)

8. Next, the pro­gram focus­es on an Al Taqwa, Gulf office, that is an Ital­ian-based Broth­er­hood orga­ni­za­tion. (Ibid.; p. 150.)

9. Gulf office was a focal point of the “Clean Hands” inves­ti­ga­tion in 1994. (Idem.) That inves­ti­ga­tion result­ed in the indict­ment of for­mer P‑2 Lodge mem­ber and Ital­ian Prime Min­is­ter Sil­vio Berlus­coni.

10. In an attempt to relieve the ongo­ing pres­sure on him, Berlus­coni has recent­ly been inter­fer­ing with the Ital­ian judi­cial process. (“UN tells Berlus­coni: Leave Courts Alone” by Phillip Willan; The Guardian; 1/25/2002.)

11. Nada is con­nect­ed to Prince Alwaleed, who is a busi­neess part­ner of Berlus­coni. (“The Alms of Mon­sieur Yousssef Nada” by Peter Gomes and Leo Sisti; Espres­so; 11/22/2001; p. 48.)

12. The dis­cus­sion then returns to Gulf Office, and its alleged con­nec­tion to Islam­ic ter­ror. (Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam; pp. 150–151.)

13. As dis­cussed in pre­vi­ous pro­grams about Al Taqwa, wealthy Saud­is (includ­ing the Bin Laden fam­i­ly) have been involved with fund­ing Al Taqwa and the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. In a recent trip to Sau­di Ara­bia, Trea­sury Sec­re­tary Paul O’Neill was emphat­i­cal­ly con­cil­ia­to­ry to the petrodol­lar milieu, to which both Georges Bush belong. (O’Neill Promis­es Cau­tion in Cit­ing Saud­is” By James M. Dorsey; Wall Street Jour­nal; 3/17/2002; p. A21.)

14. O’Neill was dis­cussing the use of Islam­ic char­i­ties as fronts for Islamist ter­ror. (Idem.) Evi­dence that they have been used in this capac­i­ty is con­sid­er­able, and promi­nent Saud­is have appar­ent­ly been involved (includ­ing mem­bers of the Bin Mah­fouz and Bin Laden fam­i­lies.) The Bin Mah­fouz, Bin Laden and “Bin” Bush fam­i­lies have sig­nif­i­cant busi­ness con­nec­tions. The Saud­is (and the Bush­es?) have been con­cerned that their busi­ness rep­u­ta­tions may be dam­aged by “full dis­clo­sure.” It would seem from O’Neil­l’s com­ments that this will not be forth­com­ing any time soon.

15. The sec­ond side of the broad­cast begins with dis­cus­sion of Mer­cy Inter­na­tion­al (also trans­lat­ed as Relief Inter­na­tion­al), an Islam­ic char­i­ty, off­shoot of Gulf Office, Al Taqwa and the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. (Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam; pp. 152–153.) Offices of this orga­ni­za­tion were recent­ly shut down in both the U.S. and Bosnia-they are alleged to be involved with Al Qae­da.

16. The broad­cast dis­cuss­es the alleged sup­port of the petro­le­um fac­tion of U.S. intel­li­gence in mov­ing the head­quar­ters of Mer­cy Inter­na­tion­al to the Unit­ed States. (Ibid.; p. 364.)

17. Next, the broad­cast reviews the relo­ca­tion of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood to Ger­many, fol­low­ing their sup­pres­sion by Nass­er. Dis­cussing the dias­po­ra of the Broth­er­hood fol­low­ing its expul­sion from Egypt, an ana­lyst dis­cussed the estab­lish­ment of Munich as a pri­ma­ry base of oper­a­tions.

“‘Why Munich, why Ger­many?’ I asked Rifaat Said. ‘Because there, one finds old com­plic­i­ties that go back to the late 1930’s, when the Mus­lim Broth­ers col­lab­o­rat­ed with the agents of Nazi Ger­many. . . By soak­ing up the sav­ings of these Mus­lim work­ers, Yussef Nada, like Said Ramadan, took advan­tage of an extreme­ly favor­able con­text and used it as a spring­board for the Mus­lim Broth­ers’ eco­nom­ic activ­i­ties.’ ”

(Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam; pp. 152–153.)

18. The broad­cast sets forth the appar­ent rela­tion­ship between Said Ramadan (head of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood) and Sau­di Ara­bia, a pri­ma­ry source of fund­ing for the Broth­er­hood. (Idem.)

19. The pro­gram then high­lights Ramadan’s relo­ca­tion of the Broth­er­hood’s base of oper­a­tions from Munich to Gene­va, in order to merge its oper­a­tions with those of the Alger­ian FLN. (Ibid.; p. 154.)

20. This was alleged­ly done in order to ally with the finan­cial patron of the FLN, the influ­en­tial Swiss Nazi Fran­cois Genoud. (Idem.)

21. The broad­cast then sets forth infor­ma­tion about Genoud’s asso­ci­a­tion with the FLN and his assump­tion of its chief finan­cial oper­a­tions. (Dream­er of the Day: Fran­cis Park­er Yock­ey and the Post­war Fas­cist Inter­na­tion­al; by Kevin Coogan; Autono­me­dia; Copy­right 1999 [SC]; ISBN 1–57027-039–2; pp. 585–6.)

22. Fol­low­ing part of the line of suc­ces­sion in the Broth­er­hood, the pro­gram then notes that the afore­men­tioned Said Ramadan was the son-in-law of founder Has­san al-Ban­na, and that two of Ramadan’s sons were appar­ent­ly involved with the Broth­er­hood. (Dol­lars for Ter­ror: The Unit­ed States and Islam; pp. 154–5.)

23. The pro­gram con­cludes with a look at an appar­ent diver­gence between the CIA’s atti­tude toward the Broth­er­hood and Sau­di spon­sor­ship of Islamism and that of the Pen­ta­gon. (Ibid.; pp. 157–158.)


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