Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #728 Interview with Daniel Hopsicker: Tricky Treats

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Intro­duc­tion: For many years, we’ve vis­it­ed with hero­ic inves­tiga­tive jour­nal­ist Daniel Hop­sick­er. Long­time inves­ti­ga­tor of the abus­es of the intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ty, Hop­sick­er has pur­sued the assas­si­na­tion of Pres­i­dent Kennedy and the pro­found involve­ment of the CIA and relat­ed agen­cies in the ille­gal nar­cotics traf­fic.

In par­tic­u­lar, Hop­sick­er fol­lowed up his work on Bar­ry and the Boys (about career CIA offi­cer and Iran-Con­tra drug smug­gler par excel­lence Bar­ry Seal) by exam­in­ing how Mohammed Atta and oth­er 9/11 hijack­ers infil­trat­ed the Unit­ed States through some of the intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ty’s con­trolled drug net­works.

Wel­come to Ter­ror­land

Owned by Wal­ly Hilliard, Huff­man Avi­a­tion and a num­ber of over­lap­ping, shad­owy air­lines appear to have been deeply involved in nar­cotics traf­fick­ing, and oper­at­ing with appar­ent impuni­ty. (Atta enrolled for flight train­ing at Huff­man Avi­a­tion.)

Exem­pli­fy­ing the world of “Elite Deviants” that Hop­sick­er has inves­ti­gat­ed is Michael Brass­ing­ton. A pilot for one of Hilliard’s avi­a­tion ven­tures, Brass­ing­ton appears to be “work­ing both sides of the street.”

Giv­ing tes­ti­mo­ny in con­nec­tion with a case in which a plane he was pilot­ing skid­ded off a run­way in New Jer­sey, Brass­ing­ton’s priv­i­leged sta­tus appears to have suc­cess­ful­ly exclud­ed infor­ma­tion con­cern­ing the Joint Ter­ror­ism Task Force, among oth­er things.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Sum­ma­tion of some of Brass­ing­ton’s oth­er aero­nau­ti­cal under­tak­ings; dis­cus­sion of the fun­da­men­tal com­pro­mise of the judi­cial sys­tem, with regard to its abil­i­ty to pros­e­cute drug run­ners; review of the career of Bar­ry Seal, CIA offi­cer and drug smug­gler; dis­cus­sion of the assas­si­na­tion of Pres­i­dent Kennedy–an event that over­laps numer­ous peo­ple and insti­tu­tions involved with the South Flori­da avi­a­tion milieu Hop­sick­er is inves­ti­gat­ing; dis­cus­sion of some of the old OSS and orga­nized crime con­nec­tions of Wal­ly Hilliard’s spon­sors.

1. Exem­pli­fy­ing the world of “Elite Deviants” that Hop­sick­er has inves­ti­gat­ed is Michael Brass­ing­ton. A pilot for one of Huff­man Avi­a­tion king­pin Wal­ly Hilliard’s avi­a­tion ven­tures, Brass­ing­ton appears to be “work­ing both sides of the street.”

Giv­ing tes­ti­mo­ny in con­nec­tion with a case in which a plane he was pilot­ing skid­ded off a run­way in New Jer­sey, Brass­ing­ton’s priv­i­leged sta­tus appears to have suc­cess­ful­ly exclud­ed infor­ma­tion con­cern­ing the Joint Ter­ror­ism Task Force, among oth­er things.

” . . . Since the dis­cov­ery that he was the co-pilot on 39 week­ly drug flights to South Amer­i­ca and back on a Lear­jet belong­ing to the own­er of the Flori­da flight school attend­ed by Mohamed Atta and Mar­wan Al-She­hhi, the ter­ror­ist pilots who crashed air­lin­ers into the two World Trade Cen­ter Tow­ers on Sept 11, Brassington’s exploits have been cov­ered in this space . . . .”

It turns out that Brass­ing­ton’s activ­i­ties are one of many tips of the South Flori­da ice­berg, and that Brass­ing­ton, Hilliard and oth­ers have inter­twin­ing resumes going back decades.

In Mis­cel­la­neous Archive Show M43, we looked at the role of the intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ty (CIA in par­tic­u­lar) and orga­nized crime in the S & L scan­dal of the 1980’s. One of the oper­a­tives we stud­ied in that program–Farhad Azima–partnered with Wal­ly Hilliard. Azi­ma was also active in the oper­a­tions of Edwin Wil­son and com­pa­ny.

Note­wor­thy as well is the fact that Brass­ing­ton’s “mishap” on the run­way did not appear to inter­fere in any way with his oper­a­tion of Platinum–a char­ter jet com­pa­ny with a celebri­ty clien­tele list.

It’s hard to imag­ine a cov­er-up in a case where some­one has been charged with a 27-count Fed­er­al indict­ment.

But that’s what’s hap­pen­ing in U.S. Dis­trict Court in New Jer­sey, where the tri­al of con­tro­ver­sial Guyanese pilot Michael Brass­ing­ton com­plet­ed its third week of tes­ti­mo­ny last Fri­day, in what can be viewed as a case study about just how much of the truth can—and cannot—be spo­ken in Amer­i­ca today.

It’s as if “Son of Sam” ser­i­al killer David Berkowitz were on tri­al for dou­ble-park­ing his car while com­mit­ting his string of vio­lent homi­cides… but wasn’t being charged with the mur­ders.

We’re not sug­gest­ing that “the boys” at Plat­inum Jet share any­thing in com­mon with the Son of Sam. Still, take a look at them. What sort of work would you recruit them for?

The news the jurors won’t get to hear includes:

Just three days before the sched­uled start of Brassington’s tri­al, his attor­ney filed a pre-tri­al motion ask­ing U.S. Dis­trict Judge Den­nis Cavanaugh to exclude tes­ti­mo­ny men­tion­ing ter­ror­ism or the Joint Ter­ror­ism Task Force.

Dur­ing the inves­ti­ga­tion into the crash of the Chal­lenger CL-600 lux­u­ry jet flown by Brassington’s Plat­inum Jet Man­age­ment, the motion revealed, the FAA’s lead inves­ti­ga­tor had an Agent from the Joint Ter­ror­ism Task Force (JTTF) “assigned” to be with him when he inter­viewed wit­ness­es.

Michael Sal­nick of West Palm Beach, Brass­ing­ton’s attor­ney, request­ed that this be con­cealed from the jury.

Of course, this is not the first time Brass­ing­ton’s name has been men­tioned in con­nec­tion with covert activ­i­ties, drug smug­gling, ter­ror­ism, and mat­ter of nation­al secu­ri­ty. More on this short­ly.

But first, let’s re-vis­it the scene of the (lat­est) crime.

“Its always the ‘lit­tle peo­ple’ that get hurt.”

It start­ed with a Bom­bardier Chal­lenger­CL-600 jet run­ning off a run­way and then through an air­port fence before hurtling, dur­ing morn­ing rush hour, across a busy 6‑lane highway,clipping the tops off two cars stopped at a red light,then final­ly embed­ding itself into the side of a ware­house.

“The last thing I saw was the wing com­ing toward me,” Rohan Fos­ter, a 36-year-old father of four, said as he sat in a wheel­chair at a hos­pi­tal in Tea­neck, N.J., his bro­ken nose fit­ted with an oxy­gen tube.

He was sit­ting at a stop­light, Fos­ter said, when his pas­sen­ger yelled “Look out! Look out! A plane is com­ing!”

A 10-ton lux­u­ry jet had shot off a run­way right in front of them.

Frozen with fear, the two men car­pool­ing to near­by jobs in a met­al fin­ish­ing plant watched in hor­ror as the out-of-con­trol jet skid­ded off the run­way, bar­reled through the air­port fence at 100 MPH, and hur­tled toward them across 6‑lane Route 46 in New Jer­sey.

At the hos­pi­tal, Fos­ter’s father, Lloyd, said, “They ducked. If not, their heads would be gone. The plane took the top of the car off.”

A moment lat­er, the twin-engine Chal­lenger CL-600 smashed into a ware­house- its wings snap­ping off like twigs- and burst into flames.

“One pas­sen­ger in the car remains in a coma,” report­ed a local New Jer­sey news­pa­per the next day, “while lawyers wait in the wings.”

“Mum’s the word ’bout Wal­ly Hilliard”

Plat­inum was a “rogue” char­ter jet com­pa­ny that catered to the ultra-rich and A‑List celebri­ties, every­one from rap­per Jay‑Z to foot­ball leg­end Joe Mon­tana; from Bon Jovi to Pavarot­ti to Celine Dion.

The day before the plane crashed, in fact, Jay‑Z and R&B singer Bey­once, who were appar­ent­ly an item at the time, were aboard the plane as it flew from Las Vegas to Teter­boro.

A fact not like­ly to be empha­sized is that both for­mer Pres­i­dents George Bush Sr. and Bill Clin­ton were also Plat­inum char­ter cus­tomers.

Like­ly to be left out entire­ly is the fact that–even after the crash!– Brass­ing­ton con­tin­ued fly­ing ille­gal char­ters, as the per­son­al pilot of the wild­ly-cor­rupt (even by Caribbean stan­dards) Pre­mier of the Turks and Caicos Islands, Mike Mis­ick, aboard a Gulf­stream II lux­u­ry jet owned by a for­mer Clin­ton White House aide, Jef­frey Wat­son, who was once called Clin­tons’ “go-to guy” in Mia­mi.

Assis­tant U.S. Attor­ney Scott B. McBride pre­sent­ed a care­ful­ly-san­i­tized ver­sion of Brassington’s iden­ti­ty, activ­i­ties, and motives to jurors to explain why he (alleged­ly) rou­tine­ly vio­lat­ing FAA safe­ty rules, and then lied about it to Fed­er­al offi­cials.

Brassington’s sta­tus as a long-time employ­ee of ter­ror flight school own­er Wal­lace J. Hilliard will almost cer­tain­ly go unmen­tioned.

Evi­dence will not be pre­sent­ed to show how Brassington’s char­ter jet com­pa­ny was his “cov­er” for a decade-long stint fly­ing drug and mon­ey-laun­der­ing flights on lux­u­ry jets into and out of the U.S. for a drug traf­fick­ing oper­a­tion which has been led— since at least the mid-1980’s—by a cor­rupt ele­ment of America’s polit­i­cal elite which was first exposed in the Iran Con­tra Scan­dal.

Yet that fact is cru­cial to under­stand­ing why—and how—Brassington was able to thumb his nose to fed­er­al author­i­ties for so long.

“A bit of a sticky wick­et, that.”

Also not being addressed is the curi­ous tim­ing of the indict­ment.

The plane crash which is the cen­ter­piece of the prosecution’s case occurred in Feb­ru­ary of 2005. Yet Brass­ing­ton wasn’t charged until three years later…two short weeks after the Bush Admin­is­tra­tion left office.

It is high­ly unlike­ly that pros­e­cu­tors learned any­thing about the Teter­boro crash in 2009 that they did­n’t already know by the end of 2005.

So the ques­tion becomes: Why was the Bush Admin­is­tra­tion pro­tect­ing from pros­e­cu­tion a for­eign nation­al pilot who had flown char­ter flights into the U.S. in 2000 car­ry­ing hero­in?

As Asst. U.S. Atty McBride is no doubt aware, he is tread­ing through a mine field.

This explains his mis­lead­ing open­ing state­ment to the jury:

“This is a tri­al about a com­pa­ny that inten­tion­al­ly jeop­ar­dized human lives to save mon­ey on jet fuel, cul­mi­nat­ing in the 2005 crash of one of its jets at Teter­boro Air­port,” McBride told jurors.

“You will hear about a shock­ing­ly reck­less game of Russ­ian roulette on the run­way … with obliv­i­ous pas­sen­gers act­ing as test dum­mies to increase [the company’s] bot­tom line,” the fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tor said at the start of the tri­al.

“They did it because they were greedy.”

Well, no, not exact­ly… The world is filled with greedy peo­ple. Some of them no doubt run char­ter air­craft com­pa­nies.

Yet the fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tor would be hard-pressed to cite any oth­er air char­ter com­pa­ny which has dis­played any­thing remote­ly like the utter con­tempt for the rule of law shown by “the boys” at Plat­inum Jet Man­age­ment.

Meet Farhad Azi­ma from Iran–and Iran Con­tra

So if they didn’t do it because—or just because—they were greedy…what then?

They did it because they could. They were pro­tect­ed.

Among “The Friends of Wal­ly Hilliard,” there are oth­er cas­es offer­ing an exact par­al­lel.

Wal­ly Hilliard’s Iran Con­tra con­nec­tions begin, of course, with Adnan Khashog­gi and his hench­man Ramy El-Batrawi.

But there is anoth­er for­mer Iran Con­tra oper­a­tive, and busi­ness part­ner of Hilliard’s, whose his­to­ry of being con­sid­ered above the law is ger­mane here.

Farhad Azi­ma has an illus­tri­ous, or infa­mous, CIA pedi­gree. He and Hilliard were busi­ness part­ners in a com­pa­ny called SPATIALIGHT, INC, which had some­thing to do with HD-TV chips. In any event, it no longer does, because, like lit­er­al­ly dozens of com­pa­nies asso­ci­at­ed with this oper­a­tion, it has gone bank­rupt, its stock is now worth 3/10,oooth of a cent per share.

Azi­ma, an Iran­ian whose fam­i­ly was close to the Shah, owns a car­go air­line in Mia­mi and Kansas City, Glob­al Inter­na­tion­al Air, which was part of Oliv­er North’s logis­ti­cal net­work, ship­ping arms—including 23 tons of TOW mis­siles to Iran—to the Aya­tol­lah, as well as oth­er Iran Con­tra swag left behind by El-Batrawi’s car­go air­line.

Azi­ma’s rela­tion­ship with the CIA goes back to the 1970’s. He sup­plied air and logis­ti­cal sup­port to EATSCO (Egypt­ian Amer­i­can Trans­port and Ser­vices Cor­po­ra­tion) a com­pa­ny owned by for­mer CIA agents Thomas Clines, Theodore Shack­ley, and Richard Sec­ord, which was promi­nent­ly involved in the activ­i­ties of for­mer CIA agent Edwin Wil­son.

Drugs, finan­cial fraud, the CIA, and “seem­ing impuni­ty”

Azi­ma’s com­pa­ny was even cit­ed for hav­ing char­tered a Boe­ing 707 for the PLO, who used it to ship a load of weapons to the San­din­istas. There were, pre­sum­ably, red faces all around. But then... who knows?

What does Friend-of-Wal­ly-Hilliard-Azi­ma has in com­mon with Friend-of-Wal­ly-Hilliard-Brass­ing­ton?

Both had “Get Out of Jail Free” cards.

The sto­ry was bro­ken by ace reporter Pete Brew­ton in the Hous­ton Post.

Dur­ing the Sav­ings & Loan Cri­sis, a failed Kansas City bank gave mil­lions of dol­lars in loans to Farhad Azi­ma. The IRS asked the Jus­tice Depart­ment to probe Azi­ma’s role in the bank’s fail­ure.

But, accord­ing to for­mer fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tor Lloyd Mon­roe, the inves­ti­ga­tion of Azi­ma’s role in the col­lapse of Indi­an Springs S & L was thwart­ed because of his alleged ties to the CIA.

Mon­roe said the CIA told the FBI that Azi­ma was “off lim­its” because he had “CIA con­nec­tions.”

“U.S. author­i­ties prob­ing the col­lapse of a small Kansas bank in the mid-1980s had been told by the Fed­er­al Bureau Of Inves­ti­ga­tion to lay off a key fig­ure because he “had a get-out-of-jail-free card” from the CIA.”

“I was told that Azi­ma had a get-out-of-jail-free card,” an FBI source in the inves­ti­ga­tion told The Hous­ton Post in a copy­right­ed sto­ry.

For his pains, Brew­ton should have won a Pulitzer Prize. Instead, like Gary Webb, he was run out of jour­nal­ism. Today he teach­es at a small col­lege in Texas.

“A grave threat to nation­al secu­ri­ty.”

Brassington’s tri­al in Fed­er­al Court is a ring-side seat to the spec­ta­cle of hear­ing eye­wit­ness­es tes­ti­fy under oath about an elite group of peo­ple who have been run­ning amok for decades.

And its always the “lit­tle peo­ple” who pay the price...

Like for­mer U.S. Cus­toms Agent James Sanders, who had a life-chang­ing encounter with Brass­ing­ton on the evening of April 6, 2004, at Fort Laud­erdale Exec­u­tive Air­port.

On a typ­i­cal­ly balmy night, with a light breeze com­ing in off the Atlantic Ocean, the inbound traf­fic at the US Cus­toms sta­tion at the Gen­er­al Avi­a­tion Ter­mi­nal, bustling dur­ing day­time, was light.

There was noth­ing to alert rook­ie Cus­toms Agent Sanders to what was about to occur.

“It was a Tues­day, the slow­est day of the week,” Sanders remem­bered, “when Mike Brass­ing­ton came in. He went through immi­gra­tion first. And the immi­gra­tion inspec­tor had ‘top-stamped’ his Cus­toms Dec­la­ra­tion, which meant he need­ed to be ‘sec­ondary-ed,’ mean­ing giv­en a close inspec­tion.”

A drug smug­gling pilot for the own­er of a 9/11 flight school... with clout.

“I was con­fused. Even the tail num­ber of the Gulf­stream he flew in on, N60S, had a record in the sys­tem. Yet Brass­ing­ton was wav­ing a let­ter from a Cus­toms offi­cial in Wash­ing­ton in my face, to con­vince me to expe­dite his entry.”

“So I called the ICE Agent in Mia­mi who was list­ed as the ‘point of con­tact” in Brassington’s file, which means he was basi­cal­ly the lead agent track­ing his move­ments,” stat­ed for­mer U.S. Cus­toms Agent James Sanders in an inter­view for a new doc­u­men­tary, “The New Amer­i­can Druglo­rds.”

“His name was Norm Bright. And Norm Bright said I was to treat him, Brass­ing­ton, as a grave threat to nation­al secu­ri­ty. He told me that I need­ed to check him (BRASSINGTON) search him, and search all his pas­sen­gers. And that’s what I did.”

“I did­n’t think of him as a ter­ror­ist sus­pect,” said Sanders. “I just thought he was real­ly into drugs, and I need­ed to check him real­ly close.

Brass­ing­ton com­plained about his treat­ment to Jason Ahearn, a top Cus­toms offi­cial in Wash­ing­ton.

And for his dili­gence, Sanders was fired.

The entire episode is cov­ered in “The New Amer­i­can Drug Lords.)

Since the dis­cov­ery that he was the co-pilot on 39 week­ly drug flights to South Amer­i­ca and back on a Lear­jet belong­ing to the own­er of the Flori­da flight school attend­ed by Mohamed Atta and Mar­wan Al-She­hhi, the ter­ror­ist pilots who crashed air­lin­ers into the two World Trade Cen­ter Tow­ers on Sept 11, Brassington’s exploits have been cov­ered in this space (see box for pre­vi­ous sto­ries).

And in just the past year, his name has fig­ured promi­nent­ly in gov­ern­ment inves­ti­ga­tions in three dif­fer­ent coun­tries: the U.S., the Turks & Caicos, and his native Guyana.

“Teter­boro Crash Tri­al Coverup” by Daniel Hop­sick­er; Mad­Cow­Morn­ingNews; 11/02/2010.

2. Note­wor­thy is the fact that Brass­ing­ton was­n’t indict­ed until after the Bush admin­is­tra­tion left office, a hia­tus of three years.

. . . . Also not being addressed is the curi­ous tim­ing of the indict­ment.

The plane crash which is the cen­ter­piece of the prosecution’s case occurred in Feb­ru­ary of 2005. Yet Brass­ing­ton wasn’t charged until three years later…two short weeks after the Bush Admin­is­tra­tion left office.

It is high­ly unlike­ly that pros­e­cu­tors learned any­thing about the Teter­boro crash in 2009 that they did­n’t already know by the end of 2005.

So the ques­tion becomes: Why was the Bush Admin­is­tra­tion pro­tect­ing from pros­e­cu­tion a for­eign nation­al pilot who had flown char­ter flights into the U.S. in 2000 car­ry­ing hero­in? . . .

Idem.

3. In the inter­view, Daniel notes the oper­a­tions of “The Com­pa­ny” at the Venice Air­port. Using a nick­name com­mon­ly asso­ci­at­ed with the CIA, the orga­ni­za­tion appears to have been an intel­li­gence front, doing many of the same things as CIA. (The orga­ni­za­tion is dis­cussed in AFA #26.)

Discussion

5 comments for “FTR #728 Interview with Daniel Hopsicker: Tricky Treats”

  1. I love this arti­cle and the work of Daniel Hop­sick­er. I have one big mul­ti­fold ques­tion: in that regard, are “The Com­pa­ny” the real per­pe­tra­tors or orches­tra­tors of 9/11? Were Al-Quae­da mem­bers only sec­ondary stooges in the plot? Or worse, have been Al-Quae­da mem­bers des­ig­nat­ed and used as scape­goats for the attack?

    I think I begin to under­stand why there is so much the­o­ries over the inter­net con­cern­ing 9/11. Con­trolled demo­li­tion, nano-ther­mites, US army mis­siles, scalar tech­nol­o­gy, par­tic­ule beams, mini-nukes, and the list goes. While it is pos­si­ble that some of those ele­ments were at play in the coup, it is clear that some­body is
    try­ing to get us away from the hijackers...and the rest of the sto­ry.

    Posted by Claude | November 27, 2010, 1:08 pm
  2. [...] FTR #728 [...]

    Posted by Daniel Hopsicker and the New American Druglords: Let’s meet some of the nice people who were involved in 9/11 | lys-dor.com | September 5, 2011, 8:17 pm
  3. In relat­ed news:

    Post­ed on Wednes­day, 09.28.11

    South Flori­da
    Top South Flori­da ICE offi­cial pleads not guilty of Inter­net child-porn charges

    Author­i­ties Tues­day arrest­ed South Flori­da chief of Immi­gra­tion and Cus­toms Enforce­ment on charges of traf­fick­ing images of child pornog­ra­phy over the Inter­net.

    BY JAY WEAVER
    jweaver@MiamiHerald.com

    The South Flori­da head of Immi­gra­tion and Cus­toms Enforce­ment, who spent decades bust­ing crim­i­nals, plead­ed not guilty to an indict­ment in fed­er­al court Wednes­day that accus­es him of child-porn offens­es on the Inter­net., includ­ing trans­port­ing and receiv­ing “visu­al depic­tions of minors engag­ing in sex­u­al­ly explic­it con­duct,” accord­ing to the Jus­tice Depart­ment.

    Antho­ny V. Man­gione, 50, of Park­land, was charged with trans­porta­tion, receipt and and pos­ses­sion of child pornog­ra­phy. If con­vict­ed, Man­gione could face up to 20 years in prison, accord­ing to author­i­ties. Each of the trans­porta­tion and receipt charges car­ry min­i­mum-manda­to­ry sen­tences of five years.

    Man­gione, who worked as a fed­er­al agent for near­ly three decades, was arrest­ed Tues­day by Broward sheriff’s deputies and FBI agents on charges of receiv­ing and pos­sess­ing dig­i­tal images of child pornog­ra­phy on his com­put­er. They arrest­ed him out­side a Pub­lix super­mar­ket in Coral Springs.

    ...

    As spe­cial agent in charge of ICE’s South Flori­da office, Man­gione often praised the agency’s efforts to fight child pornog­ra­phy in both the cyber and real worlds.

    Man­gione had planned to retire this sum­mer. He served his entire fed­er­al career with ICE and its pre­de­ces­sor, the U.S. Cus­toms Ser­vice.

    When word leaked out about the inves­ti­ga­tion in April, fed­er­al offi­cials pri­vate­ly expressed shock about the alle­ga­tions.

    Man­gione grew up in Rhode Island, grad­u­at­ed from the Uni­ver­si­ty of Maine and start­ed his career as a clerk typ­ist at Cus­toms 27 years ago.

    He began his South Flori­da Cus­toms career hunt­ing down dope smug­glers.

    He was lat­er trans­ferred to the Wash­ing­ton office. Mangione’s biggest case, dur­ing a tour of duty in Cus­toms’ head­quar­ters, came in the mid-1990s. As the head of finan­cial inves­ti­ga­tions, he super­vised a team of Cus­toms agents in Los Ange­les that dis­man­tled a Colom­bian-Mex­i­can drug mon­ey-laun­der­ing net­work run by car­tels and bankers.

    Man­gione tapped that expe­ri­ence to devel­op more com­plex inves­ti­ga­tions in his new Cus­toms post: head of the Fort Laud­erdale office, in 2001. Six years lat­er, he was pro­mot­ed to the top ICE job in com­mand of all of South Flori­da.

    He man­aged a depart­ment stretch­ing from Fort Pierce to Key West that inves­ti­gates both immi­gra­tion and cus­toms cas­es, a hybrid mis­sion result­ing from the cre­ation of the Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

    Note that he was head of the Fort Laud­erdale cus­toms office from 2001 to 2007. That’s trou­bling on its own giv­en the high poten­tial for black­mail and the incred­i­ble vol­ume of illic­it traf­fick­ing that could flow through that region.

    And then there’s the stuff Hop­sick­er dug up down there....

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | November 26, 2011, 12:10 am
  4. In old arti­cles on Azi­ma scan­dal, I found this:

    ——
    Names of indi­vid­u­als and com­pa­nies linked to the enter­prise sur­face reg­u­lar­ly at sev­er­al failed lend­ing insti­tu­tions. Among the most famil­iar of these are Frank Cas­tro, Farhad Azi­ma, Adnan Khashog­gi, Glob­al Inter­na- tion­al Air­ways, South­ern Air Trans­port, and the Egypt­ian- Amer­i­can Trans­port and Ser­vices Corp.

    One of these fig­ures is Frank Cas­tro, a Cuban exile recruit­ed by the C.I.A. to over­throw the Cas­tro Gov- emment. The Postre­port­ed that he was part of a drug smug­gling ring that pur- chased Miami’s Sun­shine State Bank.

    Cas­tro was arrest­ed in 1983 by the Drug Enforce- ment Agency for smug­gling 425,000 tons of mar­i­jua­na into the Unit­ed States.

    The drug charges against Cas­tro were dropped in June 1984, after he began train­ing Con­tras at a camp near Naples, Fla.

    http://www.romeroinstitute.org/docs/Christic%20scan%20archives%201/Convergence/Fall%201990.pdf
    ——–

    “began train­ing Con­tras at a camp near Naples, Fla.”

    Posted by adam | August 23, 2016, 8:29 am
  5. The AP has an inter­est­ing piece on Farhad Azi­ma, a fig­ure who shows up in every­thing from Iran Con­tra to Wal­ly Hilliard’s 9/11-con­nect­ed flight school, that has some inter­est­ing echos to the recent hack­ing of Qatar’s news ser­vice that cre­at­ed a diplo­mat­ic cri­sis and sub­se­quent email hack of Yousef al-Otai­ba, the UAE’s ambas­sador to the US. The piece dis­cuss­es Azi­ma’s his­to­ry of work­ing with the CIA and how his appar­ent untouch­able sta­tus is now in ques­tion with US inves­ti­ga­tors look­ing into alle­ga­tions Azi­ma bribed the gov­ern­ment of Geor­gia while he was medi­at­ing the sale of a Tblisi hotel to three Iran­ian investors. The hotel was owned by the UAE sheikhdom of Ras al-Khaimah and now that sheikhdom is suing Azi­ma for alleged­ly secret­ly try­ing to prof­it from the deal by arrang­ing for a 10 per­cent state for him­self.

    Here’s where we get the echos of the cur­rent bout of Mid­dle East­ern gov­ern­ment hacks: Last year, Azi­ma’s emails were hacked and leaked on the inter­net and Azi­ma is suing Ras al-Khaimah for arrang­ing for the hack. And in those hacked emails we find dis­cus­sion of Denx LLC, a busi­ness part­ner­ship that Azi­ma appears to have owned along with two for­mer CIA offi­cers, Gary Berntsen and Scott Mod­ell. And what were they dis­cussing? A plot to over­throw the Kuwaiti monar­chy on behalf of a dis­grun­tled roy­al fam­i­ly mem­ber who want­ed to install “new, bold­er, more ener­getic lead­er­ship” by trig­ger­ing mass protests.

    So it’s going to be inter­est­ing to see how that bribery inves­ti­ga­tion goes giv­en Azi­ma’s appar­ent ongo­ing rela­tion­ship with the CIA (or at least for­mer CIA agents who are in the gov­ern­ment-over­throw busi­ness) :

    The Asso­ci­at­ed Press

    ‘Worth killing over’: How a plane mogul dodged US scruti­ny

    By Jon Gam­brell, Jack Gillum and Jeff Hor­witz
    June 21, 2017 at 2:22 AM

    WASHINGTON — When a Kansas strip-mall bank with pos­si­ble mob ties fold­ed in the mid-1980s, fed­er­al author­i­ties inves­ti­gat­ed whether a share­hold­er, Iran­ian-born avi­a­tion mag­nate Farhad Azi­ma, should face crim­i­nal charges.

    The probe hit a dead end. Azi­ma, a U.S. cit­i­zen, essen­tial­ly had a get-out-of-jail-free card because of secre­tive work he had per­formed for the U.S. gov­ern­ment, a for­mer fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tor involved in the case said. Azi­ma, a gun­run­ner lat­er tied to the CIA, was nev­er pros­e­cut­ed.

    If he’s enjoyed a loose, infor­mal immu­ni­ty for years, it is now being test­ed as author­i­ties in the U.S. and abroad probe Azi­ma as part of a glob­al cor­rup­tion case.

    Inves­ti­ga­tors are exam­in­ing whether Azi­ma, now 75, paid a kick­back to a for­mer Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates offi­cial to reap the prof­its from a hotel sale in Tbil­isi, Geor­gia. U.S. law enforce­ment began look­ing into the deal because Ira­ni­ans involved were lat­er black­list­ed by the Trea­sury Depart­ment, accused of help­ing Iran avoid sanc­tions over its nuclear pro­gram

    More recent­ly, Azi­ma was involved in a plan envi­sion­ing mass protests in Kuwait forc­ing out its gov­ern­ment, appar­ent­ly on behalf of a dis­grun­tled mem­ber of the rul­ing fam­i­ly.

    An Asso­ci­at­ed Press exam­i­na­tion into his past, draw­ing upon inter­views, court fil­ings and a recent­ly obtained trove of his hacked emails, reveals a man whose web of inter­na­tion­al busi­ness inter­ests helped him make mil­lions from fed­er­al con­tracts. A for­mer comp­trol­ler for one of his firms also described his company’s work with the CIA.

    Through a spokesman, Azi­ma declined to answer writ­ten ques­tions from the AP or to be inter­viewed. He acknowl­edged his secre­tive work to his local news­pa­per last year, while side­step­ping ques­tions about his ties to the CIA.

    “I’ve nev­er been employed by the CIA,” he told The Kansas City Star, though he acknowl­edged he may have been indi­rect­ly con­tract­ed. “I’ve done clas­si­fied work. . It’s not work­ing for the KGB or the ene­my. I’m proud of it.”

    Jef­frey Feg­ley, the for­mer comp­trol­ler of Glob­al Air­ways, described the air­line as a “seat-of-your-pants oper­a­tion” run by brave pilots who flew car­go into hotspots world­wide.

    “I was sim­ply the book­keep­er, the guy who filled up the brief­cas­es with $100,000 worth of small bills so you could bribe the ground crew to get your car­go unloaded in a for­eign land,” Feg­ley told the AP. “Oth­er than that,” he said dry­ly, “it was just busi­ness as usu­al.”

    Asked who the airline’s main clients were, Feg­ley said a “rep­utable agency.”

    Asked again, he was more direct: “CIA.”

    These ven­tures con­tin­ued as fed­er­al inves­ti­ga­tors in the 1980s began look­ing into the col­lapse of a small bank in Kansas City, Kansas, part of a nation­wide inves­ti­ga­tion into finan­cial insti­tu­tions dur­ing the sav­ings and loan cri­sis. The col­lapse drew ques­tions because a lawyer sus­pect­ed of Mafia con­nec­tions was among its direc­tors.

    Azi­ma was a direc­tor, too, and owed the bank hun­dreds of thou­sands of dol­lars for out­stand­ing loans to his air­line.

    But the inves­ti­ga­tion of Azi­ma was stymied by high­er-ups, who offered no clear rea­son why.

    “It became appar­ent that we were not able to pur­sue pros­e­cu­tion of Azi­ma,” Lloyd Mon­roe, a retired pros­e­cu­tor with the Jus­tice Department’s orga­nized-crime task force in Kansas City, told the AP. “It was a source of real ten­sion.”

    Now Azi­ma is under scruti­ny again by both Emi­rati and U.S. author­i­ties over a planned hotel deal in Tbil­isi in 2011.

    When the hotel’s own­er — the UAE sheikhdom of Ras al-Khaimah — was look­ing to sell, Azi­ma stepped in to medi­ate a deal for three would-be Iran­ian buy­ers. Ras al-Khaimah, like Dubai, is one of the sev­en emi­rates that make up the UAE, a staunch U.S. ally on the Ara­bi­an Penin­su­la.

    Now Ras al-Khaimah accus­es him of improp­er­ly try­ing to prof­it from the deal by secret­ly arrang­ing a 10-per­cent stake in the hotel for him­self with the Ira­ni­ans. Azi­ma denies the alle­ga­tions, say­ing Ras al-Khaimah knew details of the hotel deal.

    Mean­while, inves­ti­ga­tors this year con­sid­ered whether Azima’s activ­i­ties in Geor­gia vio­lat­ed the U.S. For­eign Cor­rupt Prac­tices Act, which makes it ille­gal to bribe for­eign gov­ern­ments. Dis­cus­sions about Azi­ma focused part­ly on the hotel deal and numer­ous accounts he has at a Mid­west bank, accord­ing to a per­son famil­iar with the dis­cus­sions who spoke on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty because the con­ver­sa­tions were not to be made pub­lic.

    ...

    Azi­ma also filed his own law­suit against Ras al-Khaimah in fed­er­al court in Wash­ing­ton, accus­ing it of tak­ing advan­tage of, or orches­trat­ing, the hack of his emails.

    The email cache, which was leaked on the inter­net last year, brought to light oth­er Azi­ma ven­tures.

    One was a busi­ness part­ner­ship, Denx LLC, that he appears to have owned along with two for­mer CIA offi­cers, Gary Berntsen and Scott Mod­ell. Their names appear in the leaked doc­u­ments along with the amounts of their ini­tial cap­i­tal con­tri­bu­tions.

    The firm devised a scheme, appar­ent­ly on behalf of a Kuwaiti rul­ing fam­i­ly mem­ber, to install “new, bold­er, more ener­getic lead­er­ship” in the Gulf nation.

    “The stakes are very, very high ($30+ bil­lion) and are eas­i­ly worth killing over,” it reads.

    It was unclear whether Denx’s plans were ever put into action. Both Mod­ell and Berntsen told the AP that they knew noth­ing of the Kuwait plan, though an email address iden­ti­fied as Berntsen’s in oth­er cor­re­spon­dence sent Azi­ma the Pow­er­Point slide deck out­lin­ing it.

    “We wrote pro­pos­als up and we didn’t exe­cute any of this,” said Bern­sten, who told the AP that he was in charge of the over­all Denx ven­ture, which is now defunct. He said that Mod­ell and anoth­er par­tic­i­pant in Denx dropped out short­ly after its cre­ation. He also said that he would not have tak­en part in an effort to under­mine a U.S. ally.

    ———-

    “‘Worth killing over’: How a plane mogul dodged US scruti­ny” by Jon Gam­brell, Jack Gillum and Jeff Hor­witz; The Asso­ci­at­ed Press; 06/21/2017

    “If he’s enjoyed a loose, infor­mal immu­ni­ty for years, it is now being test­ed as author­i­ties in the U.S. and abroad probe Azi­ma as part of a glob­al cor­rup­tion case.”

    The guy cer­tain­ly knows how to stay busy. And note that Azi­ma’s present day activ­i­ties don’t just include shady hotel deals and planned gov­ern­ment over­throws. There’s also the arms deals, as star Wall Street Jour­nal report Jay Solomon recent­ly report­ed on recent­ly par­tic­i­pat­ed in:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Reporter Jay Solomon fired by Wall Street Jour­nal over report of busi­ness deal­ings with source

    By Ben Ter­ris
    June 21, 2017 at 6:49 PM

    At 3:08 pm on Wednes­day, the Wash­ing­ton bureau of the Wall Street Jour­nal received a cryp­tic email from their chief, Paul Beck­ett.

    “Short-Notice staff Meet­ing at 3:15,” read the sub­ject. The team of 40 was told to gath­er at their usu­al spot. “We won’t need chairs,” he added. “It will be short.”

    Soon enough, Beck­ett deliv­ered to the jit­tery group the news many had half-antic­i­pat­ed: Ace nation­al secu­ri­ty reporter Jay Solomon, whose desk had ear­li­er that day been cleared off, had been fired. But as for the rea­son, Beck­ett said they’d have to read a forth­com­ing report from the Asso­ci­at­ed Press.

    Min­utes lat­er, that sto­ry hit the bureau like a bomb­shell: Solomon had been fired, the AP report­ed, after “evi­dence emerged of his involve­ment in prospec­tive com­mer­cial deals — includ­ing one involv­ing arms sales to for­eign gov­ern­ments — with an inter­na­tion­al busi­ness­man who was one of his key sources.”

    Accord­ing to the report, Solomon had been offered a 10 per­cent stake in a new com­pa­ny by an Iran­ian-born avi­a­tion mag­nate named Farhad Azi­ma. Solomon told the AP he nev­er “entered into any busi­ness deal­ings” with his source and nev­er intend­ed to. The Jour­nal wouldn’t con­firm or deny this part of the report but appar­ent­ly saw enough to let him go.

    “We are dis­mayed by the actions and poor judg­ment of Jay Solomon,” the Jour­nal said in a state­ment. “The alle­ga­tions raised by this report­ing are seri­ous. While our own inves­ti­ga­tion con­tin­ues, we have con­clud­ed that Mr. Solomon vio­lat­ed his eth­i­cal oblig­a­tions as a reporter, as well as our stan­dards. He has not been forth­com­ing with us about his actions or his report­ing prac­tices and he has for­feit­ed our trust. Mr. Solomon is no longer employed by The Wall Street Jour­nal.”

    Solomon is no slouch. His work cov­er­ing nation­al secu­ri­ty and for­eign affairs had been sub­mit­ted by the paper for Pulitzer con­sid­er­a­tion, accord­ing to for­mer and cur­rent Jour­nal employ­ees. He’s the author of a book about Iran and is wide­ly con­sid­ered among the staff to be a favorite of Edi­tor in Chief Ger­ard Bak­er, who would often praise him in edi­tors’ meet­ings.

    Solomon’s two decades at the Jour­nal includ­ed stints in Asia and Africa. While in Wash­ing­ton, he had become a well-sourced fix­ture on the for­eign pol­i­cy social scene. He’s known to have a close work­ing rela­tion­ship with Yousef al-Otai­ba, the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates’ ambas­sador to the Unit­ed States.

    He had drawn crit­i­cism, though, from some col­leagues and gov­ern­ment offi­cials who per­ceived his work to show a bias against the Oba­ma administration’s nuclear deal with Iran. In his 2016 book, “The Iran Wars,” Solomon wrote that the deal “rather than calm­ing the world’s most com­bustible region, risks inflam­ing it.”

    No one, how­ev­er, saw him as a poten­tial busi­ness part­ner with his sources. That is, until the Asso­ci­at­ed Press, in the course of report­ing anoth­er sto­ry, came across emails and text mes­sages between Solomon and Azi­ma that Azima’s lawyers said were stolen by hack­ers. Over the past three decades, Azi­ma has been tied to the Iran-con­tra affair, dealt weapons to Per­sian Gulf and Balkan nations, and worked his ample con­nec­tions in Wash­ing­ton.

    Hours before the Solomon sto­ry broke, the AP report­ed that Azi­ma, 75, is under inves­ti­ga­tion on sus­pi­cions that he bribed a for­mer UAE offi­cial in order to reap prof­its from a hotel sale in Tbil­isi, Geor­gia. It was in the process of report­ing this sto­ry that reporters came across his cor­re­spon­dence with Solomon.

    In April 2015, the AP report­ed Wednes­day, Azi­ma wrote to Solomon about a pos­si­ble $725 mil­lion con­tract with the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates, in which he asked the reporter to bring the pro­pos­al to a UAE gov­ern­ment rep­re­sen­ta­tive he was lunch­ing with the fol­low­ing day.

    “We all wish best of luck to Jay on his first defense deal,” Azi­ma wrote to Solomon and oth­ers in the email.

    And the exchanges went both ways. In one par­tic­u­lar­ly sus­pect instance from Octo­ber 2014, Solomon texted Azi­ma: “Our busi­ness oppor­tu­ni­ties are so promis­ing.”

    On Wednes­day, Solomon expressed regrets for his actions while at the same time insist­ing that things weren’t quite as bad as they may look.

    “I clear­ly made mis­takes in my report­ing and entered into a world I didn’t under­stand.” Solomon told the AP on Wednes­day. “I nev­er entered into any busi­ness with Farhad Azi­ma, nor did I ever intend to. But I under­stand why the emails and the con­ver­sa­tions I had with Mr. Azi­ma may look like I was involved in some seri­ous­ly trou­bling activ­i­ties. I apol­o­gize to my boss­es and col­leagues at the Jour­nal, who were noth­ing but great to me.”

    ...

    ———-

    “Reporter Jay Solomon fired by Wall Street Jour­nal over report of busi­ness deal­ings with source” by Ben Ter­ris; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 06/21/2017

    “Accord­ing to the report, Solomon had been offered a 10 per­cent stake in a new com­pa­ny by an Iran­ian-born avi­a­tion mag­nate named Farhad Azi­ma. Solomon told the AP he nev­er “entered into any busi­ness deal­ings” with his source and nev­er intend­ed to. The Jour­nal wouldn’t con­firm or deny this part of the report but appar­ent­ly saw enough to let him go.”

    Uh oh. Yeah, that sounds like a con­flict of inter­est. And note one of Solomon’s key jour­nal­is­tic inter­ests that could be extra con­flict­ed by get­ting into busi­ness with a Amer­i­can-Iran­ian glob­al shady oper­a­tor with CIA ties: Solomon is known for his report­ing on Iran and his oppo­si­tion to the US/Iran nuclear arms deal with Iran:

    ...
    Solomon is no slouch. His work cov­er­ing nation­al secu­ri­ty and for­eign affairs had been sub­mit­ted by the paper for Pulitzer con­sid­er­a­tion, accord­ing to for­mer and cur­rent Jour­nal employ­ees. He’s the author of a book about Iran and is wide­ly con­sid­ered among the staff to be a favorite of Edi­tor in Chief Ger­ard Bak­er, who would often praise him in edi­tors’ meet­ings.

    Solomon’s two decades at the Jour­nal includ­ed stints in Asia and Africa. While in Wash­ing­ton, he had become a well-sourced fix­ture on the for­eign pol­i­cy social scene. He’s known to have a close work­ing rela­tion­ship with Yousef al-Otai­ba, the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates’ ambas­sador to the Unit­ed States.

    He had drawn crit­i­cism, though, from some col­leagues and gov­ern­ment offi­cials who per­ceived his work to show a bias against the Oba­ma administration’s nuclear deal with Iran. In his 2016 book, “The Iran Wars,” Solomon wrote that the deal “rather than calm­ing the world’s most com­bustible region, risks inflam­ing it.”
    ...

    And guess which of Azi­ma’s com­pa­nies Solomon was offered that 10 per­cent stake in to help nego­ti­ate arms deals: Denx LLC:

    Asso­ci­at­ed Press

    Wall Street Jour­nal fires cor­re­spon­dent over ethics con­flict

    By JEFF HORWITZ, JON GAMBRELL and JACK GILLUM
    06/21/2017

    WASHINGTON (AP) — The Wall Street Jour­nal on Wednes­day fired its high­ly regard­ed chief for­eign affairs cor­re­spon­dent after evi­dence emerged of his involve­ment in prospec­tive com­mer­cial deals — includ­ing one involv­ing arms sales to for­eign gov­ern­ments — with an inter­na­tion­al busi­ness­man who was one of his key sources.

    The reporter, Jay Solomon, was offered a 10 per­cent stake in a fledg­ling com­pa­ny, Denx LLC, by Farhad Azi­ma, an Iran­ian-born avi­a­tion mag­nate who has fer­ried weapons for the CIA. It was not clear whether Solomon ever received mon­ey or for­mal­ly accept­ed a stake in the com­pa­ny.

    “We are dis­mayed by the actions and poor judg­ment of Jay Solomon,” Wall Street Jour­nal spokesman Steve Sev­er­ing­haus wrote in a state­ment to The Asso­ci­at­ed Press. “While our own inves­ti­ga­tion con­tin­ues, we have con­clud­ed that Mr. Solomon vio­lat­ed his eth­i­cal oblig­a­tions as a reporter, as well as our stan­dards.”

    Azi­ma was the sub­ject of an AP inves­tiga­tive arti­cle pub­lished Tues­day. Dur­ing the course of its inves­ti­ga­tion, the AP obtained emails and text mes­sages between Azi­ma and Solomon, as well as an oper­at­ing agree­ment for Denx dat­ed March 2015, which list­ed an appar­ent stake for Solomon.

    As part of its report­ing, the AP had asked the Jour­nal about the doc­u­ments appear­ing to link Solomon and Azi­ma. The rela­tion­ship was uncov­ered in inter­views and in inter­nal doc­u­ments that Azima’s lawyer said were stolen by hack­ers.

    “I clear­ly made mis­takes in my report­ing and entered into a world I didn’t under­stand.” Solomon told the AP on Wednes­day. “I nev­er entered into any busi­ness with Farhad Azi­ma, nor did I ever intend to. But I under­stand why the emails and the con­ver­sa­tions I had with Mr. Azi­ma may look like I was involved in some seri­ous­ly trou­bling activ­i­ties. I apol­o­gize to my boss­es and col­leagues at the Jour­nal, who were noth­ing but great to me.”

    Two oth­er Denx part­ners — ex-CIA employ­ees Gary Bern­sten and Scott Mod­ell — told the AP that Solomon was involved in dis­cussing pro­posed deals with Azi­ma at the same time he con­tin­ued to cul­ti­vate the busi­ness­man as a source for his sto­ries for the Jour­nal. Bern­sten and Mod­ell said Solomon with­drew from the ven­ture short­ly after busi­ness efforts began and that the ven­ture nev­er added up to much. They pro­vid­ed no evi­dence as to when Solomon with­drew.

    The emails and texts reviewed by the AP — tens of thou­sands of pages cov­er­ing more than eight years — includ­ed more than 18 months of com­mu­ni­ca­tions involv­ing the appar­ent busi­ness effort. Some mes­sages described a need for Solomon’s Social Secu­ri­ty num­ber to file the company’s tax­es, but there was no evi­dence Solomon pro­vid­ed it.

    Denx was shut­tered last year, accord­ing to Flori­da busi­ness reg­is­tra­tion records.

    In an April 2015 email, Azi­ma wrote to Solomon about a pro­pos­al for a $725 mil­lion air-oper­a­tions, sur­veil­lance and recon­nais­sance sup­port con­tract with the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates that would allow planes to spy on activ­i­ty inside near­by Iran. Solomon was sup­posed to fer­ry the pro­pos­al to UAE gov­ern­ment rep­re­sen­ta­tives at a lunch the fol­low­ing day, the email said.

    “We all wish best of luck to Jay on his first defense sale,” Azi­ma wrote to Solomon, Bern­sten and Mod­ell.

    Under the pro­posed UAE deal, Azima’s firms were to man­age spe­cial­ly equipped sur­veil­lance planes to mon­i­tor activ­i­ty in Iran, Syr­ia, Iraq and Yemen.

    In Octo­ber 2014, Solomon wrote to Azi­ma in a text mes­sage: “Our busi­ness oppor­tu­ni­ties are so promis­ing.”

    In anoth­er mes­sage that same month, Solomon asked Azi­ma whether he had told a mutu­al friend about their busi­ness plans.

    “Hell no!” Azi­ma replied.

    The emails show Solomon’s rela­tion­ship with Azi­ma began pro­fes­sion­al­ly, as the reporter cul­ti­vat­ed the busi­ness­man as a source of infor­ma­tion about Iran­ian mon­ey in a Geor­gian hotel deal and oth­er mat­ters. A review of Solomon’s pub­lished work over the past four years indi­cat­ed Azi­ma nev­er appeared by name in the news­pa­per.

    The hacked mate­ri­als also demon­strate that Azi­ma cul­ti­vat­ed close rela­tion­ships with fel­low West­ern and Amer­i­can jour­nal­ists, includ­ing those at the AP, and fre­quent­ly com­mu­ni­cat­ed with them by phone, text and email. None appeared to involve the same lev­el of per­son­al involve­ment or ref­er­enced poten­tial busi­ness deals.

    Vet­er­an jour­nal­ists at promi­nent out­lets such as the Jour­nal have con­tacts, exper­tise and influ­ence that can be valu­able in the busi­ness world, said Kel­ly McBride, a vice pres­i­dent for the Poyn­ter Insti­tute, a non­prof­it jour­nal­ism edu­ca­tion cen­ter based in St. Peters­burg, Flori­da. But seek­ing to exploit those assets while a jour­nal­ist would betray read­ers’ trust in a reporter’s impar­tial­i­ty.

    ...

    Over decades, Azi­ma has glid­ed among dif­fer­ent worlds, fly­ing weapons to the Balka­ns, sell­ing spy gear to Per­sian Gulf nations, deal­ing with a small Mid­west bank and nav­i­gat­ing Washington’s pow­er cir­cles. In an April 2016 memo, a pub­lic rela­tions firm he worked with, Prime Strate­gies, sug­gest­ed Solomon could be called upon to “write a fea­ture sto­ry about Farhad” to help com­bat neg­a­tive cov­er­age.

    In May 2015, Bern­sten — using an email under the alias “The Vic­ar” — told Azi­ma of a plan to help a dis­si­dent mem­ber of the Kuwaiti roy­al fam­i­ly insti­gate pub­lic protests over cor­rup­tion with the goal of bring­ing down the nation’s gov­ern­ment. Though the Kuwaiti plan involved Denx, Solomon was not includ­ed in the emails and said he knew noth­ing about it. It does not appear the plans were ever exe­cut­ed, as 87-year-old Sheikh Sabah Al Ahmad Al Sabah remains in pow­er.

    ———-

    “Wall Street Jour­nal fires cor­re­spon­dent over ethics con­flict” by JEFF HORWITZ, JON GAMBRELL and JACK GILLUM; Asso­ci­at­ed Press; 06/21/2017

    “In May 2015, Bern­sten — using an email under the alias “The Vic­ar” — told Azi­ma of a plan to help a dis­si­dent mem­ber of the Kuwaiti roy­al fam­i­ly insti­gate pub­lic protests over cor­rup­tion with the goal of bring­ing down the nation’s gov­ern­ment. Though the Kuwaiti plan involved Denx, Solomon was not includ­ed in the emails and said he knew noth­ing about it. It does not appear the plans were ever exe­cut­ed, as 87-year-old Sheikh Sabah Al Ahmad Al Sabah remains in pow­er.”

    Well, at least in Solomon’s defense he appar­ent­ly was­n’t involved with the Kuwaiti rev­o­lu­tion plot. But we can’t say the some about the plan to turn Azi­ma’s firms into the UAE’s fly­ing spy ser­vice:

    ...
    In an April 2015 email, Azi­ma wrote to Solomon about a pro­pos­al for a $725 mil­lion air-oper­a­tions, sur­veil­lance and recon­nais­sance sup­port con­tract with the Unit­ed Arab Emi­rates that would allow planes to spy on activ­i­ty inside near­by Iran. Solomon was sup­posed to fer­ry the pro­pos­al to UAE gov­ern­ment rep­re­sen­ta­tives at a lunch the fol­low­ing day, the email said.

    “We all wish best of luck to Jay on his first defense sale,” Azi­ma wrote to Solomon, Bern­sten and Mod­ell.

    Under the pro­posed UAE deal, Azima’s firms were to man­age spe­cial­ly equipped sur­veil­lance planes to mon­i­tor activ­i­ty in Iran, Syr­ia, Iraq and Yemen.

    In Octo­ber 2014, Solomon wrote to Azi­ma in a text mes­sage: “Our busi­ness oppor­tu­ni­ties are so promis­ing.”
    ...

    So we have a long-time Iran­ian-Amer­i­can CIA asso­ciate offer­ing a star Wall Street Jour­nal reporter, who spe­cial­izes on Iran­ian affairs, a 10 per­cent stake in a busi­ness that includes two oth­er ex-CIA agent busi­ness part­ners. And this busi­ness offered ser­vices like foment­ing rev­o­lu­tions and/or major mil­i­tary con­tract­ing. It’s kind of a reporter’s dream sto­ry. With one notable excep­tion of course.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | June 21, 2017, 8:34 pm

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