Recorded November 12, 2006
Introduction: Supplementing previous programs about the perils of electronic voting, this broadcast highlights the new proprietors of the Sequoia electronic voting technology. Previously run by elements connected to organized crime and the GOP, Sequoia was recently purchased by Smartmatic. Because Smartmatic is linked to the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chavez, Smartmatic’s purchase of Sequoia has raised alarms in Washington. The truth concerning Smartmatic is more sinister than its critics in D.C. suspect.
Somewhat obscured by a tangled web of offshore companies, Smartmatic (and Sequoia’s voting machines) are actually owned by a group of entities affiliated with the member companies of I.G. Farben. The backbone of Nazi Germany and one of the most important companies in the history of commerce, I.G. Farben dominated the international chemical and pharmaceutical business. I.G.’s successor firms continue to dominate these fields.
After tracing the ownership of Smartmatic to entities associated with the Sandoz pharmaceutical interests; the program sets forth the profound relationship between I.G. Farben and the machinery of Nazi government. After highlighting I.G. Farben’s role in the Bormann flight capital program that relocated the Third Reich’s wealth abroad, the program underscores the position of the successor firms to I.G. in the day-to-day functioning of the Underground Reich. It is that Underground Reich that now holds sway over the Sequoia voting technology used in the U.S.
Program Highlights Include: The role of Smartmatic’s parent firm Citco as the largest hedge fund administrator in the world; Citco’s role as manager of George Soros’s Quantum Fund; the U.S. Government’s unsuccessful attempt at prosecuting Sandoz for conspiring with the Farben cartel in the run-up to World War II; review of the position of the Bormann network in the contemporary business and political environments.
1. Beginning the analysis of the entities underlying the purchase of Sequoia by Smartmatic, the program highlights the connections of the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chavez to Smartmatic. (For more about Sequoia and its involvement in highly questionable activities, see—among other programs—FTR#470 , 487 , 493 , 494 .) “The federal government is investigating the takeover last year of a leading American manufacturer of electronic voting systems by a small software company that has been linked to the leftist Venezuelan government of President Hugo Chavez. The inquiry is focusing on the Venezuelan owners of the software company, the Smartmatic Corporation, and is trying to determine whether the government in Caracas has any control or influence over the firm’s operations, government officials and others familiar with the investigation said. The inquiry on the eve of the midterm elections is being conducted by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, or Cfius, the same panel of 12 government agencies that reviewed the abortive attempt by a company in Dubai to take over operations at six American ports earlier this year. The committee’s formal inquiry into Smartmatic and its subsidiary, Sequoia Voting Systems of Oakland, Calif., was first reported Saturday in The Miami Herald. . . .”
(“U.S. Investigates Voting Machines’ Venezuela Ties” by Tim Golden; The New York Times; 10/29/2006.) 
2. The evidence suggests a symbiotic relationship between Smartmatic and Hugo Chavez’s governmental milieu. “ . . . Smartmatic was a little-known firm with no experience in voting technology before it was chosen by the Venezuelan authorities to replace the country’s elections machinery ahead of a contentious referendum that confirmed Mr. Chavez as president in August 2004. Seven months before that voting contract was awarded, a Venezuelan government financing agency invested more than $200,000 into a smaller technology company, owned by some of the same people as Smartmatic, that joined with Smartmatic as a minor partner in the bid. In return, the government agency was a given a 28 percent stake in the smaller company and a seat on its board, which was occupied by a senior government official who had previously advised Mr. Chavez on elections technology. But Venezuelan officials later insisted that the money was merely a small-business loan and that it was repaid before the referendum. With a windfall of some $ 120 million from its first three contracts with Venezuela, Smartmatic then bought the much larger and more established Sequoia Voting Systems, which now has voting equipment installed in 17 states and the District of Columbia. Since its takeover by Smartmatic in March 2005, Sequoia has worked aggressively to market its voting machines in Latin America and other developing countries. ‘The goal is to create the world’s leader in electronic voting solutions,’ said Mitch Stoller, a company spokesman. But the role of the young Venezuelan engineers who founded Smartmatic has become less visible in public documents as the company has been restructured into an elaborate web of offshore companies and foreign trusts. . . .” (Idem.)
3. Next, the program notes that the United States has initiated an investigation into Smartmatic’s possible relationship to Chavez’s government. “Officials of a major American voting-machine company that has come under federal scrutiny because of its primary owner’s past business ties to the leftist government of Venezuela said yesterday that the company had voluntarily submitted to a federal investigation into its purchase. The American company, Sequoia Voting Systems, was bought in March 2005 by the Smartmatic Corporation, a Venezuelan-owned software company whose only previous experience in the voting-machine business had been to overhaul Venezuela’s electoral machinery before a referendum that confirmed Hugo Chavez as president in August 2004. . . .”
(“Voting Machine Company Submits to Inquiry” by Tim Golden; The New York Times; 10/31/2006.) 
4. Note that the founders of Smartmatic were living in South Florida, home to Sami al-Arian (FTR#538 ) and other elements associated with the Underground Reich (FTR#533 ). “ . . . The government’s interest in Smartmatic stems from questions about the relationship between its principal owners and the government of Venezuela. The company’s founder and principal owner, Antonio Mugica Rivero, said he and an early partner, Alfredo Anzola, were young software engineers living in South Florida during the recount of the 2004 election and saw business opportunity in electronic voting machines. Despite their lack of experience in the field, Smartmatic and Bizta, another small company in which Mr. Mugica, his father and Mr. Anzola were majority shareholders, were chosen in early 2004 to overhaul the Venezuelan election machinery. Only weeks before, Bizta had received what company officials said was a government loan of some $150,000, in return for 28 percent of its shares. A Venezuelan official, Omar Montilla Castillo, joined its board as the government’s representative. He has been identified in news reports as an elections-systems adviser to President Chavez. At the news conference and in an interview yesterday, Mr. Mugica said he had never met Mr. Montilla. When asked about the minutes of a Bizta board meeting from Dec. 15, 2003, which indicate that both men were present, he said he had only ‘a vague recollection’ of the event. . . .” (Idem.)
5. The Venezuelan element in the corporate control of Smartmatic is only a relatively superficial component of the enormous financial juggernaut that owns and guides Smartmatic, the owner of Sequoia. The real master, so to speak, of Smartmatic (and consequently Sequoia) is Citco. Citco, the world’s largest hedge fund administrator, was controlled for a long time by the Sandoz Family Foundation, which retains a significant minority interest. As will be seen below, the Sandoz Family Foundation is part of the milieu of I.G. Farben Underground Reich.
“ . . . The Amsterdam registry shows that Smartmatic International Holding B.V.‘s managing director is Trust International Management (T.I.M.) B.V. Both companies operate from the same address. According to the register the website of T.I.M. B.V is http://citco.com. Citco Group is quoted in Hedge Funds World as ‘the world’s largest hedge fund administrator’ (sic), that until very recently was controlled by Switzerland’s Sandoz Foundation. However Citco has informed that ‘an investor group including the Smeets Family Trust, Citco managers, and friends of the firm has acquired a controlling interest in Citco from the Sandoz Family Foundation.’”
(Aleksander Boyd blog) 
6. Next, the discussion turns to Pierre Landolt, president of the Sandoz Foundation and a significant minority shareholder in the Novartis pharmaceutical company. Recall that the Sandoz Foundation for a long time controlled Citco, the real parent of Smartmatic/Sequoia. As will be seen in paragraph 9, Sandoz, Ciba and Ceigy (which merged to form Novartis) were key elements of the I.G. Farben chemical cartel. Note that the Sandoz Foundation is not like the Gates Foundation. It is a business entity, not a philanthropic one. “Pierre holds the rotating presidency of the family-owned Sandoz Foundation, named after the pharmaceutical company founded by his grandfather in the 1880s. Sandoz disappeared in 1996 when it was merged with Ciba-Geigy to form Novartis. Today Pierre and his three siblings own a 3.8% stake in Novartis, worth $3.4 billion. That’s $1 billion less than it was worth last May, but the family has other assets to cushion the blow, including a private bank, two resort hotels and significant stakes in Italian Internet portal Tiscali and telecom startup Interoute. Under the foundation rules, each sibling is allowed to make one withdrawal from the capital to finance a personal project. Family head Pierre, 54, used his stake to build a successful banking, commodities and ranching business in Brazil.”
(“World’s Richest Men”; Forbes; 10/2002) 
7. Note that Citco was said to have been established “more than 60 years ago.” This was written in 2005. That might well put the founding of that company during the closing months of World War II. Is the Smeets Family Trust and/or Citco one of the companies established as part of the Bormann capital network? The founder of Citco was the Smeets Family Trust, which continues to be a major shareholder in Citco. It is also interesting and significant that Citco manages George Soros’s Quantum Fund. “Established more than 60 years ago, Citco is a global financial services company with offices in more than 27 countries that provides corporate and fiduciary services, fund administration and custody and banking services. In July 1995 the Fondation de Famille Sandoz A.G. became the majority shareholder of the Citco Group, bringing with it similar goals, institutional independence, and the financial backing and strategic resolve to undertake and meet the challenges of the financial industry with its continued consolidation and crossborder alliances. The Smeets Family Trust, which founded the Citco Group, continues to be a substantial minority shareholder. Citco Fund Services (CFS), the fund administration company of the Citco Group, is one of the largest fund administrators in the world. CFS administers worldwide more than 1,500 offshore mutual funds with a market value of more than US$ 200 billion. Among these funds are the well-known Quantum Funds of George Soros, Jaguar Fund, Moore Global, Fairfield Sentry, Fletcher Income Arbitrage and many other well-known funds.”
(“Navigating the Evolving Hedge Funds Landscape” by Mark Knapen; 5/27/2005; Hedge Funds World.) 
8. More about the relationship between Citco, the Smeets Family Trust and the Sandoz Foundation: “The Citco Group Limited (‘Citco’) today announced that an investor group including the Smeets Family Trust, Citco managers, and friends of the firm has acquired a controlling interest in Citco from the Sandoz Family Foundation. Terms of the transaction were not disclosed. The Sandoz Family Foundation, which had made a substantial equity investment in Citco in 1995, will retain a minority ownership position and a seat on the Citco Board. Founded over 60 years ago, Citco Group companies today represent the largest global service provider to hedge funds, administering over USD 250 billion in assets from 36 offices around the world. Citco Group companies also serve as custodians for over USD 140 billion in assets of hedge funds of funds and financial institutions. The Citco Group companies also provide the highest quality corporate and private client fiduciary services to multinational companies, financial institutions and their professional advisors.” Christopher Smeets, CEO, and Citco’s current management team will continue to operate the business. He said, ‘We are very pleased that the Citco Group of companies will remain an independent organization, well positioned to provide specialized financial services to our hedge fund and other clients worldwide. This new investment will ensure the continuity and future growth of our business serving the needs of sophisticated investors on a global basis.’ Pierre Landolt, Chairman of the Sandoz Family Foundation, said, ‘Citco is a superb franchise that will continue to benefit from its unique market position as an independent firm. We look forward to participating in the continued success of the business.’”
(Business Wire; 7/27/2005) 
9. Providing historical perspective to the analysis of Smartmatic’s controllers, the program delves into World War II history to note the participation of the Sandoz firm (as well as its Novartis partners Ciba and Geigy) in I.G. Farben cartel agreements that were the focal point of antitrust indictments. (These cartel agreements are discussed at length and in detail in FTR#511 . Serious students of this subject should read Treason’s Peace , All Honorable Men , Germany’s Master Plan  and The Devil’s Chemists . These books are available (along with descriptions of the books written by Mr. Emory)
“ . . . So these three cases, in some respects the most important involving Farben and its huge American false fronts, remained untried while the war went on—so as not to interfere with its conduct and, a year after the war was over, were still untried—because one branch of the Government did not want another branch to enforce the law. If Farben’s [Hermann] Schmitz, looking ahead before the war had planned it this way, could he have done it better? Another indictment accusing General Aniline [the American subsidiary of I.G. Farben] and General Dyestuff of conspiracy in the dye industry was filed in the New Jersey District Court on May 14, 1942; but in this instance Farben (local address still unknown) was named only as a co-conspirator. Those indicted included duPont; Allied chemical and Dye; and American Cyanamid; also Farben affiliates the American Ciba, Sandoz and Geigy. Some twenty officers of the corporate defendants, including Ernest K. Halbach and two of his Farben pals were also indicted in this case. The alleged conspiracy included world-wide restrictions in the manufacture, distribution, import and export of dyestuffs, stemming out of the international cartel set-up in 1928 in which co-conspirator Farben was the dominant influence. A long list of other co-conspirators included the Swiss Ciba, Sandoz, and Geigy companies . . . .”
(Treason’s Peace: German Dyes and American Dupes; Howard Watson Ambruster; Copyright 1947 by Howard Watson Ambruster; Beechhurst Press [HC]; pp. 337–338.) 
10. Much of the second half of the broadcast deals with the role of I. G. Farben in the Bormann flight capital program, beginning with an August 10, 1944 meeting in Strasbourg. Martin Bormann called the meeting in order to arrange for the Third Reich to secrete its wealth abroad. That wealth became the foundation for the postwar Underground Reich. The program describes the Strasbourg meeting in detail. (To gain a more complete understanding of the Bormann capital network, see FTR#305 . Serious listeners are encouraged to read the entire book Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile,  available for download.) “The Staff car had left Colmar at first light for Strasbourg, carrying SS Obergruppenfueherer Scheid, who held the rank of lieutenant general in the Waffen SS, as well as the title of Dr. Scheid, director of the industrial firm of Hermadorff & Schenburg Company. While the beauty of the rolling countryside was not lost on Dr. Scheid, his thoughts were on the meeting of important German businessmen to take place on his arrival at the Hotel Maison Rouge in Strasbourg. Reichsleiter Martin Bormann himself had ordered the conference, and although he would not physically be present he had confided to Dr. Scheid, who was to preside, ‘The steps to be taken as a result of this meeting will determine the postwar future of Germany.’ [Emphasis added.] The Reishsleiter had added, ‘German industry must realize that the war cannot now be won, and must take steps to prepare for a postwar commercial campaign which will in time insure the economic resurgence of Germany.’ It was August 10, 1944. . . .”
(Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile; Paul Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0–8184-0309–8; pp. 23–24.) 
11. In order to effect the economic resurrection of Germany (and the underground sustaining of the Third Reich), Dr. Scheid stressed that German corporate interests must make good use of their connections with foreign corporations that had assisted Germany in the past. Of particular interest were American corporations, and Dr. Scheid concluded the morning meeting by giving New York addresses to the assembled businessmen. One of the firms that Scheid cited as an example of a company that had been particularly useful to Germany was the Hamburg-Amerika Line. As discussed in FTR#’s 273 , 361 , 475 , the Hamburg-Amerika Line was part of the Bush family’s business operations on behalf of the Third Reich. “ . . . Dr. Scheid also affirmed, ‘The ground must now be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war.’ As an example of the kind of support that had been most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that ‘patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc. New York, and the Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National Tube, etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.’ He also cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika line as typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German interests abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men.” (Ibid.; p. 25.)
12. The group also discussed provisions to continue to fund the Nazi party in an underground fashion after the war. “A smaller conference in the afternoon was presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry. It was attended only by representatives of Hecko, Krupp, and Rochling. Dr. Bosse restated Bormann’s belief that the war was all but lost, but that it would be continued by Germany until certain goals to insure the economic resurgence of Germany after the war had been achieved. He added that German industrialists must be prepared to finance the continuation of the Nazi Party, which would be forced to go underground, just as had the Maquis in France.” (Ibid.; p.26.)
13. The I.G. Farben company, a core element of the Third Reich, was central to Bormann’s plans to secret Germany’s wealth abroad. Note, also, I.G. Farben’s dominance of the European chemical industry, and the opinion of Dr. von Schnitzler that technical dependence on I.G. facilities would continue after the war. (To learn more about I.G. Farben, see—among other programs–FTR#’s 305 , 411 , 506 , 552 . Serious students should also read Treason’s Peace  and The Devil’s Chemists , available for download.)
“ . . . I.G. Farben was a formidable ally for Reichsleiter Bormann in his plans for the postwar economic rebirth of Germany. In a telephone conversation with Dr. von Schnitzler, Bormann asked what would the loss of factories in France and the other occupied countries mean to German industry in general and to I.G. in particular. Dr. von Schnitzler said he believed the technical dependence of these countries on I.G. would be so great that despite German defeat I.G., in one way or another, could regain its position of control of the European chemical business. ‘They will need the constant technical help of I.G.’s scientific laboratories as they do not own appropriate installations within themselves.’” (Ibid.; p. 28.)
14. Bormann and Schmitz then discussed I.G.’s prospects for the postwar period. The cozy relationship with powerful elements within the power elites of the Western allies was foreseen by Schmitz as boding well for the company’s future. Schmitz’s predictions were relatively accurate. Neither Schmitz nor any of the I.G. Farben executives were severely punished and the firm’s three successor firms carried on effectively in the postwar period. “The Reichsleiter asked Schmitz his views of the future. Schmitz replied, ‘The occupation armies will be understanding in the West, but certainly not in the East. I have instructed all Farben administrators and technicians to come to the West, where they can be of use in resuming our operations once the disturbances of 1945 come to a halt.’ Schmitz added that, while general bomb damage to the I.G. plants was about 25 percent of capacity, some were untouched. He mentioned speaking with Field Marshal Model, who was commanding the defenses of the Ruhr. ‘Model had planned to turn our Bayer-Leberkusen pharmaceutical factory into an artillery base, but he agreed to make it an open, undefended factory. Hopefully, we will get it back untouched.’ ‘What about your board of directors and the essential executives? If they are held by the occupation authorities, can I.G. continue?’ Bormann asked. ‘We can continue. We have an operational plan for such a contingency, which everyone understands. However, I don’t believe our board members will be detained too long. Nor will I. But we must go through a procedure of investigation before release, so I have been told by our N.W. 7 people who have excellent contacts in Washington.’” (Ibid.; p. 158.)
15. The broadcast details the profound relationship between I.G. Farben and the government of the Third Reich. Of particular utility to the Bormann flight capital program was I.G. Farben’s elaborate infrastructure in foreign countries. Note that, as is seen here, I.G. Farben was inextricably linked with both the government of the Third Reich and with the Nazi party itself. “ . . . This, too, reported to Martin Bormann.I.G. Farben’s N.W.7 office in Berlin compiled military and economic data on all countries for the Wehrmacht. This department was staffed with men of recognized ability in all branches of business and science. It was under the direction of Dr. Max Ilgner, nephew of Hermann Schmitz, I.G.’s president, who was known throughout the industrial world as ‘the master of financial camouflage.’ [Emphasis added.] Farben had offices and representatives in 93 countries, and no social gathering of businessmen was too small to be covered by an N.W.7 representative, whose reports on market conditions, factory installations, raw-material supplies, and research were transmitted immediately to Berlin and Dr. Ilgner. In the United States, N.W.7 operated through the firm of Chemnyco, Inc., an American-formed subsidiary. Chemnyco sent tremendous amounts of information ranging from photographs and blue prints to detailed descriptions of entire industrial complexes and secret processes. . . .” (Ibid.; p. 54.)
16. Of particular importance for this discussion is the fact that I.G. used German military conquest to gain effective functional control of the chemical industry of the continent. In paragraph 13, we noted Georg von Scnitzler’s prediction that I.G.’s technical dominance would result in the postwar perpetuation of this control. As we will see, this control was maintained. It is against the background of I.G. Farben’s continued dominance of the European chemical industry as well as the postwar perpetuation of the Nazi party apparatus that the Sandoz Foundation/Citco/Smartmatic relationship must be viewed! “ . . . This huge organization functioned as a manufacturing and research arm of the German government, with the responsibility of discovering all possible means of increasing the military power of Germany. More than RM 4.25 billion was invested in new plants, mines, and power installations, with other millions going into new research facilities. . . . So close had Farben become to the government that I.G. always knew in advance all invasions planned by Hitler. It was to supply the materials necessary to each conquest, and when a land had been overrun and subjugated, the Farben experts would handle the consolidation and organization of the industrial facilities as additional supply sources for the German armed forces. As German troops swept across Europe and Hitler proclaimed his vision of a thousand-year Third Reich, I.G. Farben also dreamed of world empire. This was outlined with clarity in a document called Neuordnung, or ‘New Order,’ that was accompanied by a letter of transmittal to the Ministry of Economics. It declared that a new order for the chemical industry of the world should supplement Hitler’s New Order. Therefore, the document stated, Farben was fitting future industrial plans into such a framework. . . . I.G. Farben was the major chemical firm on the Continent, and as each country fell to Germany its acquisitions of chemical and dyestuff companies were enormous. I.G. also increased its investments in these by RM 7 billion. [Emphasis added.]” (Ibid.; pp. 55–56.)
17. “The close relationship of Farben to the Third Reich leadership was underscored in other ways. I.G.’s leading officials assisted in formulation and execution of economic policies of government; its president was a member of the Reichstag; its leading scientist was a chief assistant to Hermann Goering under the Four-Year Plan; its statisticians and economists prepared intelligence for the Nazi High Command; scores of its technicians were at any given time on loan to the air and war ministries. . . . The contact men of N.W.7 throughout the world were called the I.G. Verbindungsmanner, the liaison officers between Farben back in Germany and the branches elsewhere. These I.G. Verbindungsmanner, as well as all other key Farben representatives working beyond the borders of the Third Reich, were members of the National Socialist German Workers Party. . . . So now Martin Bormann had at his command not only the Auslands-Organisation but also the I.G. Verbindungsmanner of Farben, which could be counted on to heed his orders when it was time to disperse the commercial assets of the Third Reich. . . .” (Ibid.; pp. 56–58.)
18. The vast international operations of the I.G. Farben firm and its various subsidiary operations was a principal element of the Bormann organization. I.G. Farben chief Hermann Schmitz discussed I.G.’s involvement with the Bormann program. “In testimony later given to Nuremberg investigators, Schmitz praised Bormann for the way he had directed the distribution of German assets around the world. His own Farben organization had, of course, contributed to the success of the operation. Every regional representative working for Hermann Schmitz was an exceptional businessman, or he would not have been with I.G. All had contributed sound advice in their areas of competence, the regions of the world where they represented Farben while keeping an eye on the subsidiaries of the parent concern and the 700 hidden corporations they controlled. They had provided assistance and continuing guidance in establishing the 750 new companies created on order of Bormann, who wanted more than hidden assets; Bormann wanted the money and patents and technicians put to work to create even greater assets that would bolster Germany in the postwar years. In their meeting in the chancellery, both men checked over the figures of sums disbursed, and they were accurate to the pfennig.” (Ibid.; pp. 157–158.)
19. As forecast by Dr. Scheid in the August 10, 1944 meeting, the corporate allies of the major German corporations, including and especially those of I.G. Farben, proved to be of great value to the success of the Bormann flight capital program. “Powerful friends of the Bormann organization in all Western countries, including those sprinkled in control points throughout the administration in Washington and in the financial and brokerage businesses of Wall Street, the City of London, and the Paris establishment, did not wish a coordinated drive to get at these external German assets. They had understandable reasons, if you overlook morality: the financial benefits for cooperation (collaboration had become an old-hat term with the war winding down) were very enticing, depending on one’s importance and ability to be of service to the organization and the 750 corporations they were secretly manipulating, to say nothing of the known multinationals such as I.G. Farben, Thyssen A.G., and Siemens; and, as a second reason, the philosophy of free enterprise and preservation of private property.” (Ibid.; p. 156.)
20. Note the postwar resuscitation of I.G. Farben, in the form of the “Big Three” successor firms that grew out Farben. Although officially broken up at the end of World War II, I.G. Farben continued functioning in new form. Recent mergers (such as the 1996 merger of I.G. cartel affiliates Ciba-Geigy and Sandoz to form Novartis) indicate a new coming together of the old components of I.G. Again, pay close attention to the relationship between these companies and the Bormann capital network. “By 1956, the three major multinationals (Hoechst, BASF, and Bayer) reshaped from the 159 companies within Germany that had comprised I.G. Farben were generating record profits for the original 450 major Farben stockholders, who had organized themselves into the I.G. Farben Stockholders Protective committee in Bonn. The Big Three went on expanding, tripling capitalization in 1956 from investment funds that poured in from the interlocking companies established in safe haven countries by Martin Bormann and Hermann Schmitz. There was a return, more vigorous than ever, of the huge, monolithic industrial multinationals that dominated the German economy before and during World War II.” (Ibid.; p. 282.)
21. The enormous corporate wealth and power of the three successor firms is at the disposal of the Bormann capital network and Underground Reich. “Each of these three spinoffs from I.G. Farben today does more business individually than did Farben at its zenith, when its corporate structure covered 93 countries. BASF and Bayer individually boast worldwide sales of nearly $10 billion annually, while Hoechst, now the world’s largest chemical company, generated $16.01 billion in worldwide sales in 1980. Each does more business than E.I. du Pont de Nemours, with sales of $9.4 billion. The United States is, of course, the major market, one into which these German corporations continue to pour investment money for both new capital construction and corporate takeovers. Together, these three multinationals assure permanent prosperity for the original 450 Farben stockholders, their banks, and the shadowy shareholders of the Bormann organization in South America who guard and vote the Hermann Schmitz trust fund through intermediaries at the annual meetings of BASF, Bayer and Hoechst. [Emphasis added.]” (Ibid.; pp. 282–283.)
22. A significant part of the I.G. Farben legacy, the Hermann Schmitz Trust is also at the disposal of the Bormann capital network and the Underground Reich. “If there is any doubt in Europe who in the long run won the peace, there is none whatsoever among the former German leaders dwelling in South America. It is a good bet that if Hermann Schmitz were alive today, he would bear witness as to who really won. Schmitz died contented, having witnessed the resurgence of I.G. Farben, albeit in altered corporate forms, a money machine that continues to generate profits for all the old I.G. shareholders and enormous international power for the German cadre directing the workings of the successor firms. . . . He was the master manipulator, the corporate and financial wizard, the magician, who could make money appear and disappear, and reappear again. His whole existence was legerdemain, played out on the gameboard of I.G. Farben and his beloved Germany. . . Their [Schmitz and Bormann] association was close and trusting over the years, and it is the considered opinion of those in their circle that the wealth possessed by Hermann Schmitz was shifted to Switzerland and South America, and placed in trust with Bormann, the legal heir to Hitler. [Hermann] Schmitz’s wealth—largely I.G. Farben bearer bonds converted to the Big Three successor firms, shares in Standard Oil of New Jersey (equal to those held by the Rockefellers), as well as shares in the 750 corporations he helped Bormann establish during the last year of World War II—has increased in all segments of the modern industrial world. The Bormann organization in South America utilizes the voting power of the Schmitz trust along with their own assets to guide the multinationals they control, as they keep steady the economic course of the Fatherland.” (Ibid.; pp. 279–280.)
23. In closing, the program notes the economic and political significance of the Bormann network: “Atop an organizational pyramid that dominates the industry of West Germany through banks, voting rights enjoyed by majority shareholders in significant cartels, and the professional input of a relatively young leadership group of lawyers, investment specialists, bankers, and industrialists, he is satisfied that he achieved his aim of helping the Fatherland back on its feet. To ensure continuity of purpose and direction, a close watch is maintained on the profit statements and management reports of corporations under its control elsewhere. This leadership group of twenty, which is in fact a board of directors, is chaired by Bormann, but power has shifted to the younger men who will carry on the initiative that grew from that historic meeting in Strasbourg on August 10, 1944. Old Heinrich Mueller, chief of security for the NSDAP in South America, is the most feared of all, having the power of life and death over those deemed not to be acting in the best interests of the organization. Some still envision a Fourth Reich. . .What will not pass is the economic influences of the Bormann organization, whose commercial directives are obeyed almost without question by the highest echelons of West German finance and industry. ‘All orders come from the shareholders in South America,’ I have been told by a spokesman for Martin Bormann.” (Ibid.; pp. 284–5.)