Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. (The flash dri­ve includes the anti-fas­cist books avail­able on this site.)

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Side 1  Side 2

Intro­duc­tion: Con­tin­u­ing our updates of pre­vi­ous sto­ries and cov­er­age of arti­cles that sur­faced dur­ing the hia­tus in For The Record pro­duc­tion, we present infor­ma­tion that will serve as the foun­da­tion of future–as well as past inquiries.

Begin­ning with the Boston Marathon bomb­ing, we note that the Tsar­naev broth­ers appear to have had [as yet unspec­i­fied] help in mak­ing their bombs. As not­ed in FTR #773, evi­dence sug­gests that they may well have been part of a jihadist milieu being pro­mot­ed to fight against Rus­sia in Chech­nya and the Cau­ca­sus.

Those jihadists appear to have the sup­port of petro­le­um-indus­try-linked ele­ments of West­ern and Sau­di intel­li­gence. Might the “help” the Tsar­naevs received point in the direc­tion of their intel­li­gence han­dlers should the inves­ti­ga­tion be pur­sued to the extent that it might?

Last week, we high­light­ed Sau­di Prince Ban­dar’s prob­a­ble role in financ­ing ISIS. Avail­able evi­dence also sug­gests that Turkey is also back­ing ISIS, with the bless­ing of the so-called “mod­er­ate” Islamist Tayyip Erdo­gan.

In FTR #‘s 737, 738, 739, we not­ed that Erdogan’s gov­ern­ment was a direct out­growth of the Bank Al-Taqwa com­plex and an exten­sion of the Islam­ic fas­cism of the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. In addi­tion, Erdogan’s regime has strong links to euro-fas­cists and the Under­ground Reich. We have doc­u­mented this in numer­ous posts and broad­casts.

The Erdo­gan gov­ern­ment appears to be an Islam­ic, Under­ground Reich enti­ty, ulti­mately direct­ed at the core of the Earth Island.

Turn­ing to the sub­ject of anoth­er ter­ror­ist bomb­ing that was inad­e­quate­ly inves­ti­gat­ed, we revis­it the 1980 Munich Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing.

A block­buster sto­ry from Der Spiegel high­light­ed aspects of the inves­ti­ga­tion that have been eclipsed.

Ger­man offi­cials have reopened the inves­ti­ga­tion into the Munich Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing of 1980, blamed on a “lone nut,” Gun­dolf Kohler. Far from being a lone nut, Kohler actu­al­ly had pro­found links to a num­ber of Ger­man Nazi orga­ni­za­tions, includ­ing the Wehrport­gruppe Hoff­man, as well as to the post­war fas­cist inter­na­tion­al.

In FTR #333, we exam­ined infor­ma­tion con­nect­ing Kohler with the Wehrsport­gruppe Hoff­man, head­ed up by Karl-Heinz Hoff­man. Among the rea­sons the bomb­ing inves­ti­ga­tion stalled appears to have been due to the fact that for­mer BND agent Hans Lange­mann pro­vid­ed an ali­bi for Hoff­man, while work­ing for the Ver­fas­sungschutz, the Fed­er­al Repub­lic’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice.

The Der Spiegel arti­cle notes that the CSU head at the time–Franz Josef Strauss–dismissed any notion that right wingers might have been behind the attack. (The CSU is the Bavar­i­an part­ner to the CDU, con­sid­er­ably far­ther to the right than the CDU.) Strauss him­self has strong links to the Under­ground Reich.)

It is pro­found­ly sig­nif­i­cant that the bombing–blamed by Strauss and asso­ciates on the left–happened just before crit­i­cal Ger­man elec­tions! Strauss appears to have played an active role in help­ing to obscure the real per­pe­tra­tors of the crime.

In addi­tion to Kohler’s links to the Hoff­man orga­ni­za­tion and oth­er Ger­man Nazi groups, there is a fas­ci­nat­ing evi­den­tiary trib­u­tary lead­ing in the direc­tion of the P‑2 milieu and Klaus Bar­bi­e’s “Bride­grooms of Death.” Pri­or to the Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing, Hoff­man appears to have met with Joachim Fiebelko­rn, part of Bar­bi­e’s “Coca Fascisti” at the direc­tion of Stephano Delle Chi­aie. Delle Chi­aie was one of the mas­ter­minds of Ital­ian ter­ror­ism, and Fiebelko­rn was an infor­mant for sev­er­al intel­li­gence ser­vices, includ­ing the DEA. (This milieu is described at length and detail in AFA #19.)

In 2012, a sto­ry emerged about Hen­ry Kissinger and Richard Nixon (his boss at the time) con­spir­ing with for­mer Nazis and Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cers and indus­tri­al­ists to desta­bi­lize the gov­ern­ment of Willy Brandt.

Dis­pleased with for­mer chan­cel­lor Willy Brandt’s “Ost­poli­tik,” Kissinger and his boss Richard Nixon col­lud­ed with SS offi­cers, oth­er Third Reich vet­er­ans and Ger­man aris­to­crats to explore the pos­si­bil­i­ty of stag­ing a coup against Brandt’s gov­ern­ment. Worth not­ing in this regard is the fact that the milieu of the plot­ters in Ger­many itself was appar­ent­ly assem­bled by Rein­hard Gehlen, head of the BND dur­ing most of the post­war peri­od. (Gehlen offi­cial­ly retired in 1968. He is not men­tioned by name in the arti­cle below, but would almost cer­tain­ly have been the “go-to” guy tabbed to mar­tial will­ing Nazis for the under­tak­ing at hand.)

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Review of a U.S.-U.S.S.R. treaty on the use of envi­rone­men­tal  mod­i­fi­ca­tion for mil­i­tary pur­pos­es, includ­ing the manip­u­la­tion of tor­na­does and earth­quakes; review of a press con­fer­ence giv­en in 1997, at which then Sec­re­tary of Defense William Cohen said that ter­ror­ist grous were seek­ing to manip­u­late earth­quakes and oth­er phe­nom­e­non for the pur­pos­es of cre­at­ing envi­ron­men­tal ter­ror­ist dis­as­ters; the par­tic­i­pa­tion of Hans Globke in the Kissinger/Nixon net­work in Ger­many; review of some of the key aspects of the “inves­ti­ga­tion” into the Boston Marathon bomb­ing; review of the long-stand­ing Nazi ties of both Hen­ry Kissinger and Richard Nixon; the role of Ptech financier Yassin Al-Qadi in financ­ing the IHH, an appar­ent con­duit for Turk­ish fund­ing of ISIS.

1. Begin­ning with the Boston Marathon bomb­ing, we note that the Tsar­naev broth­ers appear to have had [as yet unspec­i­fied] help in mak­ing their bombs. As not­ed in FTR #773, evi­dence sug­gests that they may well have been part of a jihadist milieu being pro­mot­ed to fight against Rus­sia in Chech­nya and the Cau­ca­sus.

Those jihadists appear to have the sup­port of petro­le­um-indus­try-linked ele­ments of West­ern and Sau­di intel­li­gence. Might the “help” the Tsar­naevs received point in the direc­tion of their intel­li­gence han­dlers should the inves­ti­ga­tion be pur­sued to the extent that it might?

Next, we revis­it anoth­er ter­ror­ist bomb­ing that had a larg­er par­tic­i­pat­ing milieu than was dis­closed at the time.

Ger­man offi­cials have reopened the inves­ti­ga­tion into the Munich Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing of 1980, blamed on a “lone nut,” Gun­dolf Kohler. Far from being a lone nut, Kohler actu­al­ly had pro­found links to a num­ber of Ger­man Nazi orga­ni­za­tions, includ­ing the Wehrport­gruppe Hoff­man, as well as to the post­war fas­cist inter­na­tion­al.

“Evi­dence Sug­gested Tsar­naev Broth­ers Did Not Act Alone” by Lara Salahi; Boston.com; 5/22/2014. 

Spe­cific evi­dence has led fed­eral offi­cials to believe that Tamer­lan and Dzhokhar Tsar­naev did not act alone in plan­ning the Boston Marathon attacks, accord­ing to argu­ments sub­mit­ted Wednes­day by the US Attorney’s office..

Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s lawyers have request­ed that poten­tially incrim­i­nat­ing com­ments he made while inves­ti­ga­tors ques­tioned him at his hos­pi­tal bed­side to be scrapped as evi­dence in the case against him.

In response to the defense’s motion, the pros­e­cu­tion filed an oppo­si­tion in the US Dis­trict Court in Boston to sup­press the state­ment Tsar­naev made dur­ing his hos­pi­tal stay, stat­ing Tsar­naev was nev­er forced to answer any of the ques­tions inves­ti­ga­tors had asked. The report also states that the pros­e­cu­tion does not plan to use Tsarnaev’s state­ments as its main argu­ment dur­ing the tri­al and sen­tenc­ing phase. [WHY NOT?–D.E.]

One of the fil­ings by the pros­e­cu­tion stat­ed that inves­ti­ga­tors were led to believe from the bed­side ques­tion­ing that “the Tsar­naevs had accom­plices and that they or oth­ers might have built addi­tional bombs that posed a con­tin­u­ing dan­ger to pub­lic safe­ty.”

At least eight clues led inves­ti­ga­tors to this con­clu­sion, includ­ing the “sophis­ti­cated” nature of the bombs that were built that “would have been dif­fi­cult for the Tsar­naevs to fab­ri­cate suc­cess­fully with­out train­ing or assis­tance from oth­ers.” Also, no traces of crushed black pow­der from fire­works need­ed for the devices were found in any loca­tion linked to the Tsar­naevs, indi­cat­ing they may not have built it them­selves.

Behav­ior by the Tsar­naevs, includ­ing using tem­po­rary phones, and plan­ning anoth­er large-scale attack in New York City, also indi­cated the broth­ers did not act alone, accord­ing to pros­e­cu­tors.

These details sug­gest, “oth­ers might have rad­i­cal­ized them, direct­ed them, trained them, assist­ed them, and/or con­cealed them; and that these oth­ers might be plan­ning or poised to car­ry out addi­tional attacks,” the report stat­ed.

...

2. Last week, we not­ed the appar­ent role of Sau­di Prince Ban­dar in the financ­ing of ISIS. It appears that Erdo­gan’s Turkey is also involved in financ­ing the group.

The IHH “charity”–with many links to ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tions and the Mus­lim Brotherhood–appears to be the main con­duit for Turk­ish mon­ey to fund ISIS.

Note also that Sau­di sheikhs, includ­ing the Ptech and Al-Qae­da-linked Yassin Al-Qadi con­tribute to IHH. Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, heav­i­ly involved with the Al-Taqwa milieu, is also linked to IHH.

A block­buster sto­ry from Der Spiegel high­light­ed aspects of the inves­ti­ga­tion that have been eclipsed.

Ger­man offi­cials have reopened the inves­ti­ga­tion into the Munich Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing of 1980, blamed on a “lone nut,” Gun­dolf Kohler. Far from being a lone nut, Kohler actu­al­ly had pro­found links to a num­ber of Ger­man Nazi orga­ni­za­tions, includ­ing the Wehrport­gruppe Hoff­man, as well as to the post­war fas­cist inter­na­tion­al.

In FTR #333, we exam­ined infor­ma­tion con­nect­ing Kohler with the Wehrsport­gruppe Hoff­man, head­ed up by Karl-Heinz Hoff­man. Among the rea­sons the bomb­ing inves­ti­ga­tion stalled appears to have been due to the fact that for­mer BND agent Hans Lange­mann pro­vid­ed an ali­bi for Hoff­man, while work­ing for the Ver­fas­sungschutz, the Fed­er­al Repub­lic’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice.

The BND is, of course, the third incar­na­tion of  the Rein­hard Gehlen spy out­fit, the Third Reich’s East­ern Front intel­li­gence ser­vice which mor­phed into the CIA’s depart­ment of Russ­ian and East­ern Euro­pean affairs and the de-fac­to NATO intel­li­gence group for the same area. BND retained all of its Nazi char­ac­ter, employ­ing SS war crim­i­nals of the high­est mag­ni­tude. While work­ing for BND, Lange­mann was the secu­ri­ty direc­tor for the Munich Olympics of 1972, which did­n’t turn out to be very secure at all when the Black Sep­tem­ber orga­ni­za­tion slaugh­tered Israeli ath­letes.

In AFA #22, we exam­ined Lange­man­n’s role as Olympics secu­ri­ty direc­tor. In addi­tion we exam­ined a report in the Ger­man mag­a­zine Konkret that Lange­mann and Hans Koll­mar, the direc­tor of the BKA at the time, were involved in stag­ing ter­ror­ist inci­dents to be blamed on the left. (The BKA is the Ger­man equiv­a­lent of the FBI.)

The Spiegel arti­cle notes that the CSU head at the time–Franz Josef Strauss–dismissed any notion that right wingers might have been behind the attack. (The CSU is the Bavar­i­an part­ner to the CDU, con­sid­er­ably far­ther to the right than the CDU.) Strauss him­self has strong links to the Under­ground Reich, as well as to the OUN/B.

It is pro­found­ly sig­nif­i­cant that the bombing–blamed by Strauss and asso­ciates on the left–happened just before crit­i­cal Ger­man elec­tions! Strauss appears to have played an active role in help­ing to obscure the real per­pe­tra­tors of the crime.

In addi­tion to Kohler’s links to the Hoff­man orga­ni­za­tion and oth­er Ger­man Nazi groups, there is a fas­ci­nat­ing evi­den­tiary trib­u­tary lead­ing in the direc­tion of the P‑2 milieu and Klaus Bar­bi­e’s “Bride­grooms of Death.” Pri­or to the Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing, Hoff­man appears to have met with Joachim Fiebelko­rn, part of Bar­bi­e’s “Coca Fascisti” at the direc­tion of Stephano Delle Chi­aie. Delle Chi­aie was one of the mas­ter­minds of Ital­ian ter­ror­ism, and Fiebelko­rn was an infor­mant for sev­er­al intel­li­gence ser­vices, includ­ing the DEA. (This milieu is described at length and detail in AFA #19.)

One won­ders if the net­work appar­ent­ly under­ly­ing the Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing may have been some­thing sim­i­lar to the P‑2 linked “Super-Sis­mi” in Italy? One won­ders, also, if the “Lit­tle Ser­vice” dis­cussed below may have con­sti­tut­ed such an enti­ty?

Kudos to DER SPIEGEL for break­ing this sto­ry. 

“Okto­ber­fest Bomb­ing Under Review: Offi­cials Ignored Right-Wing Extrem­ist Links” by Tobias von Hey­mann and Peter Wen­sier­s­ki; Der Spiegel; 10/25/2011.

Thir­ty-one years after the 1980 Okto­ber­fest bomb attack, offi­cials have reopened the case. Pre­vi­ous­ly unknown doc­u­ments reviewed by SPIEGEL show that the per­pe­tra­tor, alleged­ly a lone wolf, was involved with the neo-Nazi scene and Bavar­i­an con­ser­v­a­tives. But the unwel­come clues were like­ly ignored. . . .

. . . Ear­ly in the case, there had been spec­u­la­tion about Köh­ler’s right-wing extrem­ist back­ground. And last year seri­ous doubts emerged as to whether the 21-year-old was tru­ly alone at the scene of the crime on Sept. 26, 1980. But the ques­tion of why the author­i­ties nev­er com­plete­ly solved the case remains unan­swered to this day. Could it have been that the par­ty in pow­er in Bavaria at the time, the con­ser­v­a­tive Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), had no inter­est in see­ing the case solved?

It was less than two weeks before the Oct. 5, 1980 Ger­man par­lia­men­tary elec­tion, and the CSU and its then Bavar­i­an state gov­er­nor and chan­cel­lor can­di­date, Franz Josef Strauss, were not inter­est­ed in right-wing extrem­ist ter­ror­ism. In their world­view, the threat always came from the left. . . .

. . . The author­i­ties also showed lit­tle inter­est in Köh­ler’s involve­ment in the Wehrsport­gruppe (Mil­i­tary Sports Group, WSG) para­mil­i­tary orga­ni­za­tion run by the neo-Nazi Karl-Heinz Hoff­mann, or that he had attend­ed one of their meet­ings “some­time in the past.” At the time, right-wing extrem­ist activ­i­ties were being down­played by those at the very top of the polit­i­cal lad­der in Bavaria. Speak­ing in the state par­lia­ment in March 1979, Strauss said: “Don’t make fools of your­selves by attribut­ing sig­nif­i­cance to cer­tain groups — you men­tioned Hoff­man­n’s Wehrsport­gruppe Hoff­mann today — that they have nev­er had, do not have and will nev­er acquire in Bavaria.” . . .

. . . In ear­ly August 1980, a few weeks before the attack, the stu­dent spoke with close friends about the Bun­destag elec­tion sched­uled for that Octo­ber. He want­ed to vote for Strauss, he said, but added that it was also impor­tant for the NPD to receive more votes. In the end, he said, only vio­lence could pro­duce change. It was about time, he said, for some­one besides the left to stage an attack, name­ly the right.

In the con­ver­sa­tion, Köh­ler also said that it might be a good idea to com­mit a bomb­ing attack in Bonn, Ham­burg or Munich. The attack, he added, “could be blamed on the left, and then Strauss will be elect­ed.”

Neo-fas­cists in Italy had already done some­thing sim­i­lar. Only eight weeks ear­li­er, a bomb attack had dev­as­tat­ed the train sta­tion in Bologna, killing 85 and injur­ing 200. The right-wing extrem­ist attack was ini­tial­ly por­trayed as the work of left­ist ter­ror­ists. The strat­e­gy appar­ent­ly fas­ci­nat­ed Köh­ler and oth­er right-wing rad­i­cals in Ger­many. They envi­sioned a series of bomb­ings that would spark fear through­out the coun­try, set­ting the scene for the estab­lish­ment of a new Nazi dic­ta­tor­ship.

A Meet­ing in Italy

Anoth­er clue also rais­es ques­tions about the back­ground of the Okto­ber­fest attack. A few weeks ear­li­er, Köh­ler’s idol Hoff­mann appar­ent­ly met in Italy with the inter­na­tion­al­ly feared neo-fas­cist Joachim Fiebelko­rn. The neo-Nazi from the town of Epp­stein in the Taunus Moun­tains near Frank­furt was an infor­mant for the Ger­man Fed­er­al Crim­i­nal Police Office (BKA) and a num­ber of intel­li­gence agen­cies. He also helped Klaus Bar­bie, the for­mer head of the Gestapo in Lyon, build a para­mil­i­tary com­bat group in Bolivia. Accord­ing to pre­vi­ous­ly unknown Stasi doc­u­ments, Fiebelko­rn, “at the instruc­tion of Chi­aie,” had met with “Karl-Heinz Hoff­mann in Rome on July 13, 1980,” as well as with French and Ital­ian right-wing extrem­ists.

The Ital­ian neo-fas­cist Ste­fano delle Chi­aie was viewed as one of the lead­ing inter­na­tion­al ter­ror­ists of the day, a sort of right-wing coun­ter­part to the left-wing ter­ror­ist “Car­los.” West­ern intel­li­gence agen­cies held Chi­aie and his vary­ing ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tions, like “Ordine Nuo­vo,” respon­si­ble for anti-com­mu­nist attacks on sev­er­al con­ti­nents in the 1970s and 1980s.. . .

. . . . Four youths told police that they had seen Köh­ler with sev­er­al young men wear­ing Ger­man armed forces parkas short­ly before the attack. They drew sketch­es of Köh­ler and his pos­si­ble accom­plices that large­ly coin­cid­ed with the state­ments made by anoth­er wit­ness. But the inves­ti­ga­tors also showed lit­tle inter­est in this pos­si­ble lead.

The SPD/FDP fed­er­al gov­ern­ment had want­ed to send inves­ti­ga­tors to the crime scene that night, but the Bavar­i­ans put them off. Strauss appeared at the There­sien­wiese fes­ti­val grounds late that night. The Bun­destag elec­tion cam­paign was in full swing, and the Bavar­i­an can­di­date for the chan­cel­lor­ship prompt­ly went on the offen­sive and tried to blame the left for the attack. . . .

4. A recent Dai­ly Mail sto­ry under­scores the degree of net­work­ing that Hen­ry Kissinger under­took in con­junc­tion with Third Reich alum­ni (undoubt­ed­ly oper­at­ing with approval of the Under­ground Reich.)

Dis­pleased with for­mer chan­cel­lor Willy Brandt’s “Ost­poli­tik,” Kissinger and his boss Richard Nixon col­lud­ed with SS offi­cers, oth­er Third Reich vet­er­ans and Ger­man aris­to­crats to explore the pos­si­bil­i­ty of stag­ing a coup against Brandt’s gov­ern­ment. Worth not­ing in this regard is the fact that the milieu of the plot­ters in Ger­many itself was appar­ent­ly assem­bled by Rein­hard Gehlen, head of the BND dur­ing most of the post­war peri­od. (Gehlen offi­cial­ly retired in 1968. He is not men­tioned by name in the arti­cle below, but would almost cer­tain­ly have been the “go-to” guy tabbed to mar­tial will­ing Nazis for the under­tak­ing at hand.)

As revealed in a Tele­graph arti­cle about the plot, one of their co-con­spir­a­tors was Hans Globke, the gray emi­nence behind Kon­rad Ade­nauer (see excerpt below.) Globke was expe­ri­enced with coup plots against the Ger­man gov­ern­ment, hav­ing been part of the Nau­mann coup attempt staged in 1953 and dis­cussed in The New Ger­many and the Old Nazis. One won­ders how many oth­er Nau­mann coup vet­er­ans were involved with the “lit­tle ser­vice” that net­worked with Kissinger et al.

Note that Ger­man indus­tri­al­ists who pre­vi­ous­ly sup­port­ed Hitler financed the orga­ni­za­tion. This could not have been ini­ti­at­ed with­out the go-ahead of Mar­tin Bor­mann and his net­work.

For both Nixon and Kissinger, con­spir­ing with Third Reich alum­ni was noth­ing new. Nixon was piv­otal in assem­bling and nur­tur­ing the Nazi wing of the Repub­li­can Par­ty, as dis­cussed in (among oth­er pro­grams) FTR #465.

Fun­da­men­tal to the devel­op­ment of “The Lit­tle Ser­vice” is the CSU and its larg­er part­ner par­ty, the CDU. The CSU also fig­ures promi­nent­ly in the appar­ent Okto­ber­fest Bomb­ing cov­er-up high­light­ed above.

Kissinger helped to forge the Third Reich alum­ni into a guer­ril­la force to fight behind Sovi­et lines after World War II:

America’s Nazi Secret by John Lof­tus; Trine Day [SC]; 2010936158; p. 11

. . .Kissinger was recruit­ed as a pro­fes­sional spy for Dulles short­ly after the end of the war in Europe. Although there is no evi­dence that he per­son­ally recruit­ed Nazis, Kissinger ran the intel­li­gence file room where records of Nazi recruit­ment were kept. He then trans­ferred to Har­vard where he spe­cial­ized in recruit­ing for­eign stu­dents for espi­onage. Lat­er he worked for Dulles dur­ing the glo­ry days of Office of Pol­icy Coor­di­na­tion (OPC). He was hired as a con­sul­tant for a pri­vate group known as Oper­a­tions Research Office, which planned to use for­mer Nazis as agents behind Russ­ian lines in the event of World War III. Men­tion of Kissinger’s clas­si­fied work was cen­sored from the orig­i­nal man­u­script of this book. . .

5. The Dai­ly Mail sto­ry men­tioned above sets forth much of the par­tic­u­lars con­cern­ing “The Lit­tle Ser­vice.”

“Kissinger and the Secret Spy Net­work of Old Nazis and Ger­man Aris­to­crats ‘Who Plot­ted to Over­throw West Ger­man Gov­ern­ment’ ” by Alan Hall; Dai­ly Mail; 12/03/2012.

A Ger­man aca­d­e­m­ic has unearthed evi­dence show­ing for­mer U.S. Sec­re­tary of State Hen­ry Kissinger once dis­cussed a coup with dis­grun­tled Nazis to over­throw the West Ger­man gov­ern­ment in the 1970s.

Kissinger and Richard Nixon were aggriev­ed at the left-lean­ing gov­ern­ment of the day’s bur­geon­ing friend­ship with the hard­line East Ger­man gov­ern­ment. Kissinger became the con­tact man for a secret spy net­work made up of old Nazis and elite aris­to­crats aimed at tor­pe­do­ing the plans for­mu­lat­ed by Chan­cel­lor Willy Brandt.

By the end of 1970, Kissinger was offer­ing the spies advice on how to deal with Brandt’s Social Demo­c­ra­t­ic gov­ern­ment. The group he became embroiled with was called ‘The Lit­tle Ser­vice’ and was formed by the con­ser­v­a­tive Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­t­ic Union (CDU), which was allied with Bavari­a’s Chris­t­ian Social Union.

One agent who vis­it­ed Kissinger quot­ed him say­ing, ‘It might be pos­si­ble to over­throw the cur­rent gov­ern­ment, but it remains to be seen whether this would involve risks which could put a Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­t­ic Union (CDU)/ Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU) gov­ern­ment in great dif­fi­cul­ty. . . .

. . . . Brandt pur­sued a pol­i­cy of engage­ment with the Ger­man Demo­c­ra­t­ic Repub­lic, con­vinced it was bet­ter to build bridges with the dic­ta­tor­ship to defuse Cold War ten­sions rather than always being at log­ger­heads. For the all-white, all male con­ser­v­a­tives of the CDU, this was too much.

They want­ed West Ger­many to face off against the Sovi­et-backed regime in the belief that iso­la­tion would make it crum­ble. It was out of this belief that its pri­vate spy organ­i­sa­tion, made up of many for­mer Gestapo and SS men as well as titled barons and counts, was formed.

Polit­i­cal sci­en­tist Ste­fanie Waske spent sev­en years research­ing let­ters from politi­cians from the Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­t­ic Union and its Bavar­i­an sis­ter par­ty the Chris­t­ian Social Union, and her results are to be pub­lished next year; poten­tial­ly embar­rass­ing tim­ing for Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel, who in Novem­ber 2013 will seek re-elec­tion as CDU chan­cel­lor for the third time.

Waske approached Kissinger for com­ment but he refused, as did many of the noble­men who worked for the The Lit­tle Ser­vice which came into being in 1969 after the par­ty lost its first gen­er­al elec­tion since the post­war repub­lic was formed in 1949.

Details of her research are pub­lished in the cur­rent edi­tion of the Ger­man intel­lec­tu­al week­ly Die Zeit. The cat­a­lyst for the spy group was Brandt’s deci­sion to rec­og­nize post-WW2 bor­ders divid­ing Ger­many and a pledge Brandt gave that his state would not use vio­lence against the Com­mu­nist one in the east.

Con­ser­v­a­tive MP Karl Theodor Frei­herr zu Gut­ten­berg, who was the grand­fa­ther of the dis­graced for­mer defense min­is­ter who had to resign last year after it was dis­cov­ered he cheat­ed on his doc­tor­ate, held a meet­ing in the autumn of 1969 with for­mer chan­cel­lor Kurt Georg Kiesinger and lead­ing CDU and CSU politi­cians, the CSU being the Bavar­i­an wing of the par­ty.

‘They decid­ed to form an infor­ma­tion ser­vice for the oppo­si­tion,’ said Waske. ‘It was a secret spy ser­vice.’ The for­mer head of the BND, Ger­many’s [for­eign] intel­li­gence agency [Rein­hard Gehlen–D.E.], was tapped and he offered up a ready-made web of infor­mants across the globe in coun­tries as far apart as the US, France and Sau­di Ara­bia.

Hans Christoph von Stauf­fen­berg, the cousin of the man who tried and failed to kill Hitler in the July 1944 bomb plot, was cho­sen to head the net­work. Casimir Prince of Sayn-Wittgen­stein, who would lat­er only nar­row­ly miss impris­on­ment for the CDU’s par­ty dona­tion scan­dal of a decade ago, was recruit­ed to raise the hun­dreds of thou­sands of D‑marks nec­es­sary to fund the net­work.

He col­lect­ed from con­ser­v­a­tives in indus­try, many of whom had pre­vi­ous­ly sup­port­ed Hitler, and who now viewed with sus­pi­cion the appar­ent cozi­ness devel­op­ing between Brandt and the Com­mu­nists. The first act was to open a secret ‘back chan­nel’ to Kissinger who was keen to know what the Sovi­ets were up to at all times, includ­ing their pup­pets in East Berlin.

The trea­sur­er of the group was Alfred Sei­dl, a for­mer Nazi who act­ed as the chief defense lawyer for Hitler deputy Rudolf Hess.

‘In 1971 Brandt was talk­ing about the admin­is­tra­tion of Berlin with Leonid Brezh­nev in Yal­ta and Stauffenberg’s infor­mants were deliv­er­ing secret infor­ma­tion to the con­ser­v­a­tives who were dis­cussing it with Kissinger,’ said Waske. The intel­li­gence gleaned came from eaves­drop­ping, inter­cept­ed mail, inform­ers and tele­phone taps. . . .

6. About Hans Globke’s par­tic­i­patin in the Kissinger/Nixon/Underground Reich net­work:

“West Ger­many’s CDU Had Pri­vate Spy Ser­vice” by Matthew Day; The Tele­graph; 12/03/2012.

. . . Draw­ing on the ranks of for­mer mem­bers of the Ger­man secret ser­vice, the net­work brought togeth­er such fig­ures as Hans Globke, co-author of the Nurem­berg laws . . .