Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

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FTR #814 The National Socialist Underground File

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by 10/02/2014. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deduct­ble con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #812. The last pro­gram record­ed before Mr. Emory’s ill­ness was FTR #748.

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Intro­duc­tion: We’ve cov­ered the neo-Nazi group The Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground and its links to Ger­man intel­li­gence for the bet­ter part of two years.

In addi­tion to shred­ding files on the NSU, which was financed in con­sid­er­able mea­sure by Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice and ele­ments of its mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ser­vice, files on oth­er Ger­man neo-Nazi groups have been destroyed before being prop­er­ly vet­ted by Ger­man jour­nal­is­tic and legal author­i­ties.

One of the most sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the case is the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment are going to extra­or­di­nary lengths to eclipse the insti­tu­tion­al con­nec­tions of the group. Turk­ish media were exclud­ed from being seat­ed at the tri­al of the group, many of whose vic­tims were Turks. In addi­tion, lead­ing Ger­man media were left out of a “raf­fle” to award seat­ing at the tri­al.

In addi­tion, Ger­many Watch has sug­gest­ed that the appar­ent Ger­man intel­li­gence stew­ard­ship of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground may have been a vehi­cle to elim­i­nate peopel with infor­ma­tion about the 9/11 attacks.

We now learn that the fam­i­lies of their vic­tims and their attor­neys have despaired, sus­pect­ing that the pros­e­cu­tors have no inter­est in pur­su­ing jus­tice in the case, not­ing their dis­missal of vic­tims fam­i­lies coun­sel attempts at intro­duc­ing evi­dence.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cers’ found­ing of a Ku Klux Klan chap­ter in Ger­many; con­tacts between asso­ciates of a Ger­man police­woman mur­dered by NSU and ele­ments of the Ger­man KKK (sug­gest­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ty that she may have been mur­dered because of those links); the fact that the NSU was much larg­er than pre­vi­ous­ly believed; con­tacts between a Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cial who resigned because of the file shred­ding and mem­bers of a Ger­man Nazi band called “Landser;” dis­cus­sion of the Nazi and SS roots of the mod­ern Ger­man police estab­lish­ment; indi­ca­tions that the scale of Ger­man intel’s financ­ing of the neo-Nazis is on a scale that indi­cates insti­tu­tion­al sup­port for the Nazi agen­da; the claim by Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ele­ments that helped finance NSU that they kept no files on the group; the shred­ding of NSU files the day before they were to be turned over to Ger­man pros­e­cu­tors; the claim by Ger­man intel that the shred­ding of the files was the work of a “sin­gle indi­vid­ual.”

1a. We’ve cov­ered the neo-Nazi group The Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground and its links to Ger­man intel­li­gence for months.

One of the most sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the case is the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment are going to extra­or­di­nary lengths to eclipse the insti­tu­tion­al con­nec­tions of the group.

Turk­ish media were exclud­ed from being seat­ed at the tri­al of the group, many of whose vic­tims were Turks. In addi­tion, lead­ing Ger­man media were left out of a “raf­fle” to award seat­ing at the tri­al.

Ger­many Watch has sug­gest­ed that the appar­ent Ger­man intel­li­gence stew­ard­ship of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground may have been a vehi­cle to elim­i­nate peo­ple with infor­ma­tion about the 9/11 attacks.

We now learn that the fam­i­lies of their vic­tims and their attor­neys have despaired, sus­pect­ing that the pros­e­cu­tors have no inter­est in pur­su­ing jus­tice in the case, not­ing their dis­missal of vic­tims fam­i­lies coun­sel attempts at intro­duc­ing evi­dence.

“Sus­pect­ed Nazi Killer Still Silent in NSU Tri­al”; Deutsche Welle; 1/4/2014.

. . . . Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel’s promise that the mur­ders would be thor­ough­ly inves­ti­gat­ed once gave them com­fort, hope, and courage. But after 11 months of tri­al most of the plain­tiffs have lost faith in a fair tri­al or a just sen­tence.Zschäpe’s self-con­fi­dent, occa­sion­al­ly even cheer­ful demeanor, has played a major role in that. She has remained unmoved through­out, even when her moth­er and cousin tes­ti­fied on her behalf.

She behaves very dif­fer­ent­ly towards her three defense attor­neys, who always stand pro­tec­tive­ly in front of her — to make things dif­fi­cult for the curi­ous pho­tog­ra­phers — when she enters court room A 101. Zschäpe often smiles as she con­fers with the trio of defend­ers, as the vis­i­tors can clear­ly see from their gallery three meters above her head.

. . . . But fam­i­lies are also often non­plussed by the con­duct of the state pros­e­cu­tors when they dis­miss as irrel­e­vant their lawyers’ requests to present evi­dence. Sebas­t­ian Scharmer, the attor­ney rep­re­sent­ing the inter­ests of the fam­i­ly of Mehmet Kubasik, who was mur­dered in Dort­mund in 2006, has open­ly accused the pros­e­cu­tors of lack­ing inter­est in inves­ti­gat­ing the mur­ders. . . .

1b. It comes as no sur­prise to learn that Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice (Ver­fas­sungss­chutz) has been fund­ing neo-Nazis. (Observers had con­clud­ed as much in the wake of the Thuringian neo-Nazi scan­dal.)

The cozy rela­tion­ship between Ger­man intel­li­gence and Nazi and fas­cist ele­ments looms large in the reopen­ing of the Munich Okto­ber­fest bomb­ing of 1980.

“Gov­ern­ment Devel­op­ment Aid for neo-Nazis;” German-Foreign-Policy.com; 11/16/2011.

New rev­e­la­tions on the neo-Nazi ser­i­al mur­ders of nine men of non-Ger­man ori­gin and a female police offi­cer are incrim­i­nat­ing a Ger­man domes­tic intel­li­gence agency. Accord­ing to media reports, a mem­ber of a recent­ly dis­cov­ered neo-Nazi ter­ror group pre­sum­ably had con­tact to the Thuringia Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion — even after he went under­ground. The affair could become an “intel­li­gence agency prob­lem,” pre­dicts the domes­tic pol­i­cy spokesman of the CDU/CSU par­lia­men­tary group, Hans-Peter Uhl. In the 1990s, under the pre­text that they are very impor­tant infor­mants, the Thuringia Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion had, in fact, paid amounts of DMs in the six-dig­its to influ­en­tial right-wing extrem­ist mil­i­tants. The mil­i­tants used this mon­ey to set up neo-Nazi struc­tures in Thuringia, includ­ing the “Thüringer Heimatschutz” (Thuringia Home­land Pro­tec­tion), an orga­ni­za­tion of vio­lent neo-Nazis. The mem­bers of the ter­ror group, respon­si­ble for the mur­ders, are not the only ones who have their ori­gins in this orga­ni­za­tion. Lead­ing func­tionar­ies of today’s extreme right are also com­ing from that orga­ni­za­tion, which has been offi­cial­ly dis­band­ed, but is still at work in oth­er struc­tures. Today some of its mil­i­tants, for exam­ple, are orga­niz­ing neo-Nazi fes­ti­vals with inter­na­tion­al par­tic­i­pa­tion aimed at net­work­ing the extreme right through­out Europe.

Cov­ered by the Intel­li­gence Agency

The aid fur­nished by the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion (Ver­fas­sungss­chutz — VS) to the neo-Nazi scene, to set up their struc­tures in the fed­er­al state of Thuringia, is exem­plary for the aid pro­vid­ed through­out the 1990s. As far as has become known, this aid crys­tal­lized around two promi­nent mil­i­tants, Thomas Dienel and Tino Brandt. Both had been infor­mants for Thuringia’s VS. Accord­ing to a study on Thuringia’s extreme right, Dienel had been con­sid­ered one of the most active neo-Nazis in Thuringia, until the mid-1990s. “Explic­it threats to use vio­lence against for­eign­ers and peo­ple with diverg­ing opin­ions” were part “of his reper­toire.” How­ev­er, his con­tri­bu­tion was par­tic­u­lar­ly vital in the field of set­ting things up and orga­niz­ing. He estab­lished links to influ­en­tial neo-Nazis in West Ger­many, orga­nized many “demon­stra­tions and actions,” with the found­ing of a par­ty [1] on April 20, 1992, he cre­at­ed the “first struc­tured gath­er­ing place for young neo-Nazis” and he rad­i­cal­ized mem­bers of the NPD. “There­fore, he has left a trail behind that can be fol­lowed to cur­rent struc­tures” in the neo-Nazi scene, writes the author of the study, pub­lished in 2001.[2] The media report­ed that in the 1990s the VS paid Dienel 25,000 DM — offi­cial­ly for his ser­vice as an infor­mant. Dienel acknowl­edged pub­licly that he had some­times coor­di­nat­ed his actions with the VS, for which he also had received mon­ey. The VS had also helped him in court: “They cov­ered me.”[3] . . . Read more »

2. The scale of the fund­ing for the group was unprece­dent­ed for pay­ments to “inform­ers.”

“Ger­man Intel­li­gence Agents Paid $240,000 to Neo-Nazi Informer Linked to Mur­der Sus­pects” [AP]; Fox News; 2/25/2013.

Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency has come under fire for pay­ing almost a quar­ter of a mil­lion dol­lars to a neo-Nazi informer linked to a far-right ter­ror group.

Oppo­si­tion law­mak­ers and anti-Nazi cam­paign­ers crit­i­cized the pay­ments made over 18 years after they were first report­ed Sun­day by con­ser­v­a­tive week­ly Bild am Son­ntag.

Offi­cials at the intel­li­gence agency declined to com­ment on the report. But the head of a par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee tasked with inves­ti­gat­ing a string of mur­ders alleged­ly car­ried out by the group says the infor­ma­tion appears accu­rate.

Law­maker Sebas­t­ian Edathy told The Asso­ci­ated Press on Mon­day that the newspaper’s report matched infor­ma­tion sub­mit­ted to his com­mit­tee.

Edathy said the pay­ments total­ing €180,000 ($240,000) to a man iden­ti­fied by the news­pa­per as Thomas R. were “off the scale” for an infor­mant.

3. Ger­man intel­li­gence destroyed their files on the group the day before they were to be hand­ed over to a pros­e­cu­tor.

“Ger­man Secret Ser­vice Destroys Files on neo-Nazi Ter­ror­ist Gang the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground: Vital Infor­ma­tion Was Shred­ded on the Day It Was Due to Be Hand­ed to Fed­eral Pros­e­cu­tors” by Tony Pat­ter­son; The Inde­pen­dent [UK]; 6/29/2012.

Germany’s equiv­a­lent of MI5 has found itself at the cen­tre of a deep­en­ing intel­li­gence ser­vice scan­dal after it was con­firmed yes­ter­day that its agents had destroyed files con­tain­ing vital infor­ma­tion about a neo-Nazi ter­ror­ist gang hours before the mate­r­ial was due to be hand­ed to fed­eral pros­e­cu­tors.

The case con­cerns the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, a neo-Nazi group respon­si­ble for Germany’s worst acts of far-right vio­lence since the Sec­ond World War. Its mem­bers mur­dered a police­woman, shot dead nine immi­grants, mount­ed two bomb attacks and robbed 14 banks to finance their oper­a­tions.

Police dis­cov­ered the bod­ies of the gang’s two ring­lead­ers, Uwe Mund­los and Uwe Böhn­hardt, in a burned-out car­a­van in east­ern Ger­many last Novem­ber. Inves­ti­ga­tors estab­lished that they had com­mit­ted sui­cide after rob­bing a bank. A third mem­ber of the gang, Beate Zschäpe, was caught and arrest­ed. She is still being ques­tioned.

Details of the scan­dal were leaked to the Ger­man news agency DPA yes­ter­day, prompt­ing Ger­man Inte­rior Min­istry offi­cials to admit that domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice agents, who had been keep­ing the gang under sur­veil­lance for more than a decade, had destroyed files con­tain­ing infor­ma­tion about the group.

They revealed to a par­lia­men­tary inquiry that the agents had shred­ded the doc­u­ments on Novem­ber 11 – the day they were due to be hand­ed to Germany’s Fed­eral Pros­e­cu­tor, who had tak­en over the inves­ti­ga­tion.

Jörg Zier­cke, the Pres­i­dent of Germany’s Fed­eral Crim­i­nal Bureau, also admit­ted to the inquiry that his office “had failed” over the neo-Nazi inves­ti­ga­tion.

The rev­e­la­tions increased sus­pi­cions that neo-Nazi cell mem­bers were in the pay of Ger­man intel­li­gence. In the past, the organ­i­sa­tion has made no secret of the fact that it uses secret ser­vice “moles” to infil­trate the country’s far-right groups. How­ever, keep­ing neo-Nazis on the secret ser­vice pay­roll would amount to active col­lab­o­ra­tion and imply that mem­bers of the intel­li­gence ser­vice sup­ported their crim­i­nal acts. The intel­li­gence ser­vices have admit­ted to a par­lia­men­tary inquiry that both domes­tic intel­li­gence and Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence used so-called “moles” to infil­trate the neo-Nazi organ­i­sa­tions fre­quented by NSU ring­lead­ers Mund­los and Böhn­hardt. . . .

4a. A minor cor­rec­tion (sort of): accord­ing to this arti­cle, the agency didn’t destroy the files one day before they were to be hand­ed over...instead, they are claim­ing that the files were on Novem­ber 12, 2011, one day after the infor­mant-sta­tus of the neo-nazi pair became pub­lic OR they were destroyed in Jan­u­ary, 2011. It was all due to inno­cent con­fu­sion by a “mis­guided indi­vid­ual” that heads the agency depart­ment for procur­ing intel­li­gence sources:

“Neo-Nazi Cell Scan­dal Intel­li­gence Agency under Fire for Shred­ding Files” by Der Spiegel staff; Der Spiegel; 6/29/2012.

The offi­cial inves­ti­ga­tion into the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU), the neo-Nazi cell which is believed to have killed at least 10 peo­ple over a peri­od of years, has been marked by a series of embar­rass­ing fail­ures and slip-ups by the author­i­ties. But new rev­e­la­tions about the case threat­en to trig­ger a major scan­dal with pos­si­ble polit­i­cal con­se­quences.

...

Mem­bers of the par­lia­men­tary inves­tiga­tive com­mit­tee react­ed to the news with shock and out­rage. “Such inci­dents make it dif­fi­cult to con­vinc­ingly refute the con­spir­acy the­o­ries,” said com­mit­tee chair­man Sebas­t­ian Edathy, a mem­ber of the cen­ter-left oppo­si­tion Social Democ­rats. There has been per­sis­tent spec­u­la­tion that the domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice may have used mem­bers of the NSU as infor­mants.

Oth­er mem­bers of the com­mit­tee were equal­ly scathing. Hart­frid Wolff of the busi­ness-friend­ly Free Demo­c­ra­tic Par­ty described the inci­dent as “unbe­liev­able,” while Clemens Bin­ninger of the cen­ter-right Chris­t­ian Demo­c­ra­tic Union said it cre­ated scope “for all kinds of the­o­ries.” “Clear­ly the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion has a lot to hide,” said Petra Pau of the far-left Left Par­ty, which has been par­tic­u­larly crit­i­cal of the author­i­ties’ han­dling of the case.

Indi­vid­ual ‘Act­ed Alone’

On Thurs­day, offi­cials at the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion told SPIEGEL ONLINE that the shred­ding of the doc­u­ments was unprece­dented. They insist­ed it was due to the mis­guided actions of an indi­vid­ual and not the result of an order to destroy the files.

Sources in the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity said that a legal inves­ti­ga­tion had been opened against an employ­ee of the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion. The offi­cer is appar­ently head of a so-called “pro­cure­ment” depart­ment, which is respon­si­ble for run­ning sources and obtain­ing infor­ma­tion from them. The agency’s man­age­ment is “appalled” and “absolute­ly furi­ous” about the inci­dent, sources said, adding that offi­cials were try­ing to recon­struct the files as best they could. Appar­ently sev­en files were destroyed.

The agency has recon­structed the time­line of the doc­u­ments’ destruc­tion. The depart­ment head sup­pos­edly received orders on Nov. 10, 2011 to search his files for the names of the three NSU mem­bers — Uwe Böhn­hardt, Uwe Mund­los and Beate Zschäpe — and look for pos­si­ble con­nec­tions to the far-right scene. Among oth­er files, the offi­cer looked at doc­u­ments relat­ing to Oper­a­tion Rennsteig.

The oper­a­tion, whose name refers to a famous hik­ing trail in the state of Thuringia, was intend­ed to recruit inform­ers from a far-right group called the Thüringer Heimatschutz (“Thuringian Home­land Pro­tec­tion”) dur­ing the peri­od from 1996 to 2003. Böhn­hardt, Mund­los and Zschäpe, who all used to live in the Thuringian city of Jena, were also active in the group for a time. Both the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion and Germany’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agency, the Mil­i­tary Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence Ser­vice (MAD), were involved in the oper­a­tion.

The depart­ment head alleged­ly did not find any­thing of inter­est in his files. One day lat­er, on Nov. 11, he informed his supe­ri­ors that he had not found the names of the three sus­pected ter­ror­ists or oth­er evi­dence in his records. At the same time, he not­ed that sev­en so-called pro­cure­ment files had been archived for too long. This type of file includes all the details about the recruit­ment of a source, includ­ing their code­name and obser­va­tions about their char­ac­ter. The agency is gen­er­ally oblig­ed to destroy such files after a max­i­mum peri­od of 10 years. The depart­ment head gave orders for the files to be destroyed imme­di­ately. A day lat­er, on Nov. 12, anoth­er employ­ee car­ried out the shred­ding as per instruc­tions.

Embar­rass­ing Rev­e­la­tions

The behav­ior of the depart­ment head appears odd, how­ever. He told his supe­rior offi­cer in Jan­u­ary 2012 that the sev­en files from Oper­a­tion Rennsteig had already been destroyed in or around Jan­u­ary 2011 because of the time lim­it on files. Only when Fromm, the agency head, asked fol­low-up ques­tions did the offi­cer admit that the files had actu­ally been destroyed on Nov. 12, 2011 — in oth­er words, just as the cell’s con­nec­tion to the mur­der series was uncov­ered. At that time, the Fed­eral Prosecutor’s Office had tak­en over the inves­ti­ga­tion and request­ed to see all the rel­e­vant doc­u­ments.

Accord­ing to sources in the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity, Oper­a­tion Rennsteig was a large-scale attempt to infil­trate the far-right scene around Thüringer Heimatschutz. Intel­li­gent agents ini­tially select­ed 35 “prospec­tive can­di­dates” as poten­tial sources. Eight of those peo­ple were lat­er recruit­ed as inform­ers, with six of them being run by the fed­eral intel­li­gence agency and the oth­ers by the state-lev­el intel­li­gence agency in Thuringia. In addi­tion, the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion drew up a list of 73 men of “mil­i­tary ser­vice age” for the Mil­i­tary Coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence Ser­vice. It is unclear what the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agency want­ed to do with the list. But it is per­haps sig­nif­i­cant that the names of Mund­los and Bön­hardt appeared on that list.

....

4b. It also sounds like the remain­ing files that are to be turned over are expect­ed to demon­strate that the gang mem­bers were, indeed, work­ing as infor­mants, rais­ing ques­tions of just how damn­ing was the evi­dence on the destroyed files. Also note that the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence unit, MAD, which was also work­ing on “Oper­a­tion Rennsteig”, is coop­er­at­ing...they just hap­pened to not keep any files at all on the mat­ter:

“Ger­man Intel­li­gence Grants Access to Files in Neo-Nazi Probe”; Deutsche Welle; 3/7/2012.

Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency has offered the par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee access to 25 files relat­ing to “Oper­a­tion Rennsteig,” which was aimed at recruit­ing infor­mants in right-wing cir­cles in the east­ern state of Thuringia between 1997 and 2003.

The oper­a­tion involved the fed­eral domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, the region­al agency in Thuringia and, accord­ing to the com­mit­tee, the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ser­vice MAD.

The files are expect­ed to reveal that the author­i­ties were work­ing with infor­mants from the so-called Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU), an extrem­ist group that is believed to have killed 10 peo­ple with non-Ger­man back­grounds over more than a decade before their cov­er was blown ear­lier this year.

Last week, it became appar­ent that some of the files relat­ing to the oper­a­tion were shred­ded by the fed­eral intel­li­gence agency last year. On Mon­day, the head of the agency, Heinz Fromm, resigned his post.

Anoth­er head rolls

On Tues­day, Fromm’s coun­ter­part at Thuringia’s intel­li­gence agency, Thomas Sip­pel, also stepped down in con­nec­tion with the rev­e­la­tions. He will go into ear­ly retire­ment.

The chair­man of the par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee, Sebas­t­ian Edathy, also urged the MAD to release their files, while the MAD insists it is coop­er­at­ing. It also said on Tues­day that it does not have “Oper­a­tion Rennsteig” files.

5. Anoth­er inci­dence of shred­ding of files on neo-Nazis has emerged, lead­ing to the res­ig­na­tion of Clau­dia Schmid, the agen­cy’s top Berlin offi­cial.

After the shred­ding of files on the Nation­al Social­ist Union (which may well have been in cahoots with Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice), it emerges that files on Blood and Hon­or, anoth­er neo-Nazi orga­ni­za­tion, were shred­ded by an offi­cial of the Ver­fas­sungschutz.

Of pos­si­ble sig­nif­i­cance is the fact that one of Schmid’s col­leagues was friend­ly with “Landser” a Ger­man Nazi band.

“Fifth Head Rolls in NSU Inves­ti­ga­tion Affair”; The Local; 11/14/2012.

. . . . None of the files appeared to be relat­ed to the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, which is sus­pect­ed of killing 10 peo­ple between 2000 and 2007. Four oth­er top Ger­many secu­ri­ty offi­cials have resigned this year due to blun­ders in the NSU inves­ti­ga­tion.

Clau­dia Schmid, head of the Berlin Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion, request­ed a trans­fer to anoth­er job the day after she announced that her office had ille­gal­ly destroyed files on the far-right “Blood & Hon­our” organ­i­sa­tion rather than pre­sent­ing them to the Berlin state archive. She described the action as a “regret­table mis­take.”

The head of the author­i­ty’s depart­ment on extrem­ism, respon­si­ble for the most recent case of ille­gal file shred­ding, has also stepped down from his post. Fur­ther employ­ees are sub­jects of an inter­nal inves­ti­ga­tion for their role in destroy­ing the files.

It is still unclear whether the destroyed files were con­nect­ed to the case of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground ter­ror­ist organ­i­sa­tion, which went unde­tect­ed for over a decade. How­ev­er, the files did con­tain infor­ma­tion on “Landser,” a neo-Nazi band with whom an author­i­ty employ­ee was once friend­ly.

6. In what has become rou­tine, it has been revealed that a Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cer set up a branch of the Ku Klux Klan in Ger­many. This is but the lat­est dis­clo­sure in a series of rev­e­la­tions about the pro­found rela­tion­ship between Ger­man intel­li­gence and neo-fas­cists of var­i­ous kinds in Ger­many.

Far from being “infil­tra­tors” into these groups, the oper­a­tives appear much more like “han­dlers.”  Ger­man leg­is­la­tors have raised the very impor­tant ques­tion of the extent to which these neo-fas­cist groups have actu­al­ly been spawned by the intel­li­gence oper­a­tives in their ranks. We note that the Ger­man police offi­cer mur­dered by the NSU was part of a milieu that includ­ed agents in the KKK of Ger­many.

“Ger­man Intel­li­gence Set Up KKK Branch”; Ger­many Watch; 11/01/2012.

The Ger­man branch of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), was set up and led by an under­cov­er agent of the state of Baden-Württemberg’s secret ser­vice.

Accord­ing to a report in the Tagesspiegel dai­ly news­pa­per, an organ­i­sa­tion called the “Euro­pean White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan–Realm of Ger­many” was estab­lished by a white suprema­cist gov­ern­ment spy in Octo­ber 2000. A short time lat­er, the man was appoint­ed by a KKK group in the US to the posi­tion of nation­al leader, a “Grand Drag­on”. The Ger­man branch exist­ed until ear­ly 2003.

But that was not all. The agent was not only work­ing for the secret ser­vice of a Ger­man state; it appears he was also oper­at­ing with the offi­cial pro­tec­tion of one of his col­leagues. An employ­ee of the intel­li­gence agency is sus­pect­ed of hav­ing passed on to him “anony­mous con­fi­den­tial infor­ma­tion” in 2002. In par­tic­u­lar, this per­son alleged­ly warned him that his phone was being tapped.

The Ku Klux Klan is one of a long line of sus­pi­cious organ­i­sa­tions set up by Ger­man secret ser­vice agents with the help of state funds.

Inves­ti­ga­tions into the Nation­al Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (NDP) asso­ci­a­tions in the states of Thuringia and North Rhine-West­phalia had already revealed they could not have devel­oped as they did with­out fund­ing pro­vid­ed by the secret ser­vice. Sev­er­al neo-Nazis open­ly boast­ed they had drawn funds from the intel­li­gence ser­vice for a num­ber of years. 

As is now cus­tom­ary in such episodes, author­i­ties assert­ed that the case was an “iso­lat­ed” one. Accord­ing to Die Welt, the dai­ly news­pa­per, there is “no rea­son to doubt that agency employ­ees ful­fil their statu­to­ry duties cor­rect­ly and irre­proach­ably, and there is no rea­son to believe that they lack aware­ness of demo­c­ra­t­ic pro­ce­dures”.

The close links between the state and the Ku Klux Klan rais­es new ques­tions about pos­si­ble links between gov­ern­ment agen­cies and ter­ror­ists of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU). Plen­ty of over­lap has been dis­cov­ered between the KKK and the NSU. 

Two of the three mem­bers of the NSU, Uwe Böhn­hardt and Beate Zschäpe, were spot­ted near Jena at a cross burn­ing attend­ed by 20 neo-Nazis in the mid-1990s. Tschäpe even had pho­tos of the scene and per­son­al­ly informed the pub­lic pros­e­cu­tor about their atten­dance. That was before Tschäpe, Böhn­hardt and Uwe Mund­los went into hid­ing and began their killing spree.

The iden­ti­ty of anoth­er under­cov­er agent, oper­at­ing in the KKK’s ranks under the code name “Corel­li”, was dis­cov­ered by police in 1998 on an address list Mund­los had hid­den in a garage. But the main cause of sus­pi­cion is the fact that two mem­bers of the rel­a­tive­ly small KKK group in Baden-Würt­tem­berg were close col­leagues of the NSU’s last mur­der vic­tim, police­woman Michèle Kiesewet­ter. Kiesewet­ter was shot in April 2007 and the series of NSU killings then abrupt­ly ceased.

The mur­der of a Ger­man police­woman is not com­men­su­rate with the crim­i­nal oper­a­tions of the NSU. All the oth­er mur­ders had immi­grants as their vic­tims and were obvi­ous­ly racial­ly moti­vat­ed. To date, there is no plau­si­ble expla­na­tion why Kiesewet­ter became a tar­get of the NSU. The ques­tion aris­es as to whether the for­mer KKK mem­ber­ships of her squad leader and anoth­er police col­league played a role. 

A par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee of inquiry into the NSU is now deal­ing with the case. But no clar­i­fi­ca­tion can be expect­ed from that quar­ter because the inves­ti­ga­tion is sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly blocked by the author­i­ties and the com­mit­tee itself has lit­tle inter­est in bring­ing the facts to light.

Only occa­sion­al­ly, when it is all too obvi­ous they are being led around by the nose, do the com­mit­tee mem­bers allow some mea­sure of the truth to sur­face. Respond­ing to the new rev­e­la­tions about the KKK, Free Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty deputy Hart­frid Wolff groaned: “Were there then any mem­bers [of the KKK] who were not in the police or secret ser­vice?” A legit­i­mate ques­tion!

The author­i­ties are con­tin­u­ing their attempt to pre­vent any fur­ther unrav­el­ling of the events. They have stopped refer­ring to unde­ni­able rev­e­la­tions as “mishaps”, “slips” and “iso­lat­ed cas­es”; they append the offi­cial des­ig­na­tion of “secret” to files that could lead to fur­ther clar­i­fi­ca­tion, or they destroy huge num­bers of them. It is now known that far more records relat­ing to the NSU affair have been destroyed than was ini­tial­ly announced. . . .

7. It should not sur­prise an objec­tive observ­er that the NSU was far big­ger than orig­i­nal­ly believed.

As prepa­ra­tions for the tri­al of a mem­ber of the group are read­ied, it is appar­ent that the Ger­man gov­ern­ment is in dam­age con­trol mode, deny­ing Turk­ish media access to the court­room in which the pro­ceed­ings will take place.

Most of the vic­tims of the group were of Turk­ish extrac­tion. (Ger­many has a large Turk­ish pop­u­la­tion, as a result of the “gas­tar­beit­er” (guest work­ers) brought into the coun­try as labor­ers.

Suf­fice it to say that Turk­ish jour­nal­ists and edi­tors aren’t buy­ing the offi­cial excus­es prof­fered by Ger­man offi­cials.

After the Bavar­i­an author­i­ties post­poned the start of the tri­al to “recon­sid­er” media access, the Deputy Prime Min­is­ter of Turkey scored the Ger­man gov­ern­ment for a “predetermined“verdict, label­ing the tri­al a sham.

“Ger­man neo-Nazi Cell Big­ger than Pre­vi­ous­ly Thought” [Reuters]; Yahoo News; 3/24/2013.

A Ger­man neo-Nazi cell that waged a racist killing spree over a peri­od of sev­en years with­out being detect­ed by the author­i­ties may have had a far big­ger net­work of sup­port­ers than ini­tial­ly thought.

Accord­ing to a report in the Bild news­pa­per on Sun­day, secu­ri­ty offi­cials have com­piled a list of 129 peo­ple who are sus­pect­ed of help­ing the group, accused of mur­der­ing eight eth­nic Turks, a Greek and a police­woman between 2000 and 2007.

The exis­tence of the cell, which called itself the Nation­al­ist Social­ist Under­ground (NSU), only came to light by chance in late 2011 after two mem­bers com­mit­ted sui­cide in the after­math of a botched bank rob­bery and a female accom­plice set fire to an apart­ment used by the gang.

Ger­mans, bur­dened by their Nazi past, were hor­ri­fied by the rev­e­la­tions and Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel has pub­licly apol­o­gized to the fam­i­lies of the mur­der vic­tims.

But until now, offi­cials have put the blame on a very small group, based in the east­ern city of Zwick­au.

“The new num­ber is shock­ing­ly high,” Sebas­t­ian Edathy, chair­man of a spe­cial par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee set up to probe the NSU, told Bild, con­firm­ing the list. “Now we have to clear up whether any of these peo­ple knew about the crimes or were infor­mants.” . . . .

8. As prepa­ra­tions for the tri­al of a mem­ber of the group are read­ied, it is appar­ent that the Ger­man gov­ern­ment is in dam­age con­trol mode, deny­ing Turk­ish media access to the court­room in which the pro­ceed­ings will take place.

Most of the vic­tims of the group were of Turk­ish extrac­tion. (Ger­many has a large Turk­ish pop­u­la­tion, as a result of the “gas­tar­beit­er” (guest work­ers) brought into the coun­try as labor­ers.

“Bavar­i­an Courts Pre­vent Turk­ish Media Report­ing Nazi Case”; Ger­many Watch; 3/28/2013.

In an appar­ent attempt to pre­vent Turk­ish media report­ing on the full facts of the case, Munich’s High­er Region­al Court released a list of media orga­ni­za­tions that would be giv­en reserved seats in the upcom­ing tri­al of an alleged neo-Nazi believed to have been involved in the mur­der of 10 peo­ple, most­ly of Turk­ish ori­gin. The list does­n’t include a sin­gle Turk­ish media out­let.

The court is claim­ing it pro­vid­ed accred­i­ta­tion on a first-come, first-served basis, but inter­na­tion­al out­rage is grow­ing. Turks in Ger­many and in Turkey are feel­ing left in the cold over a series of mur­ders of which their com­mu­ni­ty was the pri­ma­ry tar­get.

The tri­al of Beate Zschäpe, a sus­pect­ed mem­ber of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU) neo-Nazi ter­ror cell (with links to Ger­man Intel­li­gence), is expect­ed to be the biggest in the coun­try since the Red Army Fac­tion tri­al of the mid-1970s. Inter­na­tion­al atten­tion is expect­ed to be con­sid­er­able, par­tic­u­lar­ly giv­en the xeno­pho­bic nature of the crimes and the involve­ment of Neo-Nazis.

This week, Turk­ish jour­nal­ists and politi­cians have been demand­ing a guar­an­teed pres­ence at the tri­al. Many are ask­ing why such a small court­room has been cho­sen and why an over­flow room with live video isn’t being set up for jour­nal­ists.

One of its pri­ma­ry respon­si­bil­i­ties is to ensure that the process of truth-find­ing takes place with the great­est pos­si­ble open­ness and trans­paren­cy. It is incom­pre­hen­si­ble to claim that a larg­er court room could­n’t have been found in Munich for the tri­al … indeed, it’s a shame­ful­ly inad­e­quate excuse.

It is entire­ly incom­pre­hen­si­ble that it was­n’t pos­si­ble to secure even just one guar­an­teed seat for the Turk­ish media in the court­room. . . .

. . . . Celal Özcan, the Berlin-based edi­tor in chief of the Euro­pean edi­tion of Turk­ish dai­ly Hür­riyet, writes; “My news­pa­per, Hür­riyet, called the court repeat­ed­ly before the accred­i­ta­tion peri­od ask­ing to be informed of dates so that we would­n’t miss them. We reg­is­tered on the first day of accred­i­ta­tion, and now we are told by the press office of the Munich High­er Region­al Court that oth­ers were faster? How can that be? It is absolute­ly unac­cept­able that the Turk­ish media has been exclud­ed from the court­room. Many Turks aren’t just dis­ap­point­ed — they are shocked, both in Turkey and in Ger­many.” . . . .

9. Suf­fice it to say that Turk­ish jour­nal­ists and edi­tors aren’t buy­ing the offi­cial excus­es prof­fered by Ger­man offi­cials.

After the Bavar­i­an author­i­ties post­poned the start of the tri­al to “recon­sid­er” media access, the Deputy Prime Min­is­ter of Turkey scored the Ger­man gov­ern­ment for a “predetermined“verdict, label­ing the tri­al a sham.

“Turk­ish Deputy PM Speaks Out About German/Nazi Sus­pi­cions”; Ger­many Watch; 4/18/2013.

As we men­tioned pre­vi­ous­ly, the tri­al of a neo-Nazi in Ger­many was large­ly con­demned before it start­ed, as the Bavar­i­an Courts had exclud­ed Turk­ish media from being present at the tri­al — despite the fact that the tri­al con­cerns mur­ders by the neo-Nazi group NSU of a num­ber of Turk­ish peo­ple.

The neo-Nazi mur­der tri­al in Ger­many does not have any sig­nif­i­cance any­more for Turkey, since the result is pre-deter­mined, Turk­ish Deputy Prime Min­is­ter Bekir Boz­dağ has said.

“The rul­ing of the Munich State High Court will have no sig­nif­i­cance from now on for me,” Boz­dağ told Ana­to­lia news agency. “The court has not start­ed the tri­al yet. But this is a court that end­ed the tri­al even before it start­ed.”

Ger­many’s high­est court post­poned the start of the tri­al ear­ly this week after announc­ing an over­haul of dis­put­ed rules on media access.

Pro­ceed­ings were to have begun on April 17 against a woman accused of being part of a Nazi cell blamed for 10 mur­ders. But after Germany’s top court ordered the Munich judges last week to expand for­eign media access to the tri­al, its start­ing date had to be put back, in a move vic­tims groups called a “cat­a­stro­phe.” . . .

. . . . Boz­dağ stressed that there is an atmos­phere that the tri­al is a show, for ‘com­plet­ing rou­tines.’

“The court chief has lost his neu­tral­i­ty. You can­not expect a jus­tice from a tri­al whose head lost his neu­tral­i­ty. This tri­al is over for us, we are wait­ing the result as a mere for­mal­i­ty.”

We are wait­ing for con­fir­ma­tion of the specifics Boz­dağ refers to, how­ev­er as we men­tioned prvi­ous­ly, Ger­many uses this court when Nazis are on tri­al because mem­bers of this court are linked to the Nazi char­i­ty ‘Stille Hil­fe’.

Expand­ing on oth­er con­cerns linked to Ger­many, Boz­dağ has called on Ger­man author­i­ties to inves­ti­gate claims that two recent fires may have been racial­ly moti­vat­ed. . . .

10. The ven­er­a­ble Der Spiegel informs us that a “raf­fle” award­ing press seat­ing to the upcom­ing tri­al of one of its mem­bers has man­aged to exclude many of the Fed­er­al Repub­lic’s cred­i­ble and best known pub­li­ca­tions.

Com­ing fresh on the heels of the (appar­ent­ly delib­er­ate and sys­tem­at­ic) exclu­sion of Turk­ish media from the tri­al, this maneu­ver can only height­en sus­pi­cion that the pow­ers that be in the Fed­er­al Repub­lic do NOT want the truth to emerge.

This gam­bit is also note­wor­thy in that it strong­ly sug­gests that the Ger­man pub­lic opin­ion is wor­ri­some to that coun­try’s pow­er bro­kers.

It appears that the truth about the Third Reich, its influ­ence on the Fed­er­al Repub­lic, and the links between the Under­ground Reich and that coun­try’s secu­ri­ty ser­vices remains eclipsed for most Ger­man cit­i­zens.

“Top Papers Left Out: Court Faces Fresh Trou­ble Over Press Seats”; Der Spiegel; 4/30/2013.

The Munich court where the NSU neo-Nazi ter­ror tri­al is due to start on May 6 faces fresh con­tro­ver­sy over media accred­i­ta­tion after sev­er­al major Ger­man news­pa­pers failed to obtain seats in a lot­tery of press pass­es. It was the sec­ond attempt to allo­cate seats after Turk­ish media had been left out in the first round.

The Munich court over­see­ing the biggest neo-Nazi tri­al in Ger­man his­to­ry on Mon­day faced new com­plaints over its media accred­i­ta­tion process when lead­ing Ger­man news­pa­pers failed to obtain pass­es for the 50-seat press gallery.

The court post­poned the start of the tri­al from its orig­i­nal date on April 17 to sort the prob­lem out after the Fed­er­al Con­sti­tu­tion­al Court, respond­ing to a com­plaint from a Turk­ish news­pa­per, ordered it to allo­cate seats to for­eign jour­nal­ists.

In an attempt to be com­plete­ly fair, it decid­ed to raf­fle the press pass­es. The ven­er­a­ble Frank­furter All­ge­meine Zeitung, and anoth­er nation­al broad­sheet, Die Welt, failed to get press accred­i­ta­tion in the lot­tery con­duct­ed on Mon­day. Die Tageszeitung, anoth­er well-known Ger­man news­pa­per, also failed to get a seat.

All three said on Mon­day they were con­sid­er­ing legal action against the allo­ca­tion. Pub­li­ca­tions that obtained seats in the raf­fle includ­ed less­er known news­pa­pers such as local paper Hal­lo Munich and wom­en’s mag­a­zine Brigitte. . . .

11. One of the most sig­nif­i­cant aspects of the case is the fact that pow­er­ful ele­ments with­in the Ger­man gov­ern­ment are going to extra­or­di­nary lengths to eclipse the insti­tu­tion­al con­nec­tions of the group.

Turk­ish media were exclud­ed from being seat­ed at the tri­al of the group, many of whose vic­tims were Turks. In addi­tion, lead­ing Ger­man media were left out of a “raf­fle” to award seat­ing at the tri­al.

For more than a decade, we’ve exam­ined the 9/11 attacks, the Nazi and fas­cist con­nec­tions to that attack, in par­tic­u­lar.

In our vis­its with Daniel Hop­sick­er, we have not­ed that Mohamed Atta was frat­er­niz­ing with Ger­mans and Aus­tri­ans in South Flori­da, hav­ing been brought into the Unit­ed States (from Ger­many) by the Carl Duis­berg Soci­ety.

Now, Ger­many Watch has pub­lished an intrigu­ing hypoth­e­sis con­cern­ing the mur­ders com­mit­ted by the group and the 9/11 attacks.

Against the back­ground of Ger­man intel­li­gence con­nec­tions to the 9/11 attacks, the sto­ry below notes that mur­ders 2, 3 and 4 occurred in the imme­di­ate run-up to 9/11, the fourth less than two weeks before.

The Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground then dis­ap­peared from pub­lic view for two years.

The pres­ence of a Ger­man intel­li­gence offi­cer at the scene of one of the mur­ders (who pos­sessed Third Reich doc­u­ments as well as oth­er Nazi para­pher­na­lia) also is worth not­ing, as is the use­ful “amne­sia” (mind con­trol?) of one of the Ger­man police offi­cers shot by the group.

Of course there are oth­er pos­si­bil­i­ties for the duplic­i­ty on the part of the author­i­ties, how­ev­er the work­ing hypoth­e­sis pre­sent­ed by the Ger­many Watch folks is more than a lit­tle intrigu­ing.

“The Neo-Nazi Show Tri­al And The Tim­ing Of The Mur­ders”; Ger­many Watch; 5/5/2013.

The Ger­man show tri­al for the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground begins this week, after sev­er­al false starts due to the Bavar­i­an Court not want­i­ng inter­est­ed press at the hear­ings (see here).

There is a strange coin­ci­dence to the dates and places;

Mur­ders num­ber 2, 3, 4, and 5;

Mur­der of Abdur­rahim Özü­doğru
On 13 June 2001, Abdur­rahim Özü­doğru was killed by two shots in the head with the same silenced CZ 83 already used in the mur­der of Enver Şimşek. Özü­doğru, who worked as a machin­ist for a big com­pa­ny in Nurem­berg (which com­pa­ny?) had been help­ing out in a tai­lor’s shop; the mur­der was dis­cov­ered by a pass­er-by who looked through the shop win­dow and saw the body sit­ting in the back of the shop, cov­ered in blood.

Mur­der of Süley­man Taşköprü
On 27 June 2001 between 10:45 and 11:15 a.m, Süley­man Taşköprü, aged 31, died in his green­gro­cer’s shop in Ham­burg-Bahren­feld after being shot in the head three times. This was two weeks after the sec­ond mur­der, and the same guns as in the first case were used, a CZ 83 and a 6.35 mm gun.

Mur­der of Habil Kılıç
On 29 August 2001 Habil Kılıç became the fourth vic­tim. Kılıç, aged 38, who was mar­ried and had a daugh­ter, was shot at point-blank range in his green­gro­cer’s shop in Munich-Ramers­dorf. This was the first of two mur­ders in Munich.

The The­o­ry

Are these linked to the 9/11 Ham­burg cell? They all worked shop fronts, which are per­fect for low lev­el intel­li­gence mes­sen­gers, they may have been sup­ply­ing some­thing along the lines of fake ID/paperwork or weapons, or per­haps they were just messengers/couriers for Ger­man intelligence/ the Ham­burg Cell Jihadis. The Ham­burg Cell also fre­quent­ed an extrem­ist mosque in Munich.

Once the 9/11 oper­a­tion was under­way, Ger­man intel­li­gence cleaned house. The “NSU” van­ished for 2 years just a lit­tle over a week before 9/11, with no more linked mur­ders in that 2 year peri­od. Repeat — the last mur­der was just over a week before 9/11, whilst one mur­der was Ham­burg and one was Munich. If the NSU mur­ders were nor­mal far right extrem­ists send­ing a mes­sage to asy­lum seek­ers, where’s the mes­sage? There was none.

So, then two and a half years lat­er in Ros­tock-Toiten­winkel, 25 Feb­ru­ary 2004, between 10:10 and 10:20, Mehmet Turgut was shot three times in the head and neck with a silenced CZ 83 and died instan­ta­neous­ly. Turgut, who had been liv­ing ille­gal­ly in Ham­burg, was in Ros­tock on a vis­it and had been asked by an acquain­tance to open up a don­er kebab shop that day. He was clear­ly tar­get­ed and enticed to be there that day and time. That is NOT a ran­dom far right killing.

Because of Turgut’s link to Ham­burg, Ros­tock police made the con­nec­tion to the third vic­tim, Süley­man Taşköprü, thus estab­lish­ing the term don­er mur­ders.

On 6 April 2006, just two days after the mur­der of Mehmet Kubaşık, Halit Yoz­gat became the last vic­tim of the mur­der series. Yoz­gat, who ran an inter­net café in Kas­sel, Hesse, was also shot in the head with a silenced gun. On the occa­sion of this mur­der an agent of the Hes­s­ian Office for the BfV Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion was present. The agent claimed first to have left the premis­es short­ly before the mur­der, but lat­er changed his state­ment when pre­sent­ed with evi­dence of wit­ness­es who had seen him present when the mur­der hap­pened. His involve­ment with the case gave rise to sus­pi­cions that a Ger­man agency might be linked to the mur­ders.

When this BfV offi­cer was inves­ti­gat­ed, var­i­ous Nazi para­pher­na­lia was present in his apart­ment, includ­ing some doc­u­ments from the Third Reich, though it is not pub­licly known what these docs referred to. Is he real­ly a Nazi, or is that being used to make out he is an extrem­ist infil­tra­tor of Ger­man intel­li­gence — that he was linked to the mur­der through his Nazi affil­i­ates, rather than being present at the mur­der BECAUSE he was work­ing for Ger­man intel­li­gence?? . . .

12. A recent book by a for­mer offi­cial of the BKA, the Ger­man fed­er­al police (equiv­a­lent of the FBI) focus­es on the Nazi and SS ori­gins of that agency. (33 of 48 top BKA offi­cials at the agen­cy’s incep­tion had back­grounds as SS lead­ers.)

Sup­ple­ment­ed by an inter­nal col­lo­qui­um, the inquiry notes the post­war Nazi net­work­ing with­in the BKA and the effect this appears to have had on post­war Ger­man law enforce­ment, par­tic­u­lar­ly with regard to pol­i­cy toward right-wing extrem­ists, anti-immi­grant xeno­pho­bia and anti-Semi­tism.

Worth remem­ber­ing in this regard is the con­cept of bureau­crat­ic iner­tia. Gov­ern­ment bureau­cra­cies man­i­fest that iner­tia, and the con­tem­po­rary Ger­man col­lu­sion with Nazi ele­ments must be viewed against the back­ground of the Nazi/SS gen­e­sis of the BKA.

We should not fail to note that the SS/Nazi offi­cials head­ing the BKA would undoubt­ed­ly have answered to for­mer Gestapo chief Hein­rich Mueller, secu­ri­ty direc­tor for the Bor­mann Cap­i­tal Net­work and the Under­ground Reich.

Ger­man Police Begins Ban­ish­ing Long Shad­ow of Nazi Past; Deutsche Welle; 2012.

A Fed­er­al Crime Office inves­ti­ga­tion into how for­mer SS offi­cers remained at its helm well into the 1960s is well under­way, pro­vid­ing new insights into how Nazis were rein­te­grat­ed into main­stream soci­ety.

The ties between some BKA founders and Nazis are no longer dis­put­ed. . . .

. . . A total of three col­lo­quia focus­ing on the role of ex-Nazi police offi­cers who found­ed the BKA in 1951 and made up the core of its lead­er­ship into the 1970s, was launched by the BKA in the sum­mer. The agency has opened its archives to an inter-dis­ci­pli­nary team of renowned researchers.

The found­ing core of the BKA includ­ed some 48 mem­bers of the Nazi secu­ri­ty forces known as the Reich­skrim­i­nalpolizei, or Kripo. They became part of a new Crim­i­nal Police Force in the post­war British Occu­pied Zone, which lat­er evolved into the BKA. Accord­ing to Zier­cke, of the 48, 33 had been SS lead­ers. . . .

. . . .At the end of the 1950s, near­ly all of the BKA lead­er­ship posi­tions were still filled with ex-Nazis or SS lead­ers. Accord­ing to Zier­cke, the police orga­ni­za­tion was rife with cliques and inter­nal con­nec­tions lead­ing back to the Nazi era that helped with re-com­mis­sion­ing.

The BKA’s inves­ti­ga­tion aims to exam­ine the ques­tion of whether the Nazis’ notions on crime fight­ing were car­ried on after the war. . . .

. . . . But then came the pub­li­ca­tion of a book by a for­mer BKA employ­ee Dieter Schenk. Titled “The Brown Roots of the BKA,” the book argues that the orga­ni­za­tion had been found­ed by active Nazis.

Whether the BKA founders were Nazis or mere­ly careerists is some­thing dis­cussed in the Schenk book as well as the cur­rent col­lo­quia. More impor­tant, accord­ing to Schenk, is his belief that the polit­i­cal lean­ings of the BKA founders can still be felt in its pol­i­cy, “in the half-heart­ed­ness with which it has fought against the rad­i­cal right, anti-Semi­tism and anti-immi­grant” ele­ments in the coun­try. . . .

 

Discussion

21 comments for “FTR #814 The National Socialist Underground File”

  1. http://www.jpost.com/landedpages/printarticle.aspx?id=380148
    Octo­ber 29, 2014 Wednes­day 5 Hes­h­van 5775 23:04 IST print gohome
    The Jerusalem Post — Israel News

    Ger­man ‘Nazi’ class­room under inves­ti­ga­tion
    By JPOST.COM STAFF
    10/29/2014

    Accord­ing to media reports, the ninth-graders have tak­en to pop­u­lar mes­sag­ing app What­sApp to pro­mote Nazi slo­gans.

    A school dis­trict in Ger­many has caused quite the media stir this week after images of stu­dents salut­ing with Hitler-like mus­tach­es sur­faced in an influ­en­tial pub­li­ca­tion.

    Ger­man news­pa­per Bild broke the sto­ry on Tues­day, reveal­ing that mem­bers of a high school class were com­mu­ni­cat­ing using the noto­ri­ous Nazi salute and oth­er 1930s-Ger­many rhetoric.

    Accord­ing to local media reports, the ninth-graders have tak­en to pop­u­lar mes­sag­ing app What­sApp to pro­mote Nazi slo­gans, anti-Semit­ic jokes and oth­er offen­sive con­tent. Twen­ty-nine stu­dents are part of the group.

    The school kids report­ed­ly greet one anoth­er with the ‘Hiel Hitler’ sign, a sym­bol that has come to define the Third Reich’s reign over 70 years ago.

    The case has grabbed the atten­tion of the cops, who have launched an inves­ti­ga­tion into the school. A police spokesper­son said they were mulling legal action against the teens.

    As for the school dis­tric­t’s knowl­edge of the con­tro­ver­sial activ­i­ty — a spokesper­son from the Edu­ca­tion Min­istry stat­ed that if the report turned out to be true, they would show no tol­er­ance.

    Posted by Vanfield | October 29, 2014, 10:11 pm
  2. http://www.thelocal.de/20141113/neo-nazi-to-face-child-sex-abuse-charges-tino-brandt-nsu-thuringia

    Neo-Nazi to face child sex abuse charges

    Far-right extrem­ist and for­mer infor­mant for the secu­ri­ty ser­vices Tino Brandt will face charges of seri­ous sex­u­al abuse of chil­dren.

    State pros­e­cu­tors in Gera, Thuringia, said that Brandt, 39, would answer 157 charges for acts that took place between 2011 and 2014.

    “This means that he him­self had sex­u­al con­tact with chil­dren and young peo­ple,” a spokesman for the pros­e­cu­tor’s office said.

    Brandt is accused of hav­ing sup­plied minors to adults for sex in exchange for mon­ey in 45 cas­es.

    As leader of the “Thuringia Home­land Defence” group, Brandt had con­tact with the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground mem­bers Uwe Mund­los, Uwe Böhn­hardt and Beate Zschäpe before they began their ser­i­al mur­ders.

    News of the charges against Brandt came just one day after his han­dler from the Office for Con­sti­tu­tion­al Pro­tec­tion (Ver­fas­sungss­chutz) had giv­en evi­dence at Zschäpe’s tri­al.

    Pros­e­cu­tors said that there was no con­nec­tion to his polit­i­cal opin­ions in the present charges.

    They added that Brandt, who has been in cus­tody since June dur­ing the inves­ti­ga­tion, had co-oper­at­ed with the inves­ti­ga­tion and admit­ted to some of the alle­ga­tions.

    Posted by Tiffany Sunderson | November 17, 2014, 4:49 pm
  3. Oh great. The CDU is at risk of get­ting out-Nazi-ed by the AfD in the realm of cud­dling up to grow­ing anti-Mus­lim far right move­ments. And the temp­ta­tions for the CDU to catch up with the AfD in this area are clear­ly only going to grow:

    Merkel in dilem­ma as Ger­man anti-Islam march­es gain sup­port

    By Stephen Brown

    BERLIN Sun Dec 14, 2014 12:55pm EST

    (Reuters) — Ger­man Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel faces chal­lenges from allies and rivals to con­front a ris­ing tide of anti-immi­grant sen­ti­ment dri­ving increas­ing­ly pop­u­lar anti-Islam march­es in the city of Dres­den every Mon­day.

    With thou­sands expect­ed at the next march, Merkel is in a dilem­ma. Her secu­ri­ty offi­cials are warn­ing of an increase in hate crimes, while opin­ion polls show sup­port for the marchers’ calls for a tougher Ger­man immi­gra­tion pol­i­cy.

    “There is a vis­i­ble rise in xeno­pho­bic crime coun­try­wide,” police chief Hol­ger Muench told Welt am Son­ntag, which like most Ger­man Sun­day news­pa­pers focused on Mon­day’s march by a group call­ing itself PEGIDA — an acronym for “Patri­ot­ic Euro­peans against the Islamiza­tion of the West”.

    There has been a spike in both anti-Mus­lim and anti-Semit­ic sen­ti­ment this year, with right-wingers join­ing foot­ball hooli­gans to fight Salafist Mus­lims and a spate of attacks on Jews. At the same time, with record lev­els of immi­gra­tion, Ger­many has become Europe’s biggest recip­i­ent of asy­lum-seek­ers.

    Merkel said on Fri­day there was “no place in Ger­many” for hatred of Mus­lims or any oth­er minor­i­ty.

    But her Social Demo­c­rat (SPD) coali­tion allies, the oppo­si­tion Greens and the fast-grow­ing Euroscep­tic par­ty Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) all seem to have spot­ted a chance to under­mine the pop­u­lar chan­cel­lor, whose approval rat­ing was 76 per­cent in a poll in the Bild am Son­ntag news­pa­per.

    ...

    But her Chris­t­ian Democ­rats’ (CDU) mixed response to PEGIDA — some CDU offi­cials urged under­stand­ing for the moti­va­tion of the marchers, while the SPD sim­ply blast­ed the orga­niz­ers as “Nazis in pin­stripes” — means she risks being out­ma­neu­vered.

    The march­es have already spawned copy­cat protests in cities to the west like Dues­sel­dorf, which have larg­er immi­grant pop­u­la­tions than Dres­den, home to very few of Ger­many’s 4 mil­lion Mus­lims.

    Hajo Funke, a Berlin pro­fes­sor, said many of the esti­mat­ed 10,000 peo­ple who marched last week voiced vague “dis­con­tent with soci­ety and their own lives”, while the orga­niz­ers played on fears of armed insur­gents like Islam­ic State and al Qae­da.

    Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Thomas de Maiziere said there was no risk Ger­many would be “Islamized” but saw an “over­lap” between PEGIDA and the AfD, which is try­ing to estab­lish itself as a law-and-order par­ty. The AfD has spot­ted this too and one of its lead­ers, Alexan­der Gauland, plans to be in Dres­den on Mon­day.

    “We are the nat­ur­al allies of this move­ment,” said Gauland.

    This could trig­ger fresh debate about how to deal with the AfD, which the CDU has so far dis­missed as a fringe group which qui­et­ly recruits right-wing extrem­ists.

    “We are the nat­ur­al allies of this move­ment,” said AfD deputy leader (and for­mer CDU offi­cial) Alexan­der Gauland. Well, you can’t argue with that!

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | December 16, 2014, 12:12 pm
  4. Here’s some­thing to keep in mind involv­ing any future ter­ror attacks per­pe­trat­ed by Syr­i­an refugees who are only iden­ti­fied by their fin­ger­prints after the fact and can’t actu­al­ly be found or even ver­i­fied as hav­ing ever exist­ed: it’s prob­a­bly a good time to sus­pect neo-Nazis:

    The Inde­pen­dent

    Ger­man lieu­tenant who posed as refugee in ‘false flag’ ter­ror plot could be part of neo-Nazi army net­work

    Swasti­ka carved into gun found in sus­pec­t’s room, along with Nazi-era mem­o­ra­bil­ia

    Lizzie Dear­den
    Wednes­day May 3, 2017 10:11 BST

    A cell of sus­pect­ed right-wing extrem­ists oper­at­ing with­in the Ger­man army are being inves­ti­gat­ed as the probe into an alleged ter­ror plot widens.

    Pros­e­cu­tors are inves­ti­gat­ing a group of up to five peo­ple sur­round­ing a sol­dier accused of pos­ing as a Syr­i­an refugee to car­ry out a “false flag” attack.

    The sus­pect, named only as Fran­co A, was arrest­ed after police traced a loaded gun he stashed at Vien­na Inter­na­tion­al Air­port but inves­ti­ga­tions at his bar­racks have revealed signs of a wider net­work.

    An assault rifle case carved with a swasti­ka was found in his room, where the let­ters HH [Heil Hitler] were inscribed on the wall and a Nazi-era pam­phlet depict­ing a Wehrma­cht sol­dier was dis­cov­ered.

    Germany’s RND media group pub­lished pho­tos of the evi­dence, which forms part of a report drawn up by the min­istry of defence.

    Gerd Hoofe, the defence sec­re­tary, said there were also “indi­ca­tions of pos­si­ble ammu­ni­tion loss or theft” at Fran­co A’s bar­racks in Illkirch-Graf­fen­staden, France.

    He did not raise any alarm over extrem­ism in the army, despite writ­ing a master’s the­sis on “polit­i­cal change and sub­ver­sion strat­e­gy” at a French uni­ver­si­ty in 2014 that was found to con­tain far-right think­ing.

    Fran­co A appeared at his bar­racks on time and com­plet­ed all cours­es, even while dash­ing back to Bavaria to col­lect wel­fare pay­ments as part of his dou­ble life as a refugee.

    The lieu­tenant reg­is­tered in Giessen, Hesse, on 30 Decem­ber 2015 – as Ger­many was over­whelmed by the arrival of almost a mil­lion asy­lum seek­ers — then sub­mit­ted an asy­lum appli­ca­tion at Zirn­dorf in Bavaria in Jan­u­ary last year.

    He cre­at­ed a fake per­sona under the name David Ben­jamin, telling immi­gra­tion offi­cials he was a Dam­as­cus fruit sell­er from a Chris­t­ian fam­i­ly with French roots, Ger­man media report­ed.

    No doubts appear to have been raised over the cred­i­bil­i­ty of the 28-year-old’s back­ground, despite him speak­ing main­ly French with a smat­ter­ing of Ara­bic from a lan­guage course.

    The ruse was only dis­cov­ered when Fran­co A was arrest­ed in Aus­tria after return­ing to retrieve an unreg­is­tered 7.65mm pis­tol from a toi­let at Vien­na Inter­na­tion­al Air­port in Feb­ru­ary.

    A fin­ger­print check revealed his fake iden­ti­ty as a Syr­i­an refugee, but when “David Ben­jamin” failed to answer a court sum­mons in Aus­tria, a wider inves­ti­ga­tion was trig­gered.

    He had a list of five poten­tial tar­gets for the attack, the Tagesspiegel news­pa­per report­ed, includ­ing for­mer Pres­i­dent Joachim Gauck, jus­tice min­is­ter Heiko Maas, a promi­nent left-wing politi­cian and the Berlin Cen­ter for Polit­i­cal Beau­ty.

    If the plan had suc­ceed­ed, his fin­ger­prints would have reg­is­tered on the refugee records sys­tem and led inves­ti­ga­tors to his false iden­ti­ty as a Syr­i­an asy­lum seek­er, turn­ing fresh scruti­ny on migrants in Ger­many.

    “These find­ings, as well as oth­er evi­dence, point towards a xeno­pho­bic motive for the soldier’s sus­pect­ed plan to com­mit an attack using a weapon deposit­ed at Vien­na air­port,” pros­e­cu­tors said.

    A 24-year-old stu­dent sus­pect­ed of being an accom­plice in the plot, Math­ias F, has also being arrest­ed, with explo­sives found at his home.

    Germany’s fed­er­al prosecutor’s office has tak­en over the ter­ror inves­ti­ga­tion, which has sparked probes in the office for migra­tion, inte­ri­or min­istry and mil­i­tary.

    Ursu­la von der Leyen, the defence min­is­ter, can­celled a sched­uled vis­it to the US on Tues­day and sum­moned mil­i­tary com­man­ders to dis­cuss the plot and oth­er recent scan­dals includ­ing sex­u­al abuse and haz­ing at anoth­er mil­i­tary base.

    After attack­ing “weak lead­er­ship” she ordered the most senior 100 gen­er­als and admi­rals to attend a meet­ing in Berlin on Thurs­day.

    “We have to ask sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly how some­one with such clear right-wing extrem­ist views, who writes a mas­ter’s paper with clear­ly nation­al­is­tic ideas ... could con­tin­ue to pur­sue a career in the Bun­deswehr,” Ms von der Leyen told reporters.

    She plans to trav­el to Illkirch for an update on the inves­ti­ga­tion as some politi­cians pushed back against her crit­i­cism of the mil­i­tary.

    Hen­ning Otte, a fel­low mem­ber of Angela Merkel’s con­ser­v­a­tive CDU/CSU law­mak­er and head of the par­lia­men­tary defence com­mit­tee, told Reuters the mil­i­tary had “no fun­da­men­tal prob­lem with rad­i­cal­ism or abus­es”.

    But Ger­many’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agency has record­ed 275 sus­pect­ed case of right-wing extrem­ists in the mil­i­tary’s ranks, includ­ing some dat­ing back to 2011 and 53 cas­es first iden­ti­fied this year.

    ...

    “If the plan had suc­ceed­ed, his fin­ger­prints would have reg­is­tered on the refugee records sys­tem and led inves­ti­ga­tors to his false iden­ti­ty as a Syr­i­an asy­lum seek­er, turn­ing fresh scruti­ny on migrants in Ger­many.”

    That was the plan: frame a Chris­t­ian Syr­i­an refugee for the killing a vari­ety of left-wing politi­cians:

    ...
    He had a list of five poten­tial tar­gets for the attack, the Tagesspiegel news­pa­per report­ed, includ­ing for­mer Pres­i­dent Joachim Gauck, jus­tice min­is­ter Heiko Maas, a promi­nent left-wing politi­cian and the Berlin Cen­ter for Polit­i­cal Beau­ty.
    ...

    That was the plan...the incred­i­bly brazen plan that did­n’t raise an alarms despite the fact that the guy wrote a mas­ters the­sis about “polit­i­cal change and sub­ver­sion strat­e­gy” that con­tained far-right ideas and the guy did­n’t even speak Ara­bic:

    ...
    He did not raise any alarm over extrem­ism in the army, despite writ­ing a master’s the­sis on “polit­i­cal change and sub­ver­sion strat­e­gy” at a French uni­ver­si­ty in 2014 that was found to con­tain far-right think­ing.

    ...

    He cre­at­ed a fake per­sona under the name David Ben­jamin, telling immi­gra­tion offi­cials he was a Dam­as­cus fruit sell­er from a Chris­t­ian fam­i­ly with French roots, Ger­man media report­ed.

    No doubts appear to have been raised over the cred­i­bil­i­ty of the 28-year-old’s back­ground, despite him speak­ing main­ly French with a smat­ter­ing of Ara­bic from a lan­guage course.

    The ruse was only dis­cov­ered when Fran­co A was arrest­ed in Aus­tria after return­ing to retrieve an unreg­is­tered 7.65mm pis­tol from a toi­let at Vien­na Inter­na­tion­al Air­port in Feb­ru­ary.
    ...

    And that incred­i­bly brazen plan appar­ent­ly almost worked and involved an entire cell of far-right extrem­ist:

    ...
    Pros­e­cu­tors are inves­ti­gat­ing a group of up to five peo­ple sur­round­ing a sol­dier accused of pos­ing as a Syr­i­an refugee to car­ry out a “false flag” attack.

    The sus­pect, named only as Fran­co A, was arrest­ed after police traced a loaded gun he stashed at Vien­na Inter­na­tion­al Air­port but inves­ti­ga­tions at his bar­racks have revealed signs of a wider net­work.

    An assault rifle case carved with a swasti­ka was found in his room, where the let­ters HH [Heil Hitler] were inscribed on the wall and a Nazi-era pam­phlet depict­ing a Wehrma­cht sol­dier was dis­cov­ered.
    ...

    So what’s next for Ger­many’s inves­ti­ga­tors now that there’s signs of a wider net­work of far-right extrem­ists who are active­ly plan­ning false-flag ter­ror plots? Well, the plan appears to be to search all bar­racks and hope that the neo-Nazis don’t hide their neo-Nazi-ness after Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia was just found at a sec­ond mil­i­tary bar­racks, this time in south­west Ger­many:

    Newsweek

    Nazi Mem­o­ra­bil­ia Dis­cov­ery at Ger­man Bar­racks Prompts Nation­wide Search

    By Isabelle Ger­ret­sen On 5/8/17 at 6:49 AM

    Ger­many has ordered a nation­wide search of every army bar­racks after inspec­tors found Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia at a gar­ri­son.

    Volk­er Wiek­er, inspec­tor gen­er­al of the Bun­deswehr, the asso­ci­a­tion rep­re­sent­ing Ger­man sol­diers’ inter­ests, ordered the inquiry after pic­tures of sol­diers from the Wehrma­cht, the army which served Adolf Hitler, and sev­er­al Nazi-era hel­mets were found at a bar­racks in Donaueschin­gen in south­west Ger­many.

    A spokesper­son for the Ger­man defense min­istry said Wiek­er had “instruct­ed that all prop­er­ties be inspect­ed to see whether rules on deal­ing with her­itage with regard to the Wehrma­cht and Nation­al Social­ism are being observed,” Ger­man news­pa­per Bild report­ed.

    The dis­cov­ery comes amid grow­ing con­cerns that far-right extrem­ism has infil­trat­ed the Ger­man forces.

    Last week, Defense Min­is­ter Ursu­la von der Leyen sum­moned an emer­gency meet­ing of Germany’s top mil­i­tary offi­cials to dis­cuss “where lead­er­ship and account­abil­i­ty have failed” after an army lieu­tenant with far-right views was arrest­ed on sus­pi­cion of plot­ting a racist attack.

    The 28-year-old Ger­man sol­dier, who was based at a gar­ri­son in Illkirch in north­east­ern France, man­aged to suc­cess­ful­ly reg­is­ter for refugee sta­tus in Syr­ia in 2015, despite the fact that he couldn’t speak Ara­bic and was not of Syr­i­an ori­gin. Police said he was moti­vat­ed by a “xeno­pho­bic back­ground” to car­ry out a “seri­ous crime endan­ger­ing state secu­ri­ty.”

    Von der Leyen struck a harsh tone fol­low­ing the arrest, crit­i­ciz­ing the Ger­man army of suf­fer­ing from an “atti­tude prob­lem,” a “mis­un­der­stood esprit de corps” and “weak lead­er­ship at dif­fer­ent lev­els” on Ger­man news chan­nel ZDF, Deutsche Welle report­ed.

    Her com­ments angered mil­i­tary offi­cials and sev­er­al politi­cians who accused her of using the scan­dal to smear the entire Ger­man army. The chair of the Bun­deswehr, Andre Wüst­ner, told the Pas­sauer Neue Presse. news­pa­per that the crit­i­cism left the mil­i­tary feel­ing “out­raged and bewil­dered” and that von der Leyen was “mas­sive­ly dam­ag­ing the Bun­deswehr.”

    The min­is­ter apol­o­gized for her com­ments fol­low­ing the back­lash but warned that the gov­ern­ment should be pre­pared for sim­i­lar inci­dents com­ing to light. While vis­it­ing the lieutenant’s bar­racks on Wednes­day, she stressed that Ger­many would not tol­er­ate any ven­er­a­tion of the tra­di­tions and cus­toms of the Wehrma­cht.

    ...

    “Volk­er Wiek­er, inspec­tor gen­er­al of the Bun­deswehr, the asso­ci­a­tion rep­re­sent­ing Ger­man sol­diers’ inter­ests, ordered the inquiry after pic­tures of sol­diers from the Wehrma­cht, the army which served Adolf Hitler, and sev­er­al Nazi-era hel­mets were found at a bar­racks in Donaueschin­gen in south­west Ger­many.

    Well, at least Ger­many’s mil­i­tary is con­duct­ing some sort of review. But isn’t there a more proac­tive approach the Ger­many mil­i­tary could take? After all, the exposed ter­ror plot was only dis­cov­ered after police traced a loaded gun “Fran­co A” stashed at Vien­na Inter­na­tion­al Air­port back to the fake Syr­i­an refugee per­sona. And if any mil­i­tary on the plan­et needs to wor­ry about neo-Nazis infil­trat­ing their ranks and acquir­ing valu­able skills, it’s the Ger­man mil­i­tary.

    And yes, there is a more proac­tive approach that could be tak­en. But isn’t tak­en for some rea­son and has­n’t been tak­en for a long time

    Deutsche Welle

    The Bun­deswehr’s image prob­lem — is it over­run with right-wing extrem­ists?

    The case of a Ger­man lieu­tenant sus­pect­ed of plan­ning a right-wing ter­ror attack has unset­tled both polit­i­cal and army lead­ers. The ques­tion of whether the Bun­deswehr is a right-wing haven is as old as the army itself.

    Volk­er Wagen­er
    03.05.2017

    André E. had only spent a few days with the Ger­man army in the Thuringian city of Gotha when he told his super­vis­ing offi­cer straight up: “I iden­ti­fy as a Nation­al Social­ist.” Based on his appear­ance, it was­n’t exact­ly a secret. He sport­ed a tat­too with the mot­to of the Hitler Youth, “Blut und Ehre” (blood and hon­or), because, as he said, he has so much admi­ra­tion for the SS.

    André E. was in train­ing for 10 more months, learn­ing how to shoot an assault rifle and throw hand grenades. This all hap­pened 17 years ago, but André E. is not just any neo-Nazi. He is one of the accused in the Munich tri­al against the right-wing extrem­ist group, the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, or NSU. The ter­ror­ist group stands accused of bomb­ing attacks and 10 mur­ders. Why did the Bun­deswehr not stop him?

    Fail­ure of mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence?

    The case of Michael L. also con­tin­ues to plague the Bun­deswehr and the Defense Min­istry, espe­cial­ly in light of the lat­est scan­dal around an extreme right-wing offi­cer who was alleged­ly plan­ning a ter­ror attack. In 2012, reservist Michael L., then 35, was serv­ing as an offi­cer in Kun­duz, Afghanistan. In 2008, he had enquired about becom­ing a mem­ber of the far-right par­ty, the NPD, in the city of Kas­sel. He was also a mem­ber of a nation­al­ist group known as the “Freier Wider­stand Kas­sel” (Free Resis­tance Kas­sel). The state of Hesse had classed the orga­ni­za­tion as a neo-Nazi group. Despite his his­to­ry, Michael L. made it to Afghanistan, some­thing that Ger­many’s mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence ser­vice, MAD, should have pre­vent­ed. MAD is sup­posed to vet all sol­diers before they serve in for­eign mis­sions. So why did Michael L. slip through?

    A long his­to­ry of image prob­lems

    Ever since it was found­ed in 1955, the Ger­man army has strug­gled with the image of being a haven for right-wing extrem­ists. And it’s no won­der. At the end of the 1950s, the army hired 300 offi­cers from the Waf­fen-SS, Hitler’s elite fight­ing force. More than 12,000 Wehrma­cht offi­cers were serv­ing in the Bun­deswehr — as well as over 40 Nazi gen­er­als. The Bun­deswehr was taint­ed with this “brown lega­cy” from its incep­tion, and its rela­tion­ship to the new con­cept of the “cit­i­zen in uni­form” was cor­re­spond­ing­ly ambiva­lent. Under Defense Min­is­ter Franz-Josef Strauß (CSU, 1956 — 62), army bar­racks were named after Nazi gen­er­als; those involved in the resis­tance attempt to assas­si­nate Hitler on July 20, 1944, were labeled “trai­tors”; and ques­tions about war crimes were most­ly taboo.

    In the 1960s, the “con­sci­en­tious ful­fill­ment of duty” was still regard­ed as the high­est of all virtues for a sol­dier. But Gen­er­al Heinz Karst, who was in charge of army train­ing at the time, nev­er­the­less declared that free­dom and democ­ra­cy were “not the last val­ues.”

    At the same time, there was grow­ing crit­i­cism about “exces­sive par­lia­men­tary con­trol” over the young army. In the 1970s, Bun­deswehr acad­e­mies were sup­posed to help stamp out the last of the old men­tal­i­ty.

    But the first gen­er­a­tion of young offi­cers reject­ed reforms and were opposed to Willy Brandt’s pol­i­cy of detente. At the start of the 1980s, Defense Min­is­ter Hans Apel (SPD) was met with protests when he said that which could not be denied: “The armed forces were in part enmeshed with Nation­al Social­ism and its guilt...a regime of injus­tice like the Third Reich can­not form the basis of tra­di­tion.”

    Too lax on extrem­ism?

    And yet, the Bun­deswehr remains attrac­tive for right-wing extrem­ists even today. Most of the cas­es that come to light have to do with what are called pro­pa­gan­da crimes: calls of “Sieg Heil” or swasti­ka graf­fi­ti. Accord­ing to MAD, neo-Nazi sen­ti­ment is most preva­lent among 18- to 25-year-olds, drawn by the lure of weapon­ry and the hier­ar­chies with­in the army. But once iden­ti­fied, neo-Nazis can­not sim­ply be thrown out of the army; courts have to con­firm the pres­ence of right-wing extrem­ism.

    It’s not that there are a lack of clues, rather that they are often dis­cov­ered when it’s too late, or by coin­ci­dence. The fail­ure of MAD in con­nec­tion with the NSU mur­ders sus­pect rais­es the prospect that extrem­ist ten­den­cies were noticed, but that oth­er sol­diers and super­vi­sors either did­n’t react, or react­ed too mild­ly.

    Neo-Nazi net­work?

    As a result of all these “dis­cov­er­ies”, Defense Min­is­ter Ursu­la von der Leyen has can­celed her planned trip to the Unit­ed States. It’s an unusu­al reac­tion, and indica­tive of how seri­ous­ly she is tak­ing the sit­u­a­tion. Observers are not rul­ing out the pos­si­bil­i­ty that there is a neo-Nazi net­work with­in the armed forces. Some say that scrap­ping con­scrip­tion is to blame. The Bun­deswehr is lack­ing in “nor­mal peo­ple,” said Michael Wolff­sohn, a for­mer his­to­ri­an at the Bun­deswehr Acad­e­my in Munich. With­out con­scrip­tion, the army has become over­run with extrem­ists, eager to learn how to use weapons, he said.

    ...

    “It’s not that there are a lack of clues, rather that they are often dis­cov­ered when it’s too late, or by coin­ci­dence. The fail­ure of MAD in con­nec­tion with the NSU mur­ders sus­pect rais­es the prospect that extrem­ist ten­den­cies were noticed, but that oth­er sol­diers and super­vi­sors either did­n’t react, or react­ed too mild­ly.”

    Yep, the NSU mur­der sus­pect, André E., basi­cal­ly trained as an open neo-Nazi. And nobody cared:

    André E. had only spent a few days with the Ger­man army in the Thuringian city of Gotha when he told his super­vis­ing offi­cer straight up: “I iden­ti­fy as a Nation­al Social­ist.” Based on his appear­ance, it was­n’t exact­ly a secret. He sport­ed a tat­too with the mot­to of the Hitler Youth, “Blut und Ehre” (blood and hon­or), because, as he said, he has so much admi­ra­tion for the SS.

    André E. was in train­ing for 10 more months, learn­ing how to shoot an assault rifle and throw hand grenades. This all hap­pened 17 years ago, but André E. is not just any neo-Nazi. He is one of the accused in the Munich tri­al against the right-wing extrem­ist group, the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, or NSU. The ter­ror­ist group stands accused of bomb­ing attacks and 10 mur­ders. Why did the Bun­deswehr not stop him?
    ...

    And sure, that was 17 years ago, but it’s not like there haven’t been plen­ty of inci­dents since, includ­ing the new­ly exposed ter­ror plot. And while it’s sug­gest­ed that drop­ping the con­scrip­tion pol­i­cy has led to a con­cen­tra­tion of far-right extrem­ists pop­u­lat­ing the mil­i­tary’s ranks, note that there was indeed con­scrip­tion 17 years ago (it was end­ed in 2011) and André E. was still allowed to train as an open neo-Nazi, so it’s not like this is pure­ly an issue with drop­ping the con­scrip­tion pol­i­cy. At the same, if drop­ping con­scrip­tion did indeed make the prob­lem worse, well, we prob­a­bly should­n’t be sur­prised if there are a lot more “André E.“s hid­ing in plain sight.

    So we’ll see what, if any­thing, is dis­cov­ered by Ger­many’s full-scale bar­racks search. At least now that this plot has been exposed it should at least give pause to any groups plan­ning sim­i­lar false-flag ter­ror attacks in the works. In the mean time, lazy neo-Nazi net­works in the Ger­man mil­i­tary that don’t both­er to hide the Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia in their bar­racks in time had bet­ter watch out! Maybe. Or, as the whole NSU scan­dal has taught us about these, maybe they have noth­ing to wor­ry about, which is par­ty of why this whole sit­u­a­tion is so wor­ry­ing.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 8, 2017, 5:49 pm
  5. This is get­ting inter­est­ing: The head of Ger­many’s intel­li­gence, Hans-Georg Maaße (Maassen), is about to be fired fol­low­ing alle­ga­tions of ties to the AfD. Maaße faced scruti­ny over pos­si­ble far right sym­pa­thies after he assert­ed that there was “no evi­dence” of a “man­hunt” against for­eign­ers after dis­missed days of neo-Nazi riots in the city of Chem­nitz. He also ques­tions the authen­tic­i­ty of video footage show­ing the anti-immi­grant riots, sug­gest­ing they could be faked. He was also charged with shar­ing con­fi­den­tial gov­ern­ment reports with the AfD and advis­ing the par­ty on how to avoid sur­veil­lance:

    Politico.eu

    Merkel to fire Germany’s intel­li­gence chief: report

    Hans-Georg Maaßen is fac­ing grow­ing pres­sure over his com­ments on far-right vio­lence in Chem­nitz.

    By Judith Mis­chke

    9/17/18, 12:54 PM CET

    Updat­ed 9/17/18, 3:47 PM CET

    Ger­man Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel will oust the country’s head of intel­li­gence, after an ongo­ing scan­dal over his response to the Chem­nitz riots and his alleged ties to the far-right par­ty Alter­na­tive for Ger­many have prompt­ed calls for his dis­missal, accord­ing to reports.

    Merkel made the deci­sion to get rid of Hans-Georg Maaßen at an extra­or­di­nary meet­ing last Thurs­day along­side Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer and Social Demo­c­rat leader Andrea Nahles, Die Welt report­ed Mon­day, cit­ing gov­ern­ment sources.

    ...

    Maaßen has come under fire in recent weeks for alleged­ly shar­ing con­fi­den­tial gov­ern­ment reports with the AfD and advis­ing the anti-immi­gra­tion par­ty on how to avoid being put under sur­veil­lance by his agency. He also faced heavy blow­back for ques­tion­ing the authen­tic­i­ty of video footage from the anti-immi­grant riots in Chem­nitz, and claim­ing there was “no evi­dence” of a “man­hunt” against for­eign­ers.

    Maaßen has admit­ted meet­ing with mem­bers of the par­ty, but denies he pro­vid­ed advice.

    The fate of the intel­li­gence chief has divid­ed polit­i­cal opin­ion. While See­hofer, who leads Bavaria’s Chris­t­ian Social Union — which is gear­ing up for an elec­tion next month — pre­vi­ous­ly voiced con­fi­dence in Maaßen’s lead­er­ship and claimed he does not “see any rea­son for staff changes,” the Social Democ­rats and the Greens have been vocal in call­ing for his dis­missal.

    ———-

    “Merkel to fire Germany’s intel­li­gence chief: report” by Judith Mis­chke; Politico.eu, 09/17/2018

    “Maaßen has come under fire in recent weeks for alleged­ly shar­ing con­fi­den­tial gov­ern­ment reports with the AfD and advis­ing the anti-immi­gra­tion par­ty on how to avoid being put under sur­veil­lance by his agency. He also faced heavy blow­back for ques­tion­ing the authen­tic­i­ty of video footage from the anti-immi­grant riots in Chem­nitz, and claim­ing there was “no evi­dence” of a “man­hunt” against for­eign­ers.”

    Yep, the head of Ger­many’s intel­li­gence appears to have ties to neo-Nazis. That’s not wild­ly alarm­ing or any­thing.

    And as the fol­low­ing arti­cle notes, this was­n’t the first time Maassen’s ties to the far right have been ques­tioned. A for­mer leader of the AfD’s youth wing wrote a book this year — “Inside AFD: The report of a drop-out” — that claimed that Maassen had advised ex-AfD leader Frauke Petry on how the par­ty could avoid being put under sur­veil­lance by his office:

    Reuters

    Hans-Georg Maassen: the spy who went out into the heat

    Paul Car­rel
    Sep­tem­ber 9, 2018 / 11:08 AM

    BERLIN (Reuters) — Spies usu­al­ly oper­ate in the shad­ows. Hans-Georg Maassen, chief of Germany’s domes­tic spy agency, has done just the oppo­site and tak­en cen­ter-stage in a heat­ed debate about the far-right that is shak­ing Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel’s gov­ern­ment to its core.

    In com­ments to Friday’s edi­tion of mass-sell­ing dai­ly Bild, Maassen said he was skep­ti­cal about reports that migrants had been hound­ed in the city of Chem­nitz after the fatal stab­bing of a Ger­man man there, for which two asy­lum seek­ers were arrest­ed.

    The vio­lence in the east­ern city has shak­en Ger­many deeply. But Maassen said his BfV domes­tic intel­li­gence agency had “no reli­able infor­ma­tion about such hunts tak­ing place”, and that a video cir­cu­lat­ing show­ing that hap­pen­ing could have been faked.

    Those com­ments put him at odds with Merkel, who said images from Chem­nitz “very clear­ly” showed hate. She has also accused the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) par­ty of using vio­lent protests over the stab­bing to stir up eth­nic ten­sion.

    The upshot is that senior politi­cians are call­ing for 55-year-old Maassen to go. He will like­ly have to explain him­self to a par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee this week. His own stance toward the far-right is also being ques­tioned.

    ...

    Ques­tions have been raised before about how aggres­sive­ly Maassen has tak­en on the far-right, includ­ing the AfD, which he has resist­ed putting under sur­veil­lance.

    A for­mer leader of the AfD’s youth wing, Franziska Schreiber, wrote in her book pub­lished this year — “Inside AFD: The report of a drop-out” — that Maassen had advised ex-AfD leader Frauke Petry on how the par­ty could avoid being put under sur­veil­lance by his office. He has denied giv­ing such coun­sel.

    POLITICAL FALLOUT

    A trained lawyer who forged his career in the Inte­ri­or Min­istry, Maassen has gen­er­al­ly stayed out of the spot­light dur­ing his six years in charge of the BfV, though he has clashed with oth­er more cir­cum­spect gov­ern­ment offi­cials for call­ing out Rus­sia as the like­ly cul­prit behind cyber attacks on Ger­many.

    In a 2016 inter­view with Reuters, Maassen said far-right extrem­ists in Ger­many were increas­ing­ly ready to com­mit vio­lent acts — a risk he has since flagged again.

    On Fri­day, Maassen’s BfV intel­li­gence agency said it would make fur­ther checks on infor­ma­tion avail­able about the Chem­nitz protests as “there are always fake news and attempts at dis­in­for­ma­tion” on social media.

    “Checks, in par­tic­u­lar with regard to pos­si­ble ‘hound­ing’ of migrants by right-wing extrem­ists, will con­tin­ue,” it added.

    Maassen’s Chem­nitz com­ments have aggra­vat­ed ten­sions about whether politi­cians and the author­i­ties are being too com­pla­cent in the face of ris­ing xeno­pho­bia in Ger­many, where many thought the lessons of its Nazi his­to­ry had long been learned.

    The remarks have also split Berlin’s polit­i­cal class and re-opened fis­sures over immi­gra­tion in Merkel’s ‘grand coali­tion’, only two months after she closed a painful row with her Bavar­i­an sis­ter par­ty on the same issue.

    Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer, of the Bavar­i­an Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), has backed Maassen. Alexan­der Gauland, co-leader of the anti-immi­grant AfD, told the Bild am Son­ntag: “All accu­sa­tions against him are polit­i­cal­ly moti­vat­ed.”

    But Malu Drey­er, a senior fig­ure in the Social Democ­rats, junior part­ner in Merkel’s coali­tion, said he had cre­at­ed uncer­tain­ty and “destroyed” trust in the state. “So I do not think he is still the right man for this posi­tion,” she added.

    ———-

    “Hans-Georg Maassen: the spy who went out into the heat” by Paul Car­rel; Reuters; 09/09/2018

    “The vio­lence in the east­ern city has shak­en Ger­many deeply. But Maassen said his BfV domes­tic intel­li­gence agency had “no reli­able infor­ma­tion about such hunts tak­ing place”, and that a video cir­cu­lat­ing show­ing that hap­pen­ing could have been faked.”

    There was “no reli­able infor­ma­tion about such hunts tak­ing place”...except for the videos of peo­ple being hunt­ed down, which could have been faked. Yep, it sure sounds like Ger­many has a Nazi-sym­pa­thiz­er problem...in the top office of the BfV. But we already knew that. Or at least should have sus­pect­ed it fol­low­ing the pub­li­ca­tion of book that made exact­ly these claims:

    ...
    Those com­ments put him at odds with Merkel, who said images from Chem­nitz “very clear­ly” showed hate. She has also accused the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) par­ty of using vio­lent protests over the stab­bing to stir up eth­nic ten­sion.

    The upshot is that senior politi­cians are call­ing for 55-year-old Maassen to go. He will like­ly have to explain him­self to a par­lia­men­tary com­mit­tee this week. His own stance toward the far-right is also being ques­tioned.

    ...

    Ques­tions have been raised before about how aggres­sive­ly Maassen has tak­en on the far-right, includ­ing the AfD, which he has resist­ed putting under sur­veil­lance.

    A for­mer leader of the AfD’s youth wing, Franziska Schreiber, wrote in her book pub­lished this year — “Inside AFD: The report of a drop-out” — that Maassen had advised ex-AfD leader Frauke Petry on how the par­ty could avoid being put under sur­veil­lance by his office. He has denied giv­ing such coun­sel.
    ...

    And that book is part of what makes Massen’s recent com­ments so amaz­ing: he was already under scruti­ny for alleged far right ties before he made these recent com­ments about the Chem­nitz riots.

    It’s also inter­est­ing to note that Maassen appar­ent­ly clashed with gov­ern­ment offi­cials over the deci­sion of the BfV to blame Rus­sia for the Bun­destag hacks of 2015:

    ...
    POLITICAL FALLOUT

    A trained lawyer who forged his career in the Inte­ri­or Min­istry, Maassen has gen­er­al­ly stayed out of the spot­light dur­ing his six years in charge of the BfV, though he has clashed with oth­er more cir­cum­spect gov­ern­ment offi­cials for call­ing out Rus­sia as the like­ly cul­prit behind cyber attacks on Ger­many.

    In a 2016 inter­view with Reuters, Maassen said far-right extrem­ists in Ger­many were increas­ing­ly ready to com­mit vio­lent acts — a risk he has since flagged again.

    On Fri­day, Maassen’s BfV intel­li­gence agency said it would make fur­ther checks on infor­ma­tion avail­able about the Chem­nitz protests as “there are always fake news and attempts at dis­in­for­ma­tion” on social media.

    “Checks, in par­tic­u­lar with regard to pos­si­ble ‘hound­ing’ of migrants by right-wing extrem­ists, will con­tin­ue,” it added.
    ...

    Recall that it was the BfV’s ini­tial pub­lic attri­bu­tion of the Bun­destag hack to the Russ­ian gov­ern­ment in Jan­u­ary of 2016 that rep­re­sent­ed the first instance of “Fan­cy Bear” being declared a Russ­ian gov­ern­ment hack­ing enti­ty, as opposed to just being a sophis­ti­cat­ed enti­ty pre­sumed to be oper­at­ing out of Rus­sia. This was fol­lowed by anoth­er BfV report in May of 2016 offi­cial­ly blam­ing the Russ­ian mil­i­tary intel­li­gence for the hacks. Also recall that it was that 2015 Bun­destag hack where the X‑Agent mal­ware was used with a hard-cod­ed 176.31.112.10 com­mand and con­trol serv­er IP address that traced back to a serv­er that was vul­ner­a­ble to the Heart­bleed attack. This was same IP address was hard-cod­ed into the X‑Agent mal­ware found in the DNC’s servers, which always seemed like a remark­ably sus­pi­cious ‘clue’ because the DNC serv­er hacks were sup­posed to have tak­en place until March/April of 2016, after the BfV blamed the Russ­ian gov­ern­ment for the Bun­destag hacks. So it’s worth not­ing that Maasen was the head of the BfV dur­ing this peri­od when the agency made the for­mal attri­bu­tion of Fan­cy Bear to the Russ­ian mil­i­tary intel­li­gence which was impor­tant for estab­lish­ing the ini­tial accu­sa­tion of Russ­ian gov­ern­ment hack­ers tar­get­ing the DNC lat­er in 2016.

    So how many times has Maassen met with the AfD? Accord­ing to the fol­low­ing arti­cle, Maassen him­self admits to 5 per­son­al meet­ings with AfD mem­bers, which he tries to frame as not being very many giv­en that he’s had 237 per­son­al con­ver­sa­tions with politi­cians since he took over the post in 2012. But as the arti­cle notes, the AfD did­n’t actu­al­ly enter Ger­many’s par­lia­ment until Sep­tem­ber of 2017, so 5 per­son­al meet­ings with AfD since then is about one every cou­ple of months or so on aver­age. Is that a lot? It seems like a lot of neo-Nazi meet­ings. And while some of the infor­ma­tion he passed along to AfD mem­bers dur­ing these meet­ings alleged­ly includ­ed num­bers of the num­ber of Islamist extrem­ists in the coun­try, it also sounds like Maassen shared with the AfD num­bers of the BfV’s bud­get, which is report­ed­ly secret and can only be dis­cussed among very few Bun­destag mem­bers in the par­lia­men­t’s con­fi­den­tial com­mit­tee:

    Deutsche Welle

    Ger­man spy chief passed info to AfD: report

    Hans-Georg Maassen, pres­i­dent of Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice, alleged­ly passed on sen­si­tive data from a report to the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD). The spy chief has already faced calls to resign.

    Date 13.09.2018
    Author Ben Knight

    The rela­tion­ship between Ger­many’s domes­tic spy chief, Hans-Georg Maassen, and the Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) came under renewed scruti­ny on Thurs­day, when it was revealed that the head of the domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice, the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion (BfV), had passed on infor­ma­tion from his year­ly report to the far-right pop­ulist par­ty ahead of its pub­li­ca­tion.

    AfD Bun­destag mem­ber Stephan Brand­ner con­firmed to pub­lic broad­cast­er ARD that Maassen had giv­en him “num­bers from the report” at a per­son­al meet­ing on June 13, five weeks before it was released.

    “We talked about dif­fer­ent fig­ures that are in there,” Brand­ner told ARD, includ­ing the num­ber of Islamist extrem­ists in the coun­try. The BfV is tasked with track­ing extrem­ist groups inside Ger­many and deter­min­ing whether they rep­re­sent a dan­ger, and brings out a report on its find­ings every sum­mer.

    Maassen has already faced intense pres­sure after an inter­view in which he ques­tioned whether videos show­ing far-right vio­lence in Chem­nitz were authen­tic, direct­ly con­tra­dict­ing Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel’s state­ments.

    Even before Thurs­day’s rev­e­la­tion, oppo­si­tion par­ties had called on Maassen to resign over sus­pi­cions that he har­bors right-wing sym­pa­thies and has a too-close rela­tion­ship with the AfD. But until now he has been backed by his boss, con­ser­v­a­tive Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer.

    In a speech to the Bun­destag on Thurs­day morn­ing, See­hofer reit­er­at­ed his sup­port for the BfV pres­i­dent, and it now appears that Maassen’s future could become a new cri­sis point for Merkel’s gov­ern­ment: Merkel, See­hofer, and Social Demo­c­rat leader Andrea Nahles held a spe­cial cri­sis meet­ing to dis­cuss the issue. The group said that any deci­sion on Maassen’s future would not be made before next Tues­day.

    Rou­tine infor­ma­tion

    Maassen quick­ly reject­ed any wrong­do­ing. In a state­ment to DW, the BfV press office said he had received “express instruc­tions” from the Inte­ri­or Min­istry, which is respon­si­ble for the BfV, to speak to par­lia­men­tar­i­ans from all polit­i­cal par­ties, and to inform them reg­u­lar­ly about poten­tial nation­al secu­ri­ty threats.

    “The [ARD report] gives the impres­sion that infor­ma­tion or doc­u­ments were passed on with­out a legal foun­da­tion,” the state­ment said. “This is of course not the case.” The BfV press office would not com­ment on the exact con­tent of the con­ver­sa­tion with Brand­ner, on the grounds that these con­ver­sa­tions are con­fi­den­tial.

    The DPA news agency report­ed on Thurs­day that Maassen had had all of 237 per­son­al con­ver­sa­tions with politi­cians since he took over the post in 2012, only five of which had been with mem­bers of the AfD. The par­ty, how­ev­er, was only formed in 2013 and only entered the Bun­destag after the last elec­tion in 2017.

    ...

    Time to go?

    Even voic­es from the gov­ern­ing par­ties have joined in calls for Maassen’s dis­missal. Lars Kling­beil, gen­er­al sec­re­tary of the Social Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (SPD), junior part­ner in Angela Merkel’s gov­ern­ing coali­tion, tweet­ed on Thurs­day after­noon that, “for the SPD lead­er­ship it is com­plete­ly clear that Maassen must go. Merkel must act now.”

    ...

    Kon­stan­tin von Notz, inte­ri­or pol­i­cy spokesman for the oppo­si­tion Green par­ty, took a more nuanced view. While acknowl­edg­ing that the meet­ing between Brand­ner and Maassen was unusu­al, the rev­e­la­tion that he may have passed on fig­ures about Islamists was less inter­est­ing than the fact that the pair had appar­ent­ly dis­cussed the BfV’s bud­get.

    “This is secret, and can only be dis­cussed among very few Bun­destag mem­bers in the par­lia­men­t’s con­fi­den­tial com­mit­tee,” he told DW.

    The pro-busi­ness Free Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (FDP) has also made its mind up about Maassen. The par­ty’s inte­ri­or pol­i­cy spokesman, Kon­stan­tin Kuh­le, told DPA on Thurs­day that the BfV head was “not neu­tral” about the AfD, and thus had to go, because of the “gen­er­al impres­sion after the events of the last few weeks and months.”

    ———-

    “Ger­man spy chief passed info to AfD: report” by Ben Knight; Deutsche Welle; 09/13/2018

    “The rela­tion­ship between Ger­many’s domes­tic spy chief, Hans-Georg Maassen, and the Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) came under renewed scruti­ny on Thurs­day, when it was revealed that the head of the domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice, the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion (BfV), had passed on infor­ma­tion from his year­ly report to the far-right pop­ulist par­ty ahead of its pub­li­ca­tion.

    The AfD got infor­ma­tion from Maasen from the BfV’s annu­al report ahead of its pub­li­ca­tion. That sure was con­sid­er­ate of him. And this was con­firmed by AfD Bun­destag mem­ber Stephan Brand­ner:

    ...
    AfD Bun­destag mem­ber Stephan Brand­ner con­firmed to pub­lic broad­cast­er ARD that Maassen had giv­en him “num­bers from the report” at a per­son­al meet­ing on June 13, five weeks before it was released.

    “We talked about dif­fer­ent fig­ures that are in there,” Brand­ner told ARD, includ­ing the num­ber of Islamist extrem­ists in the coun­try. The BfV is tasked with track­ing extrem­ist groups inside Ger­many and deter­min­ing whether they rep­re­sent a dan­ger, and brings out a report on its find­ings every sum­mer.

    Maassen has already faced intense pres­sure after an inter­view in which he ques­tioned whether videos show­ing far-right vio­lence in Chem­nitz were authen­tic, direct­ly con­tra­dict­ing Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel’s state­ments.

    Even before Thurs­day’s rev­e­la­tion, oppo­si­tion par­ties had called on Maassen to resign over sus­pi­cions that he har­bors right-wing sym­pa­thies and has a too-close rela­tion­ship with the AfD. But until now he has been backed by his boss, con­ser­v­a­tive Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer.

    In a speech to the Bun­destag on Thurs­day morn­ing, See­hofer reit­er­at­ed his sup­port for the BfV pres­i­dent, and it now appears that Maassen’s future could become a new cri­sis point for Merkel’s gov­ern­ment: Merkel, See­hofer, and Social Demo­c­rat leader Andrea Nahles held a spe­cial cri­sis meet­ing to dis­cuss the issue. The group said that any deci­sion on Maassen’s future would not be made before next Tues­day.
    ...

    Maassen tried to defend him­self by out out that he’s sup­posed to speak to mem­bers of all polit­i­cal par­ties and keep them informed. He also tried to char­ac­ter­ize his 5 per­son­al meet­ings with AfD mem­bers out of a total of 237 meet­ings he’s had since 2012 as indi­cat­ing no par­tic­u­lar spe­cial inter­est in the AfD. But as the arti­cle points out, the AfD has only been in par­lia­ment since 2017 (Sep­tem­ber of 2017, to be pre­cise):

    ...
    Rou­tine infor­ma­tion

    Maassen quick­ly reject­ed any wrong­do­ing. In a state­ment to DW, the BfV press office said he had received “express instruc­tions” from the Inte­ri­or Min­istry, which is respon­si­ble for the BfV, to speak to par­lia­men­tar­i­ans from all polit­i­cal par­ties, and to inform them reg­u­lar­ly about poten­tial nation­al secu­ri­ty threats.

    “The [ARD report] gives the impres­sion that infor­ma­tion or doc­u­ments were passed on with­out a legal foun­da­tion,” the state­ment said. “This is of course not the case.” The BfV press office would not com­ment on the exact con­tent of the con­ver­sa­tion with Brand­ner, on the grounds that these con­ver­sa­tions are con­fi­den­tial.

    The DPA news agency report­ed on Thurs­day that Maassen had had all of 237 per­son­al con­ver­sa­tions with politi­cians since he took over the post in 2012, only five of which had been with mem­bers of the AfD. The par­ty, how­ev­er, was only formed in 2013 and only entered the Bun­destag after the last elec­tion in 2017.
    ...

    But per­haps that most scan­dalous part of Maassen pass­ing along infor­ma­tion to the AfD is the the alle­ga­tions that he passed top secret BfV bud­get infor­ma­tion, which is some­thing very few Bun­destag mem­bers in the par­lia­men­t’s con­fi­den­tial com­mit­tee:

    ...
    Time to go?

    Even voic­es from the gov­ern­ing par­ties have joined in calls for Maassen’s dis­missal. Lars Kling­beil, gen­er­al sec­re­tary of the Social Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (SPD), junior part­ner in Angela Merkel’s gov­ern­ing coali­tion, tweet­ed on Thurs­day after­noon that, “for the SPD lead­er­ship it is com­plete­ly clear that Maassen must go. Merkel must act now.”

    ...

    Kon­stan­tin von Notz, inte­ri­or pol­i­cy spokesman for the oppo­si­tion Green par­ty, took a more nuanced view. While acknowl­edg­ing that the meet­ing between Brand­ner and Maassen was unusu­al, the rev­e­la­tion that he may have passed on fig­ures about Islamists was less inter­est­ing than the fact that the pair had appar­ent­ly dis­cussed the BfV’s bud­get.

    “This is secret, and can only be dis­cussed among very few Bun­destag mem­bers in the par­lia­men­t’s con­fi­den­tial com­mit­tee,” he told DW.

    The pro-busi­ness Free Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (FDP) has also made its mind up about Maassen. The par­ty’s inte­ri­or pol­i­cy spokesman, Kon­stan­tin Kuh­le, told DPA on Thurs­day that the BfV head was “not neu­tral” about the AfD, and thus had to go, because of the “gen­er­al impres­sion after the events of the last few weeks and months.”
    ...

    Also keep in mind that this bud­get infor­ma­tion pre­sum­ably was­n’t just like the BfV’s total bud­get. It was prob­a­bly like the bud­get for dif­fer­ent areas of the BfV. So did he pass along bud­get infor­ma­tion on things like the bud­get for mon­i­tor­ing far right groups like the AfD or Pegi­da? That’s unclear, but based on every­thing we’ve seen it would almost be sur­pris­ing at this point if he did­n’t.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | September 17, 2018, 11:21 am
  6. Here’s an update on the scan­dal in Ger­many over the appar­ent secret sup­port of the far right by Hans-Georg Maassen, the head of the BfV which is part of the Inte­ri­or Min­istry: So Maassen was indeed fired from the job. But it’s a fir­ing that comes in the form of a pro­mo­tion to a bet­ter-paid posi­tion of state sec­re­tary in the Inte­ri­or Min­istry. It turns out the head of the Inte­ri­or Min­istry, Horst See­hofer, balked at com­plete­ly let­ting Maassen go, so pro­mot­ing him out of the BfV was seen as the only viable com­pro­mise posi­tion.

    See­hofer also hap­pens to be the leader of the Bavar­i­an Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), the right-wing sis­ter par­ty to Merkel’s CDU. And as the fol­low­ing arti­cle notes, the CSU is as risk of los­ing its long-stand­ing major­i­ty in Bavaria large­ly due to the rise of the AfD in the upcom­ing state elec­tions on Octo­ber 14. And Maassen is, of course, now a hero of the AfD and far right in gen­er­al.

    So it’s look­ing like the rul­ing Ger­man coali­tion is giv­ing Maassen extra lenient treat­ment as a means of pla­cat­ing the CSU’s con­cerns over piss­ing off right-wing vot­ers. But the rul­ing coali­tion isn’t just the CDU and CSU. The cen­ter-left SPD is also part of this coali­tion and the deci­sion to pro­mote Maassen is not sur­pris­ing­ly anger­ing SPD vot­ers and poten­tial­ly dri­ving them toward oth­er par­ties like the Greens.

    Despite these intra-coali­tion ten­sions there’s still no desire on the part of either the CDU or SPD lead­er­ship to break the coali­tion and call snap elec­tions because polls cur­rent­ly show that both par­ties would lose vot­ers to the AfD and Greens. And that ‘damned if you do, damned if you don’t’ sit­u­a­tion is why the row over what to do about Maassen is putting the rul­ing coali­tion into what is being described as a per­ma­nent cri­sis mode:

    Reuters

    Merkel coali­tion slides into ‘per­ma­nent cri­sis mode’ with spy row

    Paul Car­rel
    Sep­tem­ber 19, 2018 / 8:17 AM / Updat­ed

    BERLIN (Reuters) — A clum­sy com­pro­mise to end a row over the fate of Germany’s spy chief has exposed a cru­el fact: the par­ties in Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel’s right-left coali­tion are love­less part­ners in a dys­func­tion­al rela­tion­ship that none of them can afford to quit.

    The coali­tion lead­ers sought on Tues­day to end a scan­dal that had rum­bled on for 11 days by agree­ing to replace the head of the BfV domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, who has faced accu­sa­tions of har­bor­ing far-right sym­pa­thies.

    Their solu­tion — pro­mot­ing spy­mas­ter Hans-Georg Maassen to a bet­ter paid posi­tion at the Inte­ri­or Min­istry — has only inflamed ten­sions among the rank-and-file of the rul­ing par­ties, whose lead­ers are unit­ed by fear more than col­lec­tive pur­pose.

    The scan­dal, the lat­est in a series of set­backs to shake the six-month-old coali­tion, threat­ens to erode fur­ther the Ger­man rul­ing elite’s author­i­ty and may point to years of pol­i­cy drift just as Ger­many and Europe are cry­ing out for firm lead­er­ship.

    Merkel is yet to address the crit­i­cism that the coali­tion lacks direc­tion.

    Polls show both Merkel’s con­ser­v­a­tive bloc and its junior coali­tion part­ner, the cen­ter-left Social Democ­rats (SPD), would bleed votes to the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) and the ecol­o­gist Greens in any new elec­tions.

    That leaves their lead­ers hang­ing on to the awk­ward right-left ‘grand coali­tion’ as Merkel, serv­ing her fourth and like­ly final term as chan­cel­lor, tries to secure her lega­cy as a stateswoman and the SPD strug­gles to remain rel­e­vant to vot­ers.

    “The grand coali­tion is like a dead mar­riage where the spous­es have too many inter­twined assets to be able to sep­a­rate with­out heavy loss­es,” said Josef Joffe, pub­lish­er-edi­tor of week­ly Die Zeit.

    “They would be trounced in snap elec­tions. Nor can they recruit more docile part­ners among the four oppo­si­tion par­ties.”

    The Maassen scan­dal comes only two months after Merkel closed a painful row with her Bavar­i­an CSU allies on immi­gra­tion — an issue that goes back to her 2015 deci­sion to leave open Germany’s bor­ders to refugees flee­ing war in the Mid­dle East.

    The SPD had want­ed Maassen removed after he ques­tioned the authen­tic­i­ty of video footage show­ing far-right rad­i­cals hound­ing migrants in the east­ern Ger­man city of Chem­nitz.

    But Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer, leader of the Bavar­i­an Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), sis­ter par­ty of Merkel’s Chris­t­ian Democ­rats (CDU), stood behind Maassen.

    By pro­mot­ing the spy­mas­ter to the post of state sec­re­tary in his Inte­ri­or Min­istry, See­hofer found a solu­tion that sat­is­fied the SPD’s demand for Maassen’s removal from the BfV but left the coali­tion look­ing lame.

    “The only thing that is still grand in this coali­tion is the absolute deter­mi­na­tion to car­ry on mud­dling through,” mass-sell­ing dai­ly Bild wrote in an edi­to­r­i­al.

    “PERMANENT CRISIS MODE”

    Speak­ing at the side­lines of a Euro­pean Union meet­ing in Salzburg, Merkel defend­ed the Maassen deal as a “right and impor­tant” deci­sion.

    Merkel stressed that Maassen would not be in charge of domes­tic secu­ri­ty issues in his new posi­tion.

    The SPD had accused the for­mer spy­mas­ter of hav­ing too close ties to the anti-immi­gra­tion AfD par­ty.

    The grand coali­tion only took office in March, near­ly six months after last year’s elec­tion, as there was effec­tive­ly no oth­er viable gov­ern­ing option fol­low­ing the col­lapse of talks between Merkel’s con­ser­v­a­tives and two small­er par­ties.

    After the Maassen deal, pres­sure is grow­ing in the SPD for its lead­ers to recon­sid­er the coali­tion or else deliv­er results that will win back work­ing class vot­ers who are turn­ing to the far right or left, and mid­dle class vot­ers mov­ing to the Greens.

    “Patience in the SPD with this grand coali­tion is extreme­ly thin,” said Ralf Steg­n­er, a senior SPD offi­cial.

    Even SPD Sec­re­tary Gen­er­al Lars Kling­beil ques­tioned Maassen’s pro­mo­tion, adding: “We must final­ly get out of this per­ma­nent cri­sis mode.”

    SPD leader Andrea Nahles said the par­ty should remain in the coali­tion but added that Seehofer’s deci­sion to trans­fer Maassen to his min­istry was a “fur­ther bur­den” for coop­er­a­tion.

    In a let­ter to par­ty mem­bers, she added: “The SPD shouldn’t sac­ri­fice this gov­ern­ment because Horst See­hofer employs a civ­il ser­vant whom we con­sid­er to be unsuit­able.”

    Merkel’s 2015 deci­sion on refugees has proved to be the defin­ing moment of her lead­er­ship and one that still haunts her as the CSU, fear­ful of los­ing votes to the AfD in Bavaria’s state elec­tion on Oct. 14, tries to sound tough on immi­gra­tion.

    The CSU is like­ly to lose its absolute major­i­ty in Bavaria, which could make it an even more dif­fi­cult part­ner for Merkel.

    Nation­al­ly, the con­ser­v­a­tive bloc is polling around 30 per­cent, down from 33 per­cent in last September’s elec­tion. The SPD is on about 18 per­cent, down from 20.5 per­cent. The AfD is polling around 15 per­cent, with the Greens close behind.

    ...

    ———-

    “Merkel coali­tion slides into ‘per­ma­nent cri­sis mode’ with spy row” by Paul Car­rel; Reuters; 09/19/2018

    “Their solu­tion — pro­mot­ing spy­mas­ter Hans-Georg Maassen to a bet­ter paid posi­tion at the Inte­ri­or Min­istry — has only inflamed ten­sions among the rank-and-file of the rul­ing par­ties, whose lead­ers are unit­ed by fear more than col­lec­tive pur­pose.”

    Bet­ter pay at the same agency. It’s quite a ‘fir­ing’, thanks to the inter­ven­tion of Inte­ri­or Min­istry chief Horst See­hofer of the CSU:

    ...
    The Maassen scan­dal comes only two months after Merkel closed a painful row with her Bavar­i­an CSU allies on immi­gra­tion — an issue that goes back to her 2015 deci­sion to leave open Germany’s bor­ders to refugees flee­ing war in the Mid­dle East.

    The SPD had want­ed Maassen removed after he ques­tioned the authen­tic­i­ty of video footage show­ing far-right rad­i­cals hound­ing migrants in the east­ern Ger­man city of Chem­nitz.

    But Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer, leader of the Bavar­i­an Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), sis­ter par­ty of Merkel’s Chris­t­ian Democ­rats (CDU), stood behind Maassen.

    By pro­mot­ing the spy­mas­ter to the post of state sec­re­tary in his Inte­ri­or Min­istry, See­hofer found a solu­tion that sat­is­fied the SPD’s demand for Maassen’s removal from the BfV but left the coali­tion look­ing lame.

    “The only thing that is still grand in this coali­tion is the absolute deter­mi­na­tion to car­ry on mud­dling through,” mass-sell­ing dai­ly Bild wrote in an edi­to­r­i­al.
    ...

    This, in turns, has raised pres­sure with­in the SPD to either recon­sid­er their cur­rent coali­tion — trig­ger­ing elec­tions — or else some­how deliv­er on poli­cies that will stop the bleed­ing of vot­ers:

    ...
    “PERMANENT CRISIS MODE”

    Speak­ing at the side­lines of a Euro­pean Union meet­ing in Salzburg, Merkel defend­ed the Maassen deal as a “right and impor­tant” deci­sion.

    Merkel stressed that Maassen would not be in charge of domes­tic secu­ri­ty issues in his new posi­tion.

    The SPD had accused the for­mer spy­mas­ter of hav­ing too close ties to the anti-immi­gra­tion AfD par­ty.

    The grand coali­tion only took office in March, near­ly six months after last year’s elec­tion, as there was effec­tive­ly no oth­er viable gov­ern­ing option fol­low­ing the col­lapse of talks between Merkel’s con­ser­v­a­tives and two small­er par­ties.

    After the Maassen deal, pres­sure is grow­ing in the SPD for its lead­ers to recon­sid­er the coali­tion or else deliv­er results that will win back work­ing class vot­ers who are turn­ing to the far right or left, and mid­dle class vot­ers mov­ing to the Greens.
    ...

    But based on cur­rent polls that show both the CDU and SPD would lose vot­ers to the AfD and Greens in any future elec­tions, the SPD can’t sim­ply pull out of the coali­tion at this point with­out expect­ing loss­es. So they’re basi­cal­ly stuck:

    ...
    Polls show both Merkel’s con­ser­v­a­tive bloc and its junior coali­tion part­ner, the cen­ter-left Social Democ­rats (SPD), would bleed votes to the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) and the ecol­o­gist Greens in any new elec­tions.

    That leaves their lead­ers hang­ing on to the awk­ward right-left ‘grand coali­tion’ as Merkel, serv­ing her fourth and like­ly final term as chan­cel­lor, tries to secure her lega­cy as a stateswoman and the SPD strug­gles to remain rel­e­vant to vot­ers.

    “The grand coali­tion is like a dead mar­riage where the spous­es have too many inter­twined assets to be able to sep­a­rate with­out heavy loss­es,” said Josef Joffe, pub­lish­er-edi­tor of week­ly Die Zeit.

    “They would be trounced in snap elec­tions. Nor can they recruit more docile part­ners among the four oppo­si­tion par­ties.”
    ...

    And at the same time the SPD views the demor­al­iz­ing nature of the pro­mo­tion of Maassen as a threat to its elec­toral chances, the See­hofer and the CSU can point to the state elec­tions next month and the ris­ing appeal of the AfD, and the risk that their appeal would only grow if Maassen was forced out entire­ly, as a polit­i­cal jus­ti­fi­ca­tion for the deci­sion to basi­cal­ly give Maassen a pro­mo­tion:

    ...
    Merkel’s 2015 deci­sion on refugees has proved to be the defin­ing moment of her lead­er­ship and one that still haunts her as the CSU, fear­ful of los­ing votes to the AfD in Bavaria’s state elec­tion on Oct. 14, tries to sound tough on immi­gra­tion.

    The CSU is like­ly to lose its absolute major­i­ty in Bavaria, which could make it an even more dif­fi­cult part­ner for Merkel.

    Nation­al­ly, the con­ser­v­a­tive bloc is polling around 30 per­cent, down from 33 per­cent in last September’s elec­tion. The SPD is on about 18 per­cent, down from 20.5 per­cent. The AfD is polling around 15 per­cent, with the Greens close behind.
    ...

    And that elec­toral urgency to pla­cate the far right, at the cost of alien­at­ing the left, high­lights the grow­ing polar­iza­tion of Ger­many’s polit­i­cal land­scape.

    So just how big are the elec­toral risks fac­ing the CSU in the upcom­ing state elec­tions? As the fol­low­ing arti­cle describes, there’s no risk that the AfD will over­take the CSU in Bavaria. Sup­port for the CSU stood at 35 per­cent in recent polls, com­pared to the 47.7 per­cent it won in 2013 dur­ing the last region­al elec­tion. And the AfD is cur­rent­ly polling at 11 per­cent, giv­ing it enough sup­port to enter the Bavar­i­an state par­lia­ment for the first time. So there’s been a dou­ble-dig­it drop in sup­port for the CSU and almost all of that drop appears to be explained by a rise in sup­port for the AfD:

    The Inde­pen­dent

    Merkel allies face loss­es as vot­ers flee to far-right AfD ahead of Ger­man local elec­tions

    Pop­ulist Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) par­ty cam­paigns against refugees

    Samuel Osborne
    Sep­tem­ber 17, 2018, 16:55

    Angela Merkel’s con­ser­v­a­tive allies in the Ger­man state of Bavaria are fac­ing loss­es in region­al elec­tions as their sup­port is erod­ed by far-right pop­ulists.

    The Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), which has enjoyed six decades of dom­i­nance in the state, is pre­dict­ed to suf­fer heavy loss­es in the vote on 14 Octo­ber.

    A recent opin­ion poll pre­dict­ed the CSU could lose near­ly 13 per cen­t­age points as vot­ers flock to the anti-immi­grant Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD).

    CSU lead­ers have lurched to the right in response to the AfD’s gains – near­ly col­laps­ing the coali­tion gov­ern­ment – before chang­ing course in an attempt to reclaim the cen­tre ground.

    The par­ty is part of Germany’s grand coali­tion with its sis­ter par­ty, Ms Merkel’s Chris­t­ian Democ­rats (CD) and the cen­tre-left Social Democ­rats (SDP).

    Sup­port for the CSU stood at 35 per cent in the infrat­est-dimap poll, com­pared to the 47.7 per cent it won in the last region­al elec­tion in 2013.

    The poll showed the AfD on 11 per cent, which would be enough to enter the Bavar­i­an state par­lia­ment for the first time.

    “The polls this week weren’t pret­ty,” Bavaria’s gov­er­nor, Markus Soed­er, said at the start of a day-long par­ty con­gress aimed at ral­ly­ing con­ser­v­a­tives a month before the elec­tion. “But they are a chance for a wake-up call.”

    Among the rea­sons cit­ed for the elec­toral decline of the CSU are the rise of the AfD, which has cam­paigned staunch­ly against the influx of refugees and migrants in recent years, and a series of gaffes by Horst See­hofer, the head of the par­ty.

    Both Mr Soed­er and Mr See­hofer, who is Germany’s inte­ri­or min­is­ter, made impas­sioned speech­es to their sup­port­ers call­ing for mea­sures to pre­vent a repeat of the one-mil­lion-strong wave of migrants who entered Ger­many in 2015.

    “Those who are not enti­tled to pro­tec­tion have to return to their coun­tries of ori­gin, because ... no coun­try on this plan­et can take in unlim­it­ed num­bers of refugees and migrants,” Mr See­hofer told hun­dreds of del­e­gates at the con­gress.

    How­ev­er, both men also reit­er­at­ed their oppo­si­tion to extrem­ism amid calls for bet­ter scruti­ny of the AfD after some of its lead­ers joined far-right activists in the east­ern city of Chem­nitz in protests sparked by the arrest of two migrant sus­pects in a fatal stab­bing.

    Mr See­hofer, who has been at odds with Ms Merkel since her deci­sion to open Germany’s bor­ders to over a mil­lion refugees and migrants, insist­ed his par­ty stands for lib­er­al val­ues and would not tol­er­ate anti­semitism, xeno­pho­bia or right-wing extrem­ism.

    ...

    ———-

    “Merkel allies face loss­es as vot­ers flee to far-right AfD ahead of Ger­man local elec­tions” by Samuel Osborne; The Inde­pen­dent; 09/17/2018

    “The Chris­t­ian Social Union (CSU), which has enjoyed six decades of dom­i­nance in the state, is pre­dict­ed to suf­fer heavy loss­es in the vote on 14 Octo­ber.”

    So some degree of heavy loss­es for the CSU in the state elec­tions in a few weeks is already a giv­en. It’s just a ques­tion of how heavy those loss­es will be and how much of that trans­lates into sup­port for the AfD. And thus far, it’s look­ing like the CSU’s loss­es are the AfD’s gains:

    ...
    A recent opin­ion poll pre­dict­ed the CSU could lose near­ly 13 per cen­t­age points as vot­ers flock to the anti-immi­grant Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD).

    CSU lead­ers have lurched to the right in response to the AfD’s gains – near­ly col­laps­ing the coali­tion gov­ern­ment – before chang­ing course in an attempt to reclaim the cen­tre ground.

    The par­ty is part of Germany’s grand coali­tion with its sis­ter par­ty, Ms Merkel’s Chris­t­ian Democ­rats (CD) and the cen­tre-left Social Democ­rats (SDP).

    Sup­port for the CSU stood at 35 per cent in the infrat­est-dimap poll, com­pared to the 47.7 per cent it won in the last region­al elec­tion in 2013.

    The poll showed the AfD on 11 per cent, which would be enough to enter the Bavar­i­an state par­lia­ment for the first time.
    ...

    And note how the CSU’s elec­toral suc­cess, or lack there­of, appears to be a kind of test on whether or not Ger­many’s con­ser­v­a­tives can suc­cess­ful­ly artic­u­late a pol­i­cy regard­ing refugees and immi­grants that is simul­ta­ne­ous­ly pro- and anti-refugee, essen­tial­ly mak­ing the argu­ment that Ger­many needs to tem­porar­i­ly accept refugees while for human­i­tar­i­an pur­pos­es while gen­er­al­ly voic­ing oppo­si­tion to the refugee pol­i­cy and gen­er­al and demand­ing that it not be repeat­ed:

    ...
    Both Mr Soed­er and Mr See­hofer, who is Germany’s inte­ri­or min­is­ter, made impas­sioned speech­es to their sup­port­ers call­ing for mea­sures to pre­vent a repeat of the one-mil­lion-strong wave of migrants who entered Ger­many in 2015.

    “Those who are not enti­tled to pro­tec­tion have to return to their coun­tries of ori­gin, because ... no coun­try on this plan­et can take in unlim­it­ed num­bers of refugees and migrants,” Mr See­hofer told hun­dreds of del­e­gates at the con­gress.

    How­ev­er, both men also reit­er­at­ed their oppo­si­tion to extrem­ism amid calls for bet­ter scruti­ny of the AfD after some of its lead­ers joined far-right activists in the east­ern city of Chem­nitz in protests sparked by the arrest of two migrant sus­pects in a fatal stab­bing.

    Mr See­hofer, who has been at odds with Ms Merkel since her deci­sion to open Germany’s bor­ders to over a mil­lion refugees and migrants, insist­ed his par­ty stands for lib­er­al val­ues and would not tol­er­ate anti­semitism, xeno­pho­bia or right-wing extrem­ism.
    ...

    Will such an approach work for Bavari­a’s vot­ers? We’ll see, but if not and if the AfD sur­pris­es to the upside, we should prob­a­bly expect par­ties like the CDU and CSU to start sound a lot more like the AfD going for­ward. Might there be anoth­er pro­mo­tion for Hans-Georg Maassen too?

    It’s also worth recall­ing that a mem­ber of the CSU is poised to become the new pres­i­dent of the Euro­pean Com­mis­sion in 2019 at the end of Jean-Claude Junck­er’s term. Man­fred Weber, the CSU politi­cian who is also the head of the right-wing fac­tion of the EU par­lia­ment, is seen as the like­ly per­son Ger­many is going to try get in that posi­tion and, accord­ing to EU cus­tom, it’s seen as Ger­many’s ‘turn’ to put some­one in a top-lev­el EU posi­tion so if Ger­many wants to give Weber that posi­tion it will like­ly hap­pen. And if the CSU ends up veer­ing much fur­ther to the right that’s inevitably going to impact Weber’s deci­sions at the EU-wide lev­el. It’s a reminder that the way the EU works, Ger­many’s prob­lems are Europe’s prob­lems, and right now Ger­many has a prob­lem with a far right sym­pa­thiz­er at the head of the domes­tic intel­li­gence office and it respond­ed by giv­ing the guy a pro­mo­tion due to polit­i­cal con­cerns would only make the far right even stronger.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | September 20, 2018, 12:23 pm
  7. @Pterrafractyl–

    It will be inter­est­ing to see how Ger­many’s for­mal diplo­mat­ic recog­ni­tion of the Knights of Mal­ta plays out in this polit­i­cal land­scape, bear­ing in mind that Bavaria–home turf of the CSU–is heav­i­ly Catholic.

    https://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/news/detail/7730/

    Back­ground on the Knights of Mal­ta here: https://spitfirelist.com/for-the-record/ftr-610-the-knights-of-malta-revisited/

    Best,

    Dave

    Posted by Dave Emory | September 20, 2018, 2:50 pm
  8. Here’s a sto­ry to keep in mind in the con­text of the rise of the far right across Europe and the poten­tial takeover of law enforce­ment agen­cies and the numer­ous scan­dals involve Ger­man author­i­ties cov­er­ing up for extrem­ist groups: Ger­man author­i­ties have been inves­ti­gat­ing a 30-odd mem­ber far right ‘prep­per’ group called Nord­kruez (North­ern Cross) on sus­pi­cions that the group was prepar­ing a ter­ror­ist attack. What they found was that the group not only had close links to the police and mil­i­tary but had also man­aged to access police com­put­ers and col­lect almost 25,000 names and address­es of local politi­cians who were sup­port­ive of the refugees dur­ing the refugee cri­sis in 2015. One of the mem­bers of Kord­kruez was still employed in the spe­cial com­man­do unit of the state office of crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tions. Nord­kruez then com­bined a “death list” of tar­gets that includ­ed mem­bers from SPD, the Greens, Die Linke, and even the CDU. The group also ordered 200 body bags and quick­lime, which can be used to speed up the decay of a corpse and cov­er up its smell, and stock­piled weapons and ammu­ni­tion. As we’re going to see, the group was not just prepar­ing a domes­tic ter­ror cam­paign but was also prepar­ing for a Nazi coup known as “Day‑X” in neo-Nazi cir­cles.

    So this group of Ger­man ‘prep­pers’ was­n’t just plan­ning for the col­lapsed of soci­ety. They were also plan­ning on induc­ing that col­lapse through a polit­i­cal assas­si­na­tion that would result in a neo-Nazi coup:

    The Guardian

    Ger­man far-right group ‘used police data to com­pile death list’

    Activists linked to mil­i­tary and police sus­pect­ed of prepar­ing ter­ror attack, reports say

    Philip Olter­mann in Berlin
    Fri 28 Jun 2019 10.45 EDT

    A group of Ger­man rightwing extrem­ists com­piled a “death list” of left­wing and pro-refugee tar­gets by access­ing police records, then stock­piled weapons and ordered body bags and quick­lime to kill and dis­pose of their vic­tims, Ger­man media have report­ed, cit­ing intel­li­gence sources.

    Germany’s gen­er­al pros­e­cu­tor had been inves­ti­gat­ing Nord­kreuz (North­ern Cross) since August 2017 on the sus­pi­cion the group was prepar­ing a ter­ror­ist attack.

    The 30-odd mem­bers of the group report­ed­ly had close links to the police and mil­i­tary, and at least one mem­ber was still employed in the spe­cial com­man­do unit of the state office of crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tions.

    In the past, Nord­kreuz was report­ed as being part of the “prep­per” sur­vival­ist move­ment, whose fol­low­ers pre­pare for dooms­day sce­nar­ios such as the col­lapse of the pre­vail­ing social order.

    How­ev­er, a report by Redak­tion­sNet­zw­erk Deutsch­land, a Hanover-based research agency with links to small­er region­al news­pa­pers, sug­gest­ed the group was active­ly prepar­ing the ground for a mass attack on polit­i­cal ene­mies.

    Mem­bers com­mu­ni­cat­ed via the encrypt­ed mes­sen­ger ser­vice Telegram, and accessed police com­put­ers to col­lect almost 25,000 names and address­es of local politi­cians who had played an active part in civic efforts dur­ing the refugee cri­sis in 2015, the report said.

    Par­ty mem­bers from the SPD, the Greens, Die Linke and Angela Merkel’s CDU were report­ed­ly on the list, which focused on local pol­i­tics in the east­ern states of Meck­len­burg-Vor­pom­mern and Bran­den­burg.

    The group had also alleged­ly ordered 200 body bags and quick­lime, which can be used to speed up the decay of a corpse and cov­er up its smell.

    Three mem­bers of Nord­kreuz were being sep­a­rate­ly inves­ti­gat­ed by a pros­e­cu­tor in Schw­erin for ille­gal pos­ses­sion of more than 10,000 bul­lets as well as long- and short-range weapons.

    The group is said to deny hav­ing planned the mur­der of the peo­ple on the lists.

    The report came a few weeks after the mur­der of a pro-refugee politi­cian by a rightwing extrem­ist, and amid a grow­ing debate about whether Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, the BfV, has under­es­ti­mat­ed the threat posed by the mil­i­tant far right.

    Thursday’s annu­al BfV report not­ed a slight fall in the num­ber of offences by extreme right groups reg­is­tered in 2018, but also a rise in the num­ber of vio­lent crimes com­mit­ted by these groups.

    Over­all num­bers of sym­pa­this­ers for extrem­ist posi­tions on the far right, the far left and in Islamism had all slight­ly increased over the last year, the report not­ed.

    It made no men­tion of Nord­kreuz, fuelling crit­i­cism that the agency had been turn­ing a blind eye to the threat of neo-Nazi ter­ror­ism.

    Ear­li­er this week, the detained far-right extrem­ist Stephan Ernst con­fessed to mur­der­ing the CDU politi­cian Wal­ter Lübcke. The head of the Kas­sel region­al gov­ern­ment was found dead out­side his house on 2 June.

    ...

    Ernst report­ed­ly admit­ted being incensed by Lübcke’s com­ments at a town hall meet­ing he had attend­ed in Octo­ber 2015. At the meet­ing, held to dis­cuss a new asy­lum seek­er shel­ter, Lübcke said: “One has to stand up for val­ues here. And those who don’t do so can leave this coun­try any time if they don’t like it. That’s the free­dom of every Ger­man.”

    ———-

    “Ger­man far-right group ‘used police data to com­pile death list’ ” by Philip Olter­mann; The Guardian; 06/28/2019

    “The 30-odd mem­bers of the group report­ed­ly had close links to the police and mil­i­tary, and at least one mem­ber was still employed in the spe­cial com­man­do unit of the state office of crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tions.”

    A domes­tic ter­ror group with close links to the police and mil­i­tary. And using those links they amassed a list of 25,000 tar­gets from police data­bas­es. And just in case it was­n’t clear what they planned to do to the peo­ple on this list, they also ordered 200 body bags and quick­lime. It’s a civic night­mare sce­nario:

    ...
    Mem­bers com­mu­ni­cat­ed via the encrypt­ed mes­sen­ger ser­vice Telegram, and accessed police com­put­ers to col­lect almost 25,000 names and address­es of local politi­cians who had played an active part in civic efforts dur­ing the refugee cri­sis in 2015, the report said.

    Par­ty mem­bers from the SPD, the Greens, Die Linke and Angela Merkel’s CDU were report­ed­ly on the list, which focused on local pol­i­tics in the east­ern states of Meck­len­burg-Vor­pom­mern and Bran­den­burg.

    The group had also alleged­ly ordered 200 body bags and quick­lime, which can be used to speed up the decay of a corpse and cov­er up its smell.

    Three mem­bers of Nord­kreuz were being sep­a­rate­ly inves­ti­gat­ed by a pros­e­cu­tor in Schw­erin for ille­gal pos­ses­sion of more than 10,000 bul­lets as well as long- and short-range weapons.

    The group is said to deny hav­ing planned the mur­der of the peo­ple on the lists.
    ...

    Keep in mind that if they were plan­ning on using quick­lime to dis­pose of bod­ies and speed up the decay of a corpse, that implies they weren’t nec­es­sar­i­ly just plan­ning on open assas­si­na­tion and instead were plan­ning on abduct­ing tar­gets and leav­ing their where­abouts unknown. So if any Ger­many politi­cians sud­den­ly go miss­ing we now have a bet­ter idea of what may have hap­pened.

    And yet note how Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agen­cies, the BfV, made no men­tion of Nord­kreuz in its annu­al report that was released last week:

    ...
    The report came a few weeks after the mur­der of a pro-refugee politi­cian by a rightwing extrem­ist, and amid a grow­ing debate about whether Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, the BfV, has under­es­ti­mat­ed the threat posed by the mil­i­tant far right.

    Thursday’s annu­al BfV report not­ed a slight fall in the num­ber of offences by extreme right groups reg­is­tered in 2018, but also a rise in the num­ber of vio­lent crimes com­mit­ted by these groups.

    Over­all num­bers of sym­pa­this­ers for extrem­ist posi­tions on the far right, the far left and in Islamism had all slight­ly increased over the last year, the report not­ed.

    It made no men­tion of Nord­kreuz, fuelling crit­i­cism that the agency had been turn­ing a blind eye to the threat of neo-Nazi ter­ror­ism.
    ...

    So Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency appears to be turn­ing a blind eye to a domes­tic ter­ror group with close ties to the police and mil­i­tary. Sur­prise!

    And just to make it clear that Nord­kreuz has a neo-Nazi over­throw of the gov­ern­ment on its mind, here’s an arti­cle that points out that group was­n’t just plan­ning on assas­si­nat­ing polit­i­cal ene­mies. They were also prepar­ing for “Day X”. And as the arti­cle notes, Nord­kreuz isn’t the only far right group found to have infil­trat­ed Ger­man insti­tu­tions while mak­ing “Day X” prepa­ra­tions. In 2017, Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence cracked down on a group call­ing itself “Hannibal’s Shad­ow Army” that as oper­at­ing with­in the Ger­man armed forces and had the same vision of a com­ing ‘Day X’ through nation­al­ist mil­i­tary coup. So there are at least two Ger­man neo-Nazi groups with mem­bers from the police and mil­i­tary that have been plan­ning on bring­ing about a far right mil­i­tary coup in recent years. And these are just the groups we know about:

    Prospect

    What Germany’s “neo-Nazi” Dooms­day group tells us about the Europe’s ris­ing far-right

    Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency report­ed that the Nord­kreuz group had obtained bul­lets and body­bags to pre­pare for an imag­ined “Day X.” Now, the coun­try must deal with some­thing more pow­er­ful than the old fringe neo-Nazi and skin­head move­ment

    by Dominic Hinde
    July 1, 2019

    In Meck­len­burg Vor­pom­mern, the Ger­man state on the Baltic sea that Angela Merkel calls home, a far-right ter­ror plot and a spec­tac­u­lar tale of extrem­ist infil­tra­tion of the police force has raised ques­tions about both how wide­spread neo-fas­cist ter­ror cells are in Germany—and how seri­ous­ly the gov­ern­ment is tak­ing the prob­lem.

    Last week it was revealed that “Nord­kreuz,” an under­ground right wing ter­ror group, had sought to obtain hun­dreds of body bags and quick­lime for kid­nap­pings, killings and assas­si­na­tions as part of a planned upris­ing.

    It was also recent­ly revealed by the region­al Ger­man news­pa­per net­work Redak­tions-Net­zw­erk Deutsch­land that the group had drawn up polit­i­cal death lists using the police data­base accessed by some of its mem­bers, retriev­ing 25,000 names.

    The group appar­ent­ly drew its mem­ber­ship from amongst serv­ing police offi­cers, mil­i­tary reservists, and in one case the region­al Spezialein­satzkom­man­do, a high­ly trained elite police unit deployed in anti-ter­ror­ist activ­i­ty.

    Pros­e­cu­tion of mem­bers of the net­work have been ongo­ing since 2017, but only now is the extent of the organ­i­sa­tion and the scale of their plans com­ing to light.

    Nord­kreuz were not just a neo-Nazi ter­ror group. Cen­tral to their ide­ol­o­gy was the prep­per mind­set more asso­ci­at­ed with reli­gious extrem­ists or dooms­day cults. Mem­bers of the group were said to be prepar­ing not just for vio­lence against their polit­i­cal ene­mies but for a so-called “Day X.”

    One mem­ber had report­ed­ly obtained 10,000 bul­lets from police stores for the antic­i­pat­ed upris­ing. He was also found hoard­ing vac­u­um-packed cig­a­rettes and alco­hol to barter with in the event of eco­nom­ic col­lapse.

    Not alone

    The Nord­kreuz rev­e­la­tions have shocked peo­ple due to the appar­ent ease with which mem­bers could take advan­tage of their police con­nec­tions to obtain mate­ri­als and infor­ma­tion, but also for the group’s cult-like belief in a com­ing upris­ing against Islam and the lib­er­al polit­i­cal sys­tem.

    The revenge killings envi­sioned by Nord­kreuz are more than the fan­ta­sy of inter­net chat rooms. Last month Wal­ter Lübcke, a vet­er­an CDU politi­cian and May­or with an explic­it­ly pro-immi­gra­tion stance, was assas­si­nat­ed in his own home by the far-right activist Stephan Ernst.

    Sim­i­lar­ly, Heinz Mey­er, the leader of the anti-Islam­ic group Pegi­da in Munich, stands accused of form­ing a cell to car­ry out polit­i­cal assas­si­na­tions and try­ing to acquire firearms through his hunt­ing club.

    In a case close­ly mir­ror­ing the police infil­tra­tion achieved by Nord­kreuz, in 2017 Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence moved against mem­bers of a group call­ing itself “Hannibal’s Shad­ow Army.” A fas­cist net­work oper­at­ing with­in the Ger­man armed forces, it had access to weapons and the same vision of a com­ing ‘Day‑X’ and a nation­al­ist mil­i­tary coup.

    In 2018 a group styling itself “Rev­o­lu­tion Chem­nitz” attacked peo­ple with non-white back­grounds in the for­mer East Ger­man city, a right-wing strong­hold where mem­bers of anti-Islam­ic group Pegi­da had marched side by side with politi­cians from the Alter­na­tive für Deutsch­land (AfD) par­ty, which has made huge inroads in the region.

    The Chem­nitz group were plan­ning armed attacks on what they called “the media dic­ta­tor­ship and their slaves” accord­ing to inter­views obtained by the Munich-based Sued­deutsche Zeitung. Like Nord­kreuz, they saw them­selves as light­ing the touch paper on a nation­al­ist upris­ing in which the police and patri­ot­ic cit­i­zens would flock to their side in an esca­lat­ing cul­ture war.

    A war for Germany’s future

    This idea of a war to pro­tect Europe is a sta­ple trope of the new Ger­man right. Pegi­da, which has spawned imi­ta­tors in the UK, Swe­den and else­where, stands for Patri­ot­ic Euro­peans against the Islam­i­fi­ca­tion of the Ossident—a com­mon syn­onym for the West in Ger­man.

    Andreas Kalb­itz, a senior AfD politi­cian in Bran­den­burg with a past in neo-Nazi groups, told fel­low par­ty mem­bers in Feb­ru­ary “we didn’t beat the Turks in Vien­na just to hand them Berlin,” a ref­er­ence to the siege of Vien­na and the even­tu­al vic­to­ry of the Holy Roman empire over the Islam­ic Ottomans in the 17th cen­tu­ry. It is a pow­er­ful and sim­ple sto­ry which, like the AfD, is also con­ve­nient­ly free of the bag­gage of Nazism.

    Ger­many now has to deal with the fact right wing extrem­ism is mor­ph­ing into some­thing more pow­er­ful than the old fringe neo-Nazi and skin­head move­ment. Feed­ing off the broad­er pop­ulist dis­course in Europe, the ease with which groups like Nord­kreuz could recruit from and use the resources of the police—and whether they were giv­en pas­sive help in doing so—also pos­es tough ques­tions about Germany’s abil­i­ty to fight domes­tic extrem­ism when its own secu­ri­ty ser­vices are com­pro­mised.
    ...

    ———-

    “What Germany’s “neo-Nazi” Dooms­day group tells us about the Europe’s ris­ing far-right” by Dominic Hinde; Prospect; 07/01/2019

    “Ger­many now has to deal with the fact right wing extrem­ism is mor­ph­ing into some­thing more pow­er­ful than the old fringe neo-Nazi and skin­head move­ment. Feed­ing off the broad­er pop­ulist dis­course in Europe, the ease with which groups like Nord­kreuz could recruit from and use the resources of the police—and whether they were giv­en pas­sive help in doing so—also pos­es tough ques­tions about Germany’s abil­i­ty to fight domes­tic extrem­ism when its own secu­ri­ty ser­vices are com­pro­mised.”

    There’s no short­age of tough ques­tions for Ger­many raised by the news of these groups’ plans. Deal­ing with far right ter­ror­ism is noth­ing new for Ger­many, but when these groups recruit from mem­bers of the police and mil­i­tary and uti­lize police resources, the ques­tion of whether or not Ger­many’s own secu­ri­ty ser­vices have already been infil­trat­ed turns into the ques­tion of just how exten­sive­ly they’ve been infil­trat­ed. They’ve clear­ly already been infil­trat­ed. And these dif­fer­ent groups appear to have the same under­ly­ing goal, “Day X”, which also rais­es the ques­tion of whether or not they’re work­ing togeth­er or if these were inde­pen­dent “Day X” efforts:

    ...
    Nord­kreuz were not just a neo-Nazi ter­ror group. Cen­tral to their ide­ol­o­gy was the prep­per mind­set more asso­ci­at­ed with reli­gious extrem­ists or dooms­day cults. Mem­bers of the group were said to be prepar­ing not just for vio­lence against their polit­i­cal ene­mies but for a so-called “Day X.”

    ...

    In a case close­ly mir­ror­ing the police infil­tra­tion achieved by Nord­kreuz, in 2017 Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence moved against mem­bers of a group call­ing itself “Hannibal’s Shad­ow Army.” A fas­cist net­work oper­at­ing with­in the Ger­man armed forces, it had access to weapons and the same vision of a com­ing ‘Day‑X’ and a nation­al­ist mil­i­tary coup.
    ...

    It’s all a grim reminder that, while Ger­many’s far right may be mak­ing gains in the polit­i­cal realm with par­ties like the AfD, win­ning elec­tions isn’t the only avenue for gain­ing pow­er that the far right has in mind. They’ve have a long time to ‘prep’ for ‘Day X’ and appar­ent­ly a lot of inside help.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 2, 2019, 3:22 pm
  9. This next arti­cle talks about how the Ger­man police tar­get­ed 12 loca­tions across six states on Valen­tines Day, tar­get­ing a far-right ter­ror group who was plan­ning to cause ‘civ­il war’ with attacks on politi­cians and Mus­lims. They were suc­cess­ful in arrest­ing twelve out of 13 sus­pects, includ­ing an police admin­is­tra­tor who was an infil­tra­tion and was work­ing for those extrem­ists. They planned to cre­ate ‘a civ­il-war-like sit­u­a­tion via as yet unde­fined attacks on politi­cians, asy­lum seek­ers and peo­ple of Mus­lim faith,’ police said. The group’s ulti­mate aim was ‘to shake the state and social order in Ger­many and in the end to over­turn it,’. Recent­ly, the Ger­man fed­er­al police said they had iden­ti­fied 48 peo­ple on the extreme right as ‘dan­ger­ous’ indi­vid­u­als who could car­ry out an attack.

    Although not dis­cussed in the arti­cle, there are sim­i­lar groups with the same nefar­i­ous goals in the Unit­ed States, such as mil­i­tant – neo-Nazi groups such aa “Atom Waf­fen” and the “Base”, and TBD. More recent­ly there was a let­ter signed by 40 mem­bers of Con­gress­The Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty recent­ly said in a new strat­e­gy report unveiled last month that, “White suprema­cist vio­lent extrem­ism, one type of racial­ly- and eth­ni­cal­ly-moti­vat­ed vio­lent extrem­ism, is one of the most potent forces dri­ving domes­tic ter­ror­ism.”

    Congressman’s Max Rose’s (NY 11th Dis­trict) wrote a let­ter to Sec­re­tary of State Mike Pom­peo:https://maxrose.house.gov/uploadedfiles/2019.10.16_rose_fto_letter_to_state.pdf It names Azov Bat­tal­ion, Nordic Resis­tance Move­ment, and Nation­al Action as three exam­ples of for­eign groups that have been con­nect­ed to recent ter­ror­ist attacks around the world as well as recruit­ing and influ­enc­ing Amer­i­can cit­i­zens. Here his the press release for that: https://maxrose.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=2370

    The Soufan Cen­ter released a new report titled “White Suprema­cy Extrem­ism: The Transna­tion­al Rise of The Vio­lent White Suprema­cist Move­ment These net­works share approach­es to recruit­ment, financ­ing, and pro­pa­gan­da, with Ukraine emerg­ing as a hub in the broad­er net­work of transna­tion­al white suprema­cy extrem­ism, attract­ing for­eign recruits from all over the world. white suprema­cy extrem­ists have found it eas­i­er and eas­i­er to recruit, fundraise, and spread vio­lent pro­pa­gan­da. More­over, white suprema­cist extrem­ists are imi­tat­ing Salafi-Jihadist groups like Al-Qae­da and the Islam­ic State, and many are tak­ing advan­tage of inter­na­tion­al con­flicts – such as the con­flict in Ukraine — to expand the glob­al white suprema­cy move­ment
    https://thesoufancenter.org/research/white-supremacy-extremism-the-transnational-rise-of-the-violent-white-supremacist-movement/

    Police raid far-right group plan­ning attacks on ‘politi­cians, asy­lum seek­ers and Mus­lims’ to bring about ‘a civ­il war-like sit­u­a­tion’ in Ger­many
    • Police car­ried out raids on 13 loca­tions across six states in Ger­many on Fri­day 
    • Heav­i­ly-armed offi­cers tar­get­ed far-right ter­ror group aim­ing to cause ‘civ­il war’ 
    • Group planned attacks on politi­cians, asy­lum seek­ers and Mus­lims, offi­cers said 
    • 12 out of 13 sus­pects, includ­ing a police work­er, were arrest­ed dur­ing the raids 

    By AFP
    PUBLISHED: 06:52 EST, 14 Feb­ru­ary 2020 | UPDATED: 08:32 EST, 14 Feb­ru­ary 2020

    Police in Ger­many have car­ried out raids against a far-right ter­ror group that planned to cre­ate a ‘civ­il war’ with attacks on politi­cians, asy­lum seek­ers and Mus­lims.  

    Offi­cers, includ­ing heav­i­ly armed spe­cial­ist units, hit 13 loca­tions across six states on Fri­day tar­get­ing the group’s five found­ing mem­bers and eight sup­port­ers.

    Twelve of the thir­teen sus­pects, includ­ing a police admin­is­tra­tion work­er, were arrest­ed dur­ing the raids. Police said the men are aged between 20 and 50. 

    Pros­e­cu­tors said the police work­er was imme­di­ate­ly sus­pend­ed and barred from enter­ing police precincts while the inves­ti­ga­tion is ongo­ing. 

    Inves­ti­ga­tors say the group, which they did not name, was found­ed in Sep­tem­ber 2019 by the five main sus­pects after they met online.

    They planned to cre­ate ‘a civ­il-war-like sit­u­a­tion via as yet unde­fined attacks on politi­cians, asy­lum seek­ers and peo­ple of Mus­lim faith,’ police said.

    The group’s ulti­mate aim was ‘to shake the state and social order in Ger­many and in the end to over­turn it,’ inves­ti­ga­tors say.

    Along­side the five prime sus­pects, the eight sup­port­ers ‘are believed to have agreed to pro­vide finan­cial sup­port, pro­cure weapons or take part in future attacks,’ pros­e­cu­tors said.
    The men had estab­lished an online chat-room where they dis­cussed their plans and swapped images of weapons they claimed to have man­u­fac­tured at home.

    Police say they launched their raids in order to con­firm whether the weapons were real, or images that had been faked.

    Police did not imme­di­ate­ly say whether any weapons were recov­ered.  

    The raids took place in the states of Baden-Würt­tem­berg, Bavaria, Low­er Sax­ony, North Rhine-West­phalia, Rhineland-Palati­nate and Sax­ony-Anhalt.

    The home of a non-sus­pect was also searched in Bavaria. 

    Ger­man author­i­ties have turned increased atten­tion to the coun­try’s under­ground extreme right scene since the mur­der of con­ser­v­a­tive local politi­cian Wal­ter Lue­bcke last June and an Octo­ber attack on a syn­a­gogue in east­ern city Halle.

    Sus­pects arrest­ed in both cas­es have ties to the extreme right.

    Inte­ri­or min­is­ter Horst See­hofer announced in Decem­ber 600 new posts across the fed­er­al police and domes­tic secu­ri­ty ser­vices to track far-right extrem­ist threats, cit­ing a grow­ing dan­ger.

    At the time, fed­er­al police said they had iden­ti­fied 48 peo­ple on the extreme right as ‘dan­ger­ous’ indi­vid­u­als who could car­ry out an attack.

    https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-8004015/Police-raid-far-right-group-planning-cause-civil-war-Germany.html

    Posted by Mary Benton | February 16, 2020, 8:57 am
  10. Is Ger­many’s mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment heav­i­ly infil­trat­ed by an inter­na­tion­al neo-Nazi net­work plot­ting for the day Ger­man democ­ra­cy dies? If the recent dis­band­ing of an elite Ger­many com­man­do unit is any indi­ca­tion then, yes, Ger­many’s mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment agen­cies are thor­ough­ly infil­trat­ed by a neo-Nazi net­work plot­ting for “Day X”, the far right dream day when Ger­many democ­ra­cy col­laps­es. Because as we’ll see, the sto­ry of the dis­band­ing of KSK, Ger­many’s equiv­a­lent of the Navy Seals, by Ger­many’s defense min­istry announced a cou­ple weeks ago fol­low­ing an inves­ti­ga­tion into charges that elite com­bat unit’s lead­er­ship was open­ly tol­er­at­ing and pro­mot­ing far right extrem­ism is is real­ly the sto­ry of Ger­many offi­cials belat­ed dis­cov­er­ing a much larg­er far right net­work that appears to have been grow­ing in strength for years across all branch­es of the mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment, includ­ing the mil­i­tary counter-intel­li­gence agen­cies tasked with rout­ing out these net­works.

    The inves­ti­ga­tion that result­ed in the dis­band­ing of the KSK was start­ed fol­low­ing reports of a par­ty held at a farm where a large num­ber of KSK sol­diers attend­ed and engaged in open Nazi-like activ­i­ty. It turned out the par­ty was a going away par­ty for one of the lead­ers of the KSK unit. This leader was report­ed­ly quite enthu­si­as­tic in his Nazi chant­i­ng. As we’ll also see, part of the rea­son the dis­band­ing of the elite KSK unit is so dis­turb­ing is that the inves­ti­ga­tion did­n’t just dis­cov­er that a large frac­tion of the unit was involv­ing with this far right net­work. It also dis­cov­ered that large amounts of weapons and ammu­ni­tion and explo­sives are miss­ing from the unit. Like the kinds of explo­sives used to explode build­ing facades on spe­cial mis­sions abroad. So the Ger­many gov­ern­ment dis­cov­ered a net­work of not just high­ly trained extrem­ists but per­haps the most high­ly trained extrem­ists pos­si­ble and they’ve stolen tak­en large amounts of explo­sives:

    The New York Times

    Ger­many Dis­bands Spe­cial Forces Group Taint­ed by Far-Right Extrem­ists

    For years, far-right extrem­ists were tol­er­at­ed inside Germany’s most elite mil­i­tary unit. An under­ground bunker of explo­sives has wok­en the author­i­ties to an alarm­ing prob­lem.

    By Katrin Bennhold
    July 1, 2020

    BERLIN — Germany’s defense min­is­ter announced Wednes­day that she would par­tial­ly dis­band the most elite and high­ly trained spe­cial forces in the coun­try, say­ing it had been infil­trat­ed by far-right extrem­ism.

    The defense min­is­ter, Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer, said one of four fight­ing com­pa­nies inside the spe­cial forces had become so infest­ed with far-right extrem­ism that it would be dis­solved. The rest of the spe­cial forces unit, known by its Ger­man acronym, KSK, has until the end of Octo­ber to over­haul its recruit­ment, train­ing and lead­er­ship prac­tices before being allowed to rejoin any inter­na­tion­al mil­i­tary exer­cis­es or mis­sions.

    “The KSK can­not con­tin­ue in its cur­rent form,” Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer told a news con­fer­ence, describ­ing “an unhealthy elit­ism” and “tox­ic lead­er­ship” inside the unit, which, she added, had “devel­oped and pro­mot­ed extrem­ist ten­den­cies.”

    The announce­ment came six weeks after inves­ti­ga­tors dis­cov­ered a trove of Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia and an exten­sive arse­nal of stolen ammu­ni­tion and explo­sives on the prop­er­ty of a sergeant major who had served in the KSK since 2001.

    His com­pa­ny is at the cen­ter of a long-run­ning con­tro­ver­sy over a noto­ri­ous par­ty three years ago, where sol­diers were report­ed to have flashed Hitler salutes and lis­tened to neo-Nazi rock music.

    The raid high­light­ed “a new qual­i­ty” of far-right extrem­ism among those trained and armed to pro­tect Germany’s democ­ra­cy, Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said. Since then, mil­i­tary lead­ers and politi­cians have rolled out a flur­ry of ini­tia­tives, which crit­ics said were long over­due.

    A com­mit­tee was formed to report back on far-right extrem­ism in the spe­cial forces and to pro­pose mea­sures to com­bat it. New leg­is­la­tion was passed to make it eas­i­er to fire far-right sol­diers. And, cru­cial­ly, the KSK and the rest of the mil­i­tary has been ordered to account for miss­ing weapons and ammu­ni­tion.

    Some 48,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion and 62 kilo­grams worth of explo­sives have gone miss­ing from the spe­cial forces, said Gen. Eber­hard Zorn, inspec­tor gen­er­al of the armed forces and co-author of the report on the spe­cial forces that was pre­sent­ed on Wednes­day. The miss­ing weapons and ammu­ni­tion have added to con­cerns that the recent raid was only the tip of the ice­berg.

    The explo­sives in ques­tion were used by the KSK to explode build­ing facades on spe­cial mis­sions abroad, Gen­er­al Zorn said. “This is no small thing,” he added. “It wor­ries me very much.”

    It wor­ries oth­ers, too.

    “Do we have ter­ror­ist cells inside our mil­i­tary? I nev­er thought I would ask that ques­tion, but we have to,” said Patrick Sens­burg, a con­ser­v­a­tive law­mak­er on the intel­li­gence over­sight com­mit­tee and pres­i­dent of the reservist asso­ci­a­tion.

    The com­man­der of the KSK, Gen. Markus Kre­it­mayr, wrote a three-page let­ter to his troops after the recent raid, in which he addressed far-right sol­diers direct­ly: “You don’t deserve our cama­raderie!” he wrote, urg­ing them to leave the unit on their own. “If you don’t, you will real­ize that we will find you and get rid of you!”

    Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said efforts would now be inten­si­fied to deter­mine whether recent and old­er cas­es of extrem­ism were part of a net­work.

    “The prob­a­bil­i­ty that it’s not just iso­lat­ed cas­es but that there are con­nec­tions is obvi­ous and has to be ful­ly inves­ti­gat­ed,” Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said.

    Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer added that she now wants to bet­ter inte­grate the KSK into the wider mil­i­tary to increase over­sight of the unit. Train­ing that had been con­duct­ed sep­a­rate­ly from oth­er units would be opened up, secu­ri­ty checks of new recruits would be inten­si­fied and the num­ber of years sol­diers could serve in the same com­pa­ny would be capped.

    The report pre­sent­ed to the min­is­ter by Gen­er­al Zorn con­clud­ed that parts of the KSK exist­ed out­side the mil­i­tary chain of com­mand. “The KSK, at least in some areas, has become inde­pen­dent in recent years, under the influ­ence of an unhealthy under­stand­ing of elit­ism by indi­vid­ual lead­ers.”

    But the fail­ings were not just inside the KSK, the min­is­ter said. Across the mil­i­tary, ammu­ni­tion and explo­sives have been allowed to go miss­ing.

    Christoph Gramm, the pres­i­dent of mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence, said his agency was cur­rent­ly inves­ti­gat­ing 600 sol­diers, 20 of them in the KSK alone, which has about 1,400 mem­bers.

    ...

    Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer, the defense min­is­ter, said the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence ser­vice, known as the MAD, had failed in its mis­sion to mon­i­tor and detect extrem­ism in recent years.

    “The work of the MAD was not sat­is­fac­to­ry,” she said, adding, “and it’s still not enough.”

    The KSK turns 25 next year. Many hope that it will have root­ed out its far-right extrem­ists by then. “The KSK needs to be our elite for free­dom and democ­ra­cy,” said Eva Högl, the par­lia­men­tary com­mis­sion­er for the armed forces.

    But for that to hap­pen, Ms. Högl said, the author­i­ties have to live up to their recent vows to shine a light in all cor­ners of Germany’s insti­tu­tions.

    Such vows have been made before.

    In the ear­ly 2000s, mem­bers of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, a neo-Nazi ter­ror­ist group, killed nine immi­grants and a police offi­cer over sev­en years. One of the killers was a for­mer sol­dier. Paid infor­mants in the domes­tic intel­li­gence agency helped to hide the group’s lead­ers and to build its net­work. When the case final­ly came to tri­al, it emerged that key files had been shred­ded by the agency.

    Ms. Högl was a mem­ber of the par­lia­men­tary inquiry into what became known as the N.S.U. scan­dal. “Two decades lat­er we still don’t know what the author­i­ties knew,” she said. “This time has got to be dif­fer­ent.”

    ———–

    “Ger­many Dis­bands Spe­cial Forces Group Taint­ed by Far-Right Extrem­ists” by Katrin Bennhold; The New York Times; 07/01/2020

    The raid high­light­ed “a new qual­i­ty” of far-right extrem­ism among those trained and armed to pro­tect Germany’s democ­ra­cy, Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said. Since then, mil­i­tary lead­ers and politi­cians have rolled out a flur­ry of ini­tia­tives, which crit­ics said were long over­due.”

    A “new qual­i­ty” of far right extrem­ism. That’s how the report on the inves­ti­ga­tion of the KSK unit described what it found. Although, in a sense, elite mil­i­tary trained Nazis is kind of an “old qual­i­ty” of far right extrem­ism. There were a lot of mil­i­tary-trained Nazis dur­ing WWII, after all. And this “new qual­i­ty” of far right extrem­ism already has high-grade mil­i­tary explo­sives and the skills to use it. And now how the KSK report­ed­ly oper­at­ed par­tial­ly out­side the Ger­many mil­i­tary chain of com­mand. So the lead­er­ship of this unit was pro­mot­ing far right extrem­ism and oper­at­ing out­side of the mil­i­tary chain of com­mand:

    ...
    A com­mit­tee was formed to report back on far-right extrem­ism in the spe­cial forces and to pro­pose mea­sures to com­bat it. New leg­is­la­tion was passed to make it eas­i­er to fire far-right sol­diers. And, cru­cial­ly, the KSK and the rest of the mil­i­tary has been ordered to account for miss­ing weapons and ammu­ni­tion.

    Some 48,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion and 62 kilo­grams worth of explo­sives have gone miss­ing from the spe­cial forces, said Gen. Eber­hard Zorn, inspec­tor gen­er­al of the armed forces and co-author of the report on the spe­cial forces that was pre­sent­ed on Wednes­day. The miss­ing weapons and ammu­ni­tion have added to con­cerns that the recent raid was only the tip of the ice­berg.

    The explo­sives in ques­tion were used by the KSK to explode build­ing facades on spe­cial mis­sions abroad, Gen­er­al Zorn said. “This is no small thing,” he added. “It wor­ries me very much.”<

    It wor­ries oth­ers, too.

    “Do we have ter­ror­ist cells inside our mil­i­tary? I nev­er thought I would ask that ques­tion, but we have to,” said Patrick Sens­burg, a con­ser­v­a­tive law­mak­er on the intel­li­gence over­sight com­mit­tee and pres­i­dent of the reservist asso­ci­a­tion.

    ...

    The report pre­sent­ed to the min­is­ter by Gen­er­al Zorn con­clud­ed that parts of the KSK exist­ed out­side the mil­i­tary chain of com­mand. “The KSK, at least in some areas, has become inde­pen­dent in recent years, under the influ­ence of an unhealthy under­stand­ing of elit­ism by indi­vid­ual lead­ers.”

    But the fail­ings were not just inside the KSK, the min­is­ter said. Across the mil­i­tary, ammu­ni­tion and explo­sives have been allowed to go miss­ing.
    ...

    And now here’s a more detailed look at what the inves­ti­ga­tion into the KSK dis­cov­ered and the ini­tial 2017 neo-Nazi par­ty at a farm that involved a large num­ber of KSK sol­diers cel­e­brat­ed the retire­ment of one of the KSK lead­ers who was report­ed­ly the most enthu­si­as­tic Nazi. The arti­cle also describes the net­work of safe­hous­es and weapons caches already cre­at­ed by the net­work, along with in-per­son meet­ings where they train and pre­pare for “Day X” when the net­work plans to exec­u­tive its grand plan:

    The New York Times

    As Neo-Nazis Seed Mil­i­tary Ranks, Ger­many Con­fronts ‘an Ene­my With­in’

    After plas­tic explo­sives and Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia were found at an elite sol­dier’s home, Ger­many wor­ries about a prob­lem of far-right infil­tra­tion at the heart of its democ­ra­cy

    By Katrin Bennhold

    Pub­lished July 3, 2020
    Updat­ed July 10, 2020

    CALW, Ger­many — As Ger­many emerged from its coro­n­avirus lock­down in May, police com­man­dos pulled up out­side a rur­al prop­er­ty owned by a sergeant major in the spe­cial forces, the country’s most high­ly trained and secre­tive mil­i­tary unit.

    They brought a dig­ger.

    The sergeant major’s nick­name was Lit­tle Sheep. He was sus­pect­ed of being a neo-Nazi. Buried in the gar­den, the police found two kilo­grams of PETN plas­tic explo­sives, a det­o­na­tor, a fuse, an AK-47, a silencer, two knives, a cross­bow and thou­sands of rounds of ammu­ni­tion, much of it believed to have been stolen from the Ger­man mil­i­tary..

    They also found an SS song­book, 14 edi­tions of a mag­a­zine for for­mer mem­bers of the Waf­fen SS and a host of oth­er Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia.

    “He had a plan,” said Eva Högl, Germany’s par­lia­men­tary com­mis­sion­er for the armed forces. “And he is not the only one.”

    Ger­many has a prob­lem. For years, politi­cians and secu­ri­ty chiefs reject­ed the notion of any far-right infil­tra­tion of the secu­ri­ty ser­vices, speak­ing only of “indi­vid­ual cas­es.” The idea of net­works was dis­missed. The supe­ri­ors of those exposed as extrem­ists were pro­tect­ed. Guns and ammu­ni­tion dis­ap­peared from mil­i­tary stock­piles with no real inves­ti­ga­tion.

    The gov­ern­ment is now wak­ing up. Cas­es of far-right extrem­ists in the mil­i­tary and the police, some hoard­ing weapons and explo­sives, have mul­ti­plied alarm­ing­ly. The nation’s top intel­li­gence offi­cials and senior mil­i­tary com­man­ders are mov­ing to con­front an issue that has become too dan­ger­ous to ignore.

    The prob­lem has deep­ened with the emer­gence of the Alter­na­tive for Ger­many par­ty, or AfD, which legit­imized a far-right ide­ol­o­gy that used the arrival of more than a mil­lion migrants in 2015 — and more recent­ly the coro­n­avirus pan­dem­ic — to engen­der a sense of impend­ing cri­sis.

    Most con­cern­ing to the author­i­ties is that the extrem­ists appear to be con­cen­trat­ed in the mil­i­tary unit that is sup­posed to be the most elite and ded­i­cat­ed to the Ger­man state, the spe­cial forces, known by their Ger­man acronym, the KSK.

    This week, Germany’s defense min­is­ter, Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer, took the dras­tic step of dis­band­ing a fight­ing com­pa­ny in the KSK con­sid­ered infest­ed with extrem­ists. Lit­tle Sheep, the sergeant major whose weapons stash was uncov­ered in May, was a mem­ber.

    Some 48,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion and 62 kilo­grams, or about 137 pounds, of explo­sives have dis­ap­peared from the KSK alto­geth­er, she said.

    Germany’s mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency is now inves­ti­gat­ing more than 600 sol­diers for far-right extrem­ism, out of 184,000 in the mil­i­tary. Some 20 of them are in the KSK, a pro­por­tion that is five times high­er than in oth­er units.

    But the Ger­man author­i­ties are con­cerned that the prob­lem may be far larg­er and that oth­er secu­ri­ty insti­tu­tions have been infil­trat­ed as well. Over the past 13 months, far-right ter­ror­ists have assas­si­nat­ed a politi­cian, attacked a syn­a­gogue and shot dead nine immi­grants and Ger­man descen­dants of immi­grants.

    Thomas Halden­wang, pres­i­dent of Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, has iden­ti­fied far-right extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism as the “biggest dan­ger to Ger­man democ­ra­cy today.”

    In inter­views I con­duct­ed over the course of the year with mil­i­tary and intel­li­gence offi­cials, and avowed far-right mem­bers them­selves, they described nation­wide net­works of cur­rent and for­mer sol­diers and police offi­cers with ties to the far right.

    In many cas­es, sol­diers have used the net­works to pre­pare for when they pre­dict Germany’s demo­c­ra­t­ic order will col­lapse. They call it Day X. Offi­cials wor­ry it is real­ly a pre­text for incit­ing ter­ror­ist acts, or worse, a putsch.

    “For far-right extrem­ists, the prepa­ra­tion of Day X and its pre­cip­i­ta­tion blend into one anoth­er,” Mar­ti­na Ren­ner, a law­mak­er on the home­land secu­ri­ty com­mit­tee of the Ger­man Par­lia­ment, told me.

    The ties, offi­cials say, some­times reach deep into old neo-Nazi net­works and the more pol­ished intel­lec­tu­al scene of the so-called New Right. Extrem­ists are hoard­ing weapons, main­tain­ing safe hous­es, and in some cas­es keep­ing lists of polit­i­cal ene­mies.

    This week yet anoth­er case emerged, of a reservist, now sus­pend­ed, who kept a list with cell­phone num­bers and address­es of 17 promi­nent politi­cians, who have been alert­ed. The case led to at least nine oth­er raids across the coun­try on Fri­day.

    Some Ger­man news media have referred to a “shad­ow army,” draw­ing par­al­lels to the 1920s, when nation­al­ist cells with­in the mil­i­tary hoard­ed arms, plot­ted coups and con­spired to over­throw democ­ra­cy.

    Most offi­cials still reject this anal­o­gy. But the strik­ing lack of under­stand­ing of the num­bers involved, even at the high­est lev­els of the gov­ern­ment, has con­tributed to a deep unease.

    “Once they real­ly start­ed look­ing, they found a lot of cas­es,” said Kon­stan­tin von Notz, deputy pres­i­dent of the intel­li­gence over­sight com­mit­tee in the Ger­man Par­lia­ment. “When you have hun­dreds of indi­vid­ual cas­es it begins to look like we have a struc­tur­al prob­lem. It is extreme­ly wor­ry­ing.”

    Mr. von Notz point­ed out that Bren­dan Tar­rant, who mas­sa­cred 51 Mus­lim wor­shipers last year at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, had trav­eled Europe a year ear­li­er and includ­ed an omi­nous line in his man­i­festo.

    “I would esti­mate the num­ber of sol­diers in Euro­pean armed forces that also belong to nation­al­ist groups to num­ber in the hun­dreds of thou­sands, with just as many employed in law enforce­ment posi­tions,” Mr. Tar­rant had writ­ten.

    Inves­ti­ga­tors, Mr. von Notz said, “should take these words seri­ous­ly.”

    But inves­ti­gat­ing the prob­lem is itself fraught: Even the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency, charged with mon­i­tor­ing extrem­ism inside the armed forces, may be infil­trat­ed.

    A high-rank­ing inves­ti­ga­tor in the extrem­ism unit was sus­pend­ed in June after shar­ing con­fi­den­tial mate­r­i­al from the May raid with a con­tact in the KSK, who in turn passed it on to at least eight oth­er sol­diers, tip­ping them off that the agency might turn its atten­tion to them next.

    “If the very peo­ple who are meant to pro­tect our democ­ra­cy are plot­ting against it, we have a big prob­lem,” said Stephan Kramer, pres­i­dent of the domes­tic intel­li­gence agency in the state of Thuringia. “How do you find them?”

    “These are bat­tle-hard­ened men who know how to evade sur­veil­lance because they are trained in con­duct­ing sur­veil­lance them­selves,” he added.

    “What we are deal­ing with is an ene­my with­in.”

    Inside the ‘Shoot House’

    The air inside the “shoot house” smelled acrid, so many live rounds had been fired.

    I was stand­ing in the shoot­ing range on the out­skirts of the sleepy Ger­man town of Calw, in the Black For­est region, hav­ing been invit­ed ear­ly this year for a rare vis­it inside the KSK’s base, the most heav­i­ly guard­ed in the coun­try.

    A cam­ou­flaged sol­dier with a G36 assault rifle crouched along a bro­ken door frame. Two shad­ows popped up. The sol­dier fired four times — head, tor­so, head, tor­so — then went on to sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly elim­i­nate two dozen oth­er “ene­mies.” He did not miss once.

    The KSK are Germany’s answer to the Navy Seals. But these days their com­man­der, Gen. Markus Kre­it­mayr, an affa­ble Bavar­i­an who has done tours in Bosnia, Koso­vo and Afghanistan, is a man divid­ed between his loy­al­ty to them and rec­og­niz­ing that he has a seri­ous prob­lem on his hands.

    The gen­er­al was late for our inter­view. He had just spent four hours ques­tion­ing a mem­ber of his unit about a par­ty where half a dozen KSK sol­diers were report­ed to have flashed Hitler salutes.

    “I can’t explain why there are alleged­ly so many cas­es of ‘far-right extrem­ism’ in the mil­i­tary,” he said. The KSK is “clear­ly more affect­ed than oth­ers, that appears to be a fact.”

    It was nev­er easy to be a sol­dier in post­war Ger­many. Giv­en its Nazi his­to­ry and the destruc­tion it foist­ed on Europe in World War II, the coun­try main­tains a con­flict­ed rela­tion­ship to its mil­i­tary.

    For decades, Ger­many tried to forge a force that rep­re­sent­ed a demo­c­ra­t­ic soci­ety and its val­ues. But in 2011 it abol­ished con­scrip­tion and moved to a vol­un­teer force. As a result, the mil­i­tary increas­ing­ly reflects not the broad soci­ety, but a nar­row­er slice of it.

    Gen­er­al Kre­it­mayr said that “a big per­cent­age” of his sol­diers are east­ern Ger­mans, a region where the AfD does dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly well. Rough­ly half the men on the list of KSK mem­bers sus­pect­ed of being far-right extrem­ists are also from the east, he added.

    The gen­er­al has called the cur­rent cri­sis in the unit “the most dif­fi­cult phase in its his­to­ry.”

    In our inter­view, he said that he could not rule out a sig­nif­i­cant degree of infil­tra­tion from the far right. “I don’t know if there is a shad­ow army in Ger­many,” he told me.

    “But I am wor­ried,” he said, “and not just as the com­man­der of the KSK, but as a cit­i­zen — that in the end some­thing like that does exist and that maybe our peo­ple are part of it.”

    Offi­cials talk of a per­cep­ti­ble shift “in val­ues” among new recruits. In con­ver­sa­tions, the sol­diers them­selves, who could not be iden­ti­fied under the unit’s guide­lines, said that if there was a tip­ping point in the unit, it came with the migrant cri­sis of 2015.

    As hun­dreds of thou­sands of asy­lum seek­ers from Syr­ia and Afghanistan were mak­ing their way to Ger­many, the mood on the base was anx­ious, they recalled.

    “We are sol­diers who are charged with defend­ing this coun­try and then they just opened the bor­ders, no con­trol,” one offi­cer recalled. “We were at the lim­it.”

    It was in this atmos­phere that a 30-year-old KSK sol­dier from Halle, in east­ern Ger­many, set up a Telegram chat net­work for sol­diers, police offi­cers and oth­ers unit­ed in their belief that the migrants would destroy the coun­try.

    His name was André Schmitt. But he goes by the nick­name Han­ni­bal.

    Hannibal’s Net­work

    In a house in rur­al west­ern Ger­many, behind a cur­tain of iron chains and past the cross­bow in the hall, a dun­geon­like room bathed in pur­ple light opens into a bar area. An over­sized image of a naked woman dom­i­nates the back wall.

    It was there that I met Mr. Schmitt ear­ly this year. He gave per­mis­sion for his name to be used, but did not want the loca­tion dis­closed or any pho­tographs.

    He left active ser­vice last Sep­tem­ber after stolen train­ing grenades were found at a build­ing belong­ing to his par­ents. But, he says, he still has his net­work: “Spe­cial forces, intel­li­gence, busi­ness exec­u­tives, Freema­sons,” he said. They meet here reg­u­lar­ly. The house, he says, is owned by a wealthy sup­port­er.

    “The forces are like a big fam­i­ly,” Mr. Schmitt told me, “every­one knows each oth­er.”

    When he set up his Telegram chats in 2015, he did so geo­graph­i­cal­ly — north, south, east, west — just like the Ger­man mil­i­tary. In par­al­lel, he ran a group called Uniter, an orga­ni­za­tion for secu­ri­ty-relat­ed pro­fes­sion­als that pro­vides social ben­e­fits but also para­mil­i­tary train­ing.

    Sev­er­al for­mer mem­bers of his chats are now under inves­ti­ga­tion by pros­e­cu­tors for plot­ting ter­ror­ism. Some were order­ing body bags. One faces tri­al.

    Mr. Schmitt’s sit­u­a­tion is more com­plex. He acknowl­edged serv­ing as an informer on the KSK for the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency in mid-2017, when he met reg­u­lar­ly with a liai­son offi­cer. Today the mil­i­tary is pay­ing for him to get a busi­ness degree.

    He him­self was nev­er named a sus­pect. Ger­man offi­cials denied that they pro­tect­ed him. But this week the domes­tic intel­li­gence agency announced that it was plac­ing his cur­rent net­work, Uniter, under sur­veil­lance.

    The author­i­ties first stum­bled onto his chats in 2017 while inves­ti­gat­ing a sol­dier in the net­work who was sus­pect­ed of orga­niz­ing a ter­ror plot.

    Inves­ti­ga­tors are now look­ing into whether the chats and Uniter were the ear­ly skele­ton of a nation­wide far-right net­work that has infil­trat­ed state insti­tu­tions. As yet, they can­not say. The New York Times obtained police state­ments by Mr. Schmitt and oth­ers in his net­work relat­ed to the 2017 case.

    Ini­tial­ly, Mr. Schmitt and oth­er mem­bers say, the chats were about shar­ing infor­ma­tion, much of it about the sup­posed threats posed by migrants, which Mr. Schmitt admit­ted to the police he had inflat­ed to “moti­vate” peo­ple.

    “It was about inter­nal unrest because of sleep­er cells and world­wide extrem­ist groups, gang for­ma­tions, ter­ror­ist threats,” Mr. Schmitt told the police.

    The chats were pop­u­lar among KSK sol­diers. Mr. Schmitt said he count­ed 69 of his com­rades in the net­work in 2015.

    A fel­low KSK sol­dier, iden­ti­fied by inves­ti­ga­tors as Robert P., but known as Petrus, who ran two of the chats, told the police two years lat­er that it might have been more than twice that: “I have to say, pre­sum­ably half the unit was in there.”

    Soon the chats mor­phed from a plat­form for shar­ing infor­ma­tion to one ded­i­cat­ed to prepar­ing for Day X. Sip­ping min­er­al water, Mr. Schmitt described this as “war gam­ing.” He por­trayed a Europe under threat from gangs, Islamists and Antifa. He called them “ene­my troops on our ground.”

    His net­work helped mem­bers get ready to respond to what he por­trayed as an inevitable con­flict, some­times act­ing on their own.

    “Day X is per­son­al,” he said. “For one guy it’s this day, for anoth­er guy it’s anoth­er day.”

    ‘‘It’s the day you acti­vate your plans,” he said.

    Chat mem­bers met in per­son, worked out what pro­vi­sions and weapons to stock­pile, and where to keep safe hous­es. Dozens were iden­ti­fied. One was the mil­i­tary base in Calw itself. They prac­ticed how to rec­og­nize each oth­er, using mil­i­tary code, at “pick­up points” where mem­bers could gath­er on Day X. One was the mil­i­tary base in Calw itself. They prac­ticed how to rec­og­nize each oth­er, using mil­i­tary code, at “pick­up points” where mem­bers could gath­er on Day X.

    The sense of urgency grew.

    On March 21, 2016, a chat mem­ber, iden­ti­fied only as Matze, wrote about a pick­up point near Nurem­berg. There were, he wrote, “suf­fi­cient weapons and ammo present to bat­tle one’s way on.”

    Lat­er that year, Mr. Schmitt sent a mes­sage to oth­ers in the chat net­work. In the pre­vi­ous 18 months, he wrote, they had gath­ered “2,000 like-mind­ed peo­ple” in Ger­many and abroad.

    When I met him, Mr. Schmitt called it “a glob­al like-mind­ed broth­er­hood.”

    He denies ever plan­ning to bring about Day X, but he is still con­vinced that it will come, maybe soon­er rather than lat­er with the pan­dem­ic.

    “We know thanks to our sources in the banks and in the intel­li­gence ser­vices that at the lat­est by the end of Sep­tem­ber the big eco­nom­ic crash will come,” he said in a fol­low-up phone call this week.

    “There will be insol­ven­cies and mass unem­ploy­ment,” he proph­e­sied. “Peo­ple will take to the street.”

    Pig Heads and Hitler Salutes

    One night in 2017, Lit­tle Sheep, the sergeant major whose weapons stash was uncov­ered in May, was among about 70 KSK sol­diers of Sec­ond Com­pa­ny who had gath­ered at a mil­i­tary shoot­ing range.

    Inves­ti­ga­tors have iden­ti­fied him only as Philipp Sch. He and the oth­ers had orga­nized a spe­cial leav­ing par­ty for a lieu­tenant colonel, a man cel­e­brat­ed as a war hero for shoot­ing his way out of an ambush in Afghanistan while car­ry­ing one of his men.

    The colonel, an impos­ing man cov­ered in Cyril­lic tat­toos who enjoys cage-fight­ing in his spare time, had to com­plete an obsta­cle course. It involved hack­ing apart tree trunks and throw­ing sev­ered pig heads.

    As a prize, his men had flown in a woman. But the colonel end­ed up dead drunk. The woman, rather than being his tro­phy, went to the police.

    Stand­ing by the fire with a hand­ful of sol­diers, she had wit­nessed them singing neo-Nazi lyrics and rais­ing their right arm. One man stood out for his enthu­si­asm, she recalled in a tele­vised report by the pub­lic broad­cast­er ARD. She called him the “Nazi grand­pa.”

    Though just 45, “the Nazi grand­pa” was Lit­tle Sheep, who had joined the KSK in 2001.

    In the three years since the par­ty, the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence ser­vice kept an eye on the sergeant major. But that did not stop the KSK from pro­mot­ing him to the high­est pos­si­ble non­com­mis­sioned offi­cer rank.

    The han­dling of the case fit a pat­tern, sol­diers and offi­cials say.

    In June, a KSK sol­dier addressed a 12-page let­ter to the defense min­is­ter, plead­ing for an inves­ti­ga­tion into what he described as a “tox­ic cul­ture of accep­tance” and “cul­ture of fear” inside the unit. Tips about extrem­ist com­rades were “col­lec­tive­ly ignored or even tol­er­at­ed.” One of his instruc­tors had likened the KSK to the Waf­fen SS, the sol­dier wrote.

    The instruc­tor, a lieu­tenant colonel, was him­self on the radar for far-right lean­ings since 2007, when he wrote a threat­en­ing email to anoth­er sol­dier. “You are being watched, no, not by impo­tent instru­men­tal­ized agen­cies, but by offi­cers of a new gen­er­a­tion, who will act when the times demand it,” it read. “Long live the holy Ger­many.”

    The KSK com­man­der at the time did not sus­pend the lieu­tenant. He mere­ly dis­ci­plined him. I asked Gen­er­al Kre­it­mayr, who took over com­mand in 2018, about the case.

    “Look, today in the year 2020, with all the knowl­edge that we have, we look at the email from 2007 and say, ‘It’s obvi­ous,’” he told me.

    “But at that time we only thought: Man, what’s wrong with him? He should pull him­self togeth­er.”

    The Hall­way of His­to­ry

    The back door of the main build­ing on the base in Calw leads into a long cor­ri­dor known as the “hall­way of his­to­ry,” a col­lec­tion of mem­o­ra­bil­ia gath­ered over the KSK’s near­ly 25 years that includes a stuffed Ger­man shep­herd, Kato, who para­chut­ed from 30,000 feet with a com­man­do team.

    Con­spic­u­ous­ly miss­ing is any men­tion of a dis­graced for­mer KSK com­man­der, Gen. Rein­hard Günzel, who was dis­missed after he wrote a 2003 let­ter in sup­port of an anti-Semit­ic speech by a con­ser­v­a­tive law­mak­er.

    Gen­er­al Günzel sub­se­quent­ly pub­lished a book called “Secret War­riors.” In it, he placed the KSK in the tra­di­tion of a noto­ri­ous spe­cial forces unit under the Nazis that com­mit­ted numer­ous war crimes, includ­ing mas­sacres of Jews. He has been a pop­u­lar speak­er at far-right events.

    “What you basi­cal­ly have is one of the found­ing com­man­ders of the KSK becom­ing a promi­nent ide­o­logue of the New Right,” said Chris­t­ian Weiss­ger­ber, a for­mer sol­dier who has writ­ten a book about his own expe­ri­ence of being a neo-Nazi in the mil­i­tary.

    The New Right, which encom­pass­es youth activists, intel­lec­tu­als and the AfD, wor­ries Gen­er­al Kre­it­mayr. The law­mak­er whose anti-Semit­ic com­ments led to Gen­er­al Günzel’s fir­ing all those years ago now sits in the Ger­man Par­lia­ment for the AfD.

    ...

    ————-

    “As Neo-Nazis Seed Mil­i­tary Ranks, Ger­many Con­fronts ‘an Ene­my With­in’ ” by Katrin Bennhold; The New York Times; 07/03/2020

    “The sergeant major’s nick­name was Lit­tle Sheep. He was sus­pect­ed of being a neo-Nazi. Buried in the gar­den, the police found two kilo­grams of PETN plas­tic explo­sives, a det­o­na­tor, a fuse, an AK-47, a silencer, two knives, a cross­bow and thou­sands of rounds of ammu­ni­tion, much of it believed to have been stolen from the Ger­man mil­i­tary..”

    They did­n’t dis­cov­er a neo-Nazi mil­i­tary net­work. They dis­cov­ered a neo-Nazi mil­i­tary net­work that had been steal­ing and hid­ing mil­i­tary weapons and ammu­ni­tion for years. And while the Ger­man gov­ern­ment has dis­cov­ered the exis­tence of these stores of stolen weapons and explo­sives, they haven’t actu­al­ly dis­cov­ered where these stores are all locat­ed. The weapons are still sit­ting there, wait­ing for “Day X”. And that’s why Thomas Halden­wang, pres­i­dent of Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, iden­ti­fied far right extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism as the “biggest dan­ger to Ger­man democ­ra­cy today”:

    ...
    Some 48,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion and 62 kilo­grams, or about 137 pounds, of explo­sives have dis­ap­peared from the KSK alto­geth­er, she said.

    Germany’s mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency is now inves­ti­gat­ing more than 600 sol­diers for far-right extrem­ism, out of 184,000 in the mil­i­tary. Some 20 of them are in the KSK, a pro­por­tion that is five times high­er than in oth­er units.

    But the Ger­man author­i­ties are con­cerned that the prob­lem may be far larg­er and that oth­er secu­ri­ty insti­tu­tions have been infil­trat­ed as well. Over the past 13 months, far-right ter­ror­ists have assas­si­nat­ed a politi­cian, attacked a syn­a­gogue and shot dead nine immi­grants and Ger­man descen­dants of immi­grants.

    Thomas Halden­wang, pres­i­dent of Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, has iden­ti­fied far-right extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism as the “biggest dan­ger to Ger­man democ­ra­cy today.”

    In inter­views I con­duct­ed over the course of the year with mil­i­tary and intel­li­gence offi­cials, and avowed far-right mem­bers them­selves, they described nation­wide net­works of cur­rent and for­mer sol­diers and police offi­cers with ties to the far right.

    In many cas­es, sol­diers have used the net­works to pre­pare for when they pre­dict Germany’s demo­c­ra­t­ic order will col­lapse. They call it Day X. Offi­cials wor­ry it is real­ly a pre­text for incit­ing ter­ror­ist acts, or worse, a putsch.

    “For far-right extrem­ists, the prepa­ra­tion of Day X and its pre­cip­i­ta­tion blend into one anoth­er,” Mar­ti­na Ren­ner, a law­mak­er on the home­land secu­ri­ty com­mit­tee of the Ger­man Par­lia­ment, told me.

    The ties, offi­cials say, some­times reach deep into old neo-Nazi net­works and the more pol­ished intel­lec­tu­al scene of the so-called New Right. Extrem­ists are hoard­ing weapons, main­tain­ing safe hous­es, and in some cas­es keep­ing lists of polit­i­cal ene­mies.
    ...

    And note how one of the found­ing offi­cers of the KSK went on to become an open Nazi and wrote a book that placed the KSK in the tra­di­tion of the SS. So KSK has been pro­mot­ed as a unit for Nazi sym­pa­thiz­ers for years from one of its found­ing mem­bers:

    ...
    The Hall­way of His­to­ry

    The back door of the main build­ing on the base in Calw leads into a long cor­ri­dor known as the “hall­way of his­to­ry,” a col­lec­tion of mem­o­ra­bil­ia gath­ered over the KSK’s near­ly 25 years that includes a stuffed Ger­man shep­herd, Kato, who para­chut­ed from 30,000 feet with a com­man­do team.

    Con­spic­u­ous­ly miss­ing is any men­tion of a dis­graced for­mer KSK com­man­der, Gen. Rein­hard Günzel, who was dis­missed after he wrote a 2003 let­ter in sup­port of an anti-Semit­ic speech by a con­ser­v­a­tive law­mak­er.

    Gen­er­al Günzel sub­se­quent­ly pub­lished a book called “Secret War­riors.” In it, he placed the KSK in the tra­di­tion of a noto­ri­ous spe­cial forces unit under the Nazis that com­mit­ted numer­ous war crimes, includ­ing mas­sacres of Jews. He has been a pop­u­lar speak­er at far-right events.

    “What you basi­cal­ly have is one of the found­ing com­man­ders of the KSK becom­ing a promi­nent ide­o­logue of the New Right,” said Chris­t­ian Weiss­ger­ber, a for­mer sol­dier who has writ­ten a book about his own expe­ri­ence of being a neo-Nazi in the mil­i­tary.

    The New Right, which encom­pass­es youth activists, intel­lec­tu­als and the AfD, wor­ries Gen­er­al Kre­it­mayr. The law­mak­er whose anti-Semit­ic com­ments led to Gen­er­al Günzel’s fir­ing all those years ago now sits in the Ger­man Par­lia­ment for the AfD.
    ...

    But it’s not just the lead­er­ship of the KSK that’s been infil­trat­ed. The entire Ger­man armed forces appear to be infil­trat­ed, includ­ing the mil­i­tary counter-intel­li­gence unit that’s in charge with inves­ti­gat­ing dan­gers and was instead appar­ent­ly tip­ping off KSK about upcom­ing raids:

    ...
    But inves­ti­gat­ing the prob­lem is itself fraught: Even the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency, charged with mon­i­tor­ing extrem­ism inside the armed forces, may be infil­trat­ed.

    A high-rank­ing inves­ti­ga­tor in the extrem­ism unit was sus­pend­ed in June after shar­ing con­fi­den­tial mate­r­i­al from the May raid with a con­tact in the KSK, who in turn passed it on to at least eight oth­er sol­diers, tip­ping them off that the agency might turn its atten­tion to them next.

    “If the very peo­ple who are meant to pro­tect our democ­ra­cy are plot­ting against it, we have a big prob­lem,” said Stephan Kramer, pres­i­dent of the domes­tic intel­li­gence agency in the state of Thuringia. “How do you find them?”

    “These are bat­tle-hard­ened men who know how to evade sur­veil­lance because they are trained in con­duct­ing sur­veil­lance them­selves,” he added.

    “What we are deal­ing with is an ene­my with­in.”
    ...

    Also note chan­nels how were set up by mem­bers of KSK on the encrypt­ed mes­sage plat­form, Telegram, for coor­di­nat­ing with fel­low Nazis in oth­er branch­es of ser­vice and civil­ian agen­cies. It makes it sound like KSK is play­ing a lead­ing role in this broad­er net­work. One of the mem­bers of the group esti­mat­ed that around half of his KSK unit was a mem­ber of the chat. Keep in mind we’re talk­ing about a unit of 1,400 sol­diers. So 700 or so of them were mem­bers of that Telegram cha­t­room and yet we’re told only 20 mem­bers of KSK are being inves­ti­gat­ed for far right extrem­ism. It’s a reminder that the defense min­istry is essen­tial­ly dis­solv­ing and reform­ing the KSK unit because extrem­ism was so wild­ly wide­spread there were too many peo­ple to indi­vid­u­al­ly inves­ti­gate. But it also rais­es the ques­tion of whether or not the rem­formed KSK is going to mean­ing­ful­ly purged of extrem­ists:

    ...
    Offi­cials talk of a per­cep­ti­ble shift “in val­ues” among new recruits. In con­ver­sa­tions, the sol­diers them­selves, who could not be iden­ti­fied under the unit’s guide­lines, said that if there was a tip­ping point in the unit, it came with the migrant cri­sis of 2015.

    As hun­dreds of thou­sands of asy­lum seek­ers from Syr­ia and Afghanistan were mak­ing their way to Ger­many, the mood on the base was anx­ious, they recalled.

    “We are sol­diers who are charged with defend­ing this coun­try and then they just opened the bor­ders, no con­trol,” one offi­cer recalled. “We were at the lim­it.”

    It was in this atmos­phere that a 30-year-old KSK sol­dier from Halle, in east­ern Ger­many, set up a Telegram chat net­work for sol­diers, police offi­cers and oth­ers unit­ed in their belief that the migrants would destroy the coun­try.

    His name was André Schmitt. But he goes by the nick­name Han­ni­bal.

    Hannibal’s Net­work

    In a house in rur­al west­ern Ger­many, behind a cur­tain of iron chains and past the cross­bow in the hall, a dun­geon­like room bathed in pur­ple light opens into a bar area. An over­sized image of a naked woman dom­i­nates the back wall.

    It was there that I met Mr. Schmitt ear­ly this year. He gave per­mis­sion for his name to be used, but did not want the loca­tion dis­closed or any pho­tographs.

    He left active ser­vice last Sep­tem­ber after stolen train­ing grenades were found at a build­ing belong­ing to his par­ents. But, he says, he still has his net­work: “Spe­cial forces, intel­li­gence, busi­ness exec­u­tives, Freema­sons,” he said. They meet here reg­u­lar­ly. The house, he says, is owned by a wealthy sup­port­er.

    “The forces are like a big fam­i­ly,” Mr. Schmitt told me, “every­one knows each oth­er.”

    When he set up his Telegram chats in 2015, he did so geo­graph­i­cal­ly — north, south, east, west — just like the Ger­man mil­i­tary. In par­al­lel, he ran a group called Uniter, an orga­ni­za­tion for secu­ri­ty-relat­ed pro­fes­sion­als that pro­vides social ben­e­fits but also para­mil­i­tary train­ing.

    ...

    Inves­ti­ga­tors are now look­ing into whether the chats and Uniter were the ear­ly skele­ton of a nation­wide far-right net­work that has infil­trat­ed state insti­tu­tions. As yet, they can­not say. The New York Times obtained police state­ments by Mr. Schmitt and oth­ers in his net­work relat­ed to the 2017 case.

    ...

    The chats were pop­u­lar among KSK sol­diers. Mr. Schmitt said he count­ed 69 of his com­rades in the net­work in 2015.

    A fel­low KSK sol­dier, iden­ti­fied by inves­ti­ga­tors as Robert P., but known as Petrus, who ran two of the chats, told the police two years lat­er that it might have been more than twice that: “I have to say, pre­sum­ably half the unit was in there.”

    ...

    Chat mem­bers met in per­son, worked out what pro­vi­sions and weapons to stock­pile, and where to keep safe hous­es. Dozens were iden­ti­fied. One was the mil­i­tary base in Calw itself. They prac­ticed how to rec­og­nize each oth­er, using mil­i­tary code, at “pick­up points” where mem­bers could gath­er on Day X. One was the mil­i­tary base in Calw itself. They prac­ticed how to rec­og­nize each oth­er, using mil­i­tary code, at “pick­up points” where mem­bers could gath­er on Day X.
    ...

    Final­ly, note the exist­ing warm­ing from one of the lead­ers of the Telegram chat rooms: Thanks to the pan­dem­ic “Day X” is com­ing soon­er rather than lat­er, and he bases this on source in in the banks and in the intel­li­gence ser­vices. Now, it’s entire­ly he’s hyp­ing the extent of this net­work. But based on what we’ve seen so far it’s hard to see why we should­n’t assume that this net­work real­ly does have sources in the banks and intel­li­gence ser­vices:

    ...
    When I met him, Mr. Schmitt called it “a glob­al like-mind­ed broth­er­hood.”

    He denies ever plan­ning to bring about Day X, but he is still con­vinced that it will come, maybe soon­er rather than lat­er with the pan­dem­ic.

    “We know thanks to our sources in the banks and in the intel­li­gence ser­vices that at the lat­est by the end of Sep­tem­ber the big eco­nom­ic crash will come,” he said in a fol­low-up phone call this week.

    “There will be insol­ven­cies and mass unem­ploy­ment,” he proph­e­sied. “Peo­ple will take to the street.”

    ...

    So we’re going to see what hap­pens with Ger­many’s seem­ing­ly sud­den dis­cov­ery of a vast and well-armed neo-Nazi ter­ror­ist net­work oper­at­ing across its mil­i­tary and gov­ern­ment bureau­cra­cies. Will there be exten­sive fol­lowup inves­ti­gat­ing and fur­ther rev­e­la­tions? Or will this all just kind of fall down the mem­o­ry hole again? We’ll pre­sum­ably get an idea when the KSK is even­tu­al­ly reformed...or dur­ing “Day X” when all the undis­man­tled neo-Nazi net­works pop up and start mass ter­ror­iz­ing every­one.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 14, 2020, 2:24 pm
  11. Giv­en all of the under­stand­able con­cern that the US is on the verge of hav­ing Pres­i­dent Trump unleash some sort of far right insur­rec­tion to stay in pow­er — con­cerns that have only grown fol­low­ing the thwart­ing of a mili­tia plot to kid­nap the gov­er­nor of Michi­gan and start a civ­il war — here’s a pair of arti­cle that remind us that Ger­many is con­tin­u­ing to expe­ri­ence its own grow­ing threat of a far right insur­rec­tion with exten­sive help from high up in the gov­ern­ment.

    First, here’s an arti­cle about from late Sep­tem­ber about the dis­missal of Christof Gramm, the head of Ger­many’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence ser­vices (MAD), fol­low­ing the rev­e­la­tion this sum­mer that large stores of weapons and explo­sives were miss­ing from mil­i­tary stores due to years of pil­fer­ing by an exten­sive neo-Nazi net­work that infil­trat­ed of Ger­many’s mil­i­tary, includ­ing its elite spe­cial forces. And the infil­tra­tion of those elite units includ­ed the top lead­er­ship of these units and the mil­i­tary intel­li­gence units tasked k with watch­ing out for extrem­ist infil­tra­tion was itself infil­trat­ed. So Gram­m’s dis­missal was kind of a giv­en at that point and it final­ly hap­pened. The real ques­tion is what comes next and whether or not there’s going to be an mean­ing­ful attempt to purge Ger­many’s mil­i­tary after we learned that the extrem­ist infil­tra­tion is at a far greater lev­el than offi­cials ever imag­ined (at least pub­licly imag­ined) and at this point we’re just get­ting gener­ic pledges to improve the sit­u­a­tion with acknowl­edge­ments that not enough has been done:

    The New York Times

    Ger­many Dis­miss­es Mil­i­tary Intel­li­gence Offi­cial After Neo-Nazi Scan­dals

    After years of play­ing down the risk of far-right infil­tra­tion in the mil­i­tary, polit­i­cal lead­ers are con­fronting an issue that has become too dan­ger­ous to ignore.

    By Katrin Bennhold
    Pub­lished Sept. 24, 2020
    Updat­ed Oct. 2, 2020

    BERLIN — After a series of scan­dals involv­ing far-right extrem­ists in the Ger­man mil­i­tary, the gov­ern­ment on Thurs­day dis­missed the head of its mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence ser­vice, the body tasked with mon­i­tor­ing extrem­ism inside the armed forces.

    Christof Gramm, who has led the agency since 2015, will take ear­ly retire­ment next month, accord­ing to a state­ment by the defense min­istry. A suc­ces­sor has yet to be named.

    It is the lat­est sign that after years of neglect, polit­i­cal lead­ers are mov­ing to con­front an issue that has become too dan­ger­ous to ignore.

    Dur­ing Mr. Gramm’s five years at the helm of the ser­vice, the num­ber of cas­es of far-right extrem­ists inside the mil­i­tary, some hoard­ing weapons and explo­sives, has mul­ti­plied alarm­ing­ly.

    Thursday’s announce­ment came three months after Defense Min­is­ter Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer dis­band­ed one of four fight­ing com­pa­nies in Germany’s elite spe­cial forces, the KSK, because it was con­sid­ered to be rid­dled with extrem­ists.

    Inves­ti­ga­tors had dis­cov­ered a trove of Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia and an exten­sive arse­nal of stolen ammu­ni­tion and explo­sives on the prop­er­ty of a sergeant major who had served in the KSK since 2001. Sev­er­al sol­diers in his com­pa­ny had flashed Hitler salutes and sang Nazi rock at a par­ty, accord­ing to a wit­ness state­ment.

    Over all, the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence ser­vice, known wide­ly by the acronym MAD, is inves­ti­gat­ing more than 600 sol­diers for far-right extrem­ism. Some 48,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion and 62 kilo­grams, or about 137 pounds, of explo­sives have dis­ap­peared from the KSK.

    Offi­cials famil­iar with his depar­ture said that Mr. Gramm’s per­son­al integri­ty was not in doubt. But on his watch — and despite a series of inter­nal reforms — the mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence ser­vice failed in its mis­sion to mon­i­tor and detect extrem­ism.

    Con­cerns about far-right infil­tra­tion even turned to the agency itself: A high-rank­ing inves­ti­ga­tor in its extrem­ism unit was sus­pend­ed in June after shar­ing con­fi­den­tial mate­r­i­al from an inves­ti­ga­tion about a KSK sol­dier with a con­tact inside the KSK.

    “The work of the MAD was not sat­is­fac­to­ry,” Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said in July after the lat­est KSK scan­dal. “It’s still not enough.”

    Thursday’s state­ment acknowl­edged that Mr. Gramm had ini­ti­at­ed some changes that led to “a tan­gi­ble improve­ment” in how the ser­vice oper­at­ed. But there was a need for “addi­tion­al efforts and dynamism” that should be reflect­ed by a change in per­son­nel, the defense min­istry state­ment read.

    The aim now is to tie the agency’s work more close­ly to the far big­ger domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, whose leader has iden­ti­fied far-right extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism as the “biggest dan­ger to Ger­man democ­ra­cy today.”

    ...

    ————

    “Ger­many Dis­miss­es Mil­i­tary Intel­li­gence Offi­cial After Neo-Nazi Scan­dals” by Katrin Bennhold; The New York Times; 09/24/2020

    “Thursday’s announce­ment came three months after Defense Min­is­ter Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer dis­band­ed one of four fight­ing com­pa­nies in Germany’s elite spe­cial forces, the KSK, because it was con­sid­ered to be rid­dled with extrem­ists.”

    Three months after an elite com­man­do unit gets entire­ly dis­band­ed fol­low­ing the dis­cov­ery that it was basi­cal­ly an elite neo-Nazi com­man­do unit we final­ly have the head of the agency tasked with pre­vent­ing exact­ly this sit­u­a­tion step­ping down. So what reforms are under­way? Well, there’s a call from the defense min­istry for “addi­tion­al efforts and dynamism” that should be reflect­ed by a change in per­son­nel, which sounds like a n acknowl­edge­ment that more neo-Nazis and sym­pa­thiz­ers in the mil­i­tary need to be iden­ti­fied and fired. But it also said the aim is for MAD to work more close­ly with Ger­many domes­tic intel­li­gence agency — the Bun­de­samt für Ver­fas­sungss­chutz (BfV) — which is the kind of reform that sug­gests that MAD is so thor­ough­ly infil­trat­ed and cor­rupt that its job needs to be out­sourced. Also recall that it was employ­ees of the BvF who were tip­ping Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground! So hav­ing the MAD work more close­ly with the BfV should­n’t exact­ly be a source of com­fort:

    ...
    Thursday’s state­ment acknowl­edged that Mr. Gramm had ini­ti­at­ed some changes that led to “a tan­gi­ble improve­ment” in how the ser­vice oper­at­ed. But there was a need for “addi­tion­al efforts and dynamism” that should be reflect­ed by a change in per­son­nel, the defense min­istry state­ment read.

    The aim now is to tie the agency’s work more close­ly to the far big­ger domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, whose leader has iden­ti­fied far-right extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism as the “biggest dan­ger to Ger­man democ­ra­cy today.”
    ...

    Next, here’s an arti­cle from last week that pro­vides some impor­tant his­tor­i­cal con­text for the rise of the far right in Ger­many and the recent dis­cov­ery of the weapons and explo­sive stock­piles: It’s been clear from the very begin­ning of Ger­many’s reuni­fi­ca­tion that the for­mer­ly com­mu­nist East Ger­many rep­re­sent­ed an incred­i­ble recruit­ing oppor­tu­ni­ty for the neo-Nazis of West Ger­many and pre­sent­ing all sorts of oppor­tu­ni­ties for secret neo-Nazi train­ing camps and weapons stock­piles, but the pos­si­bil­i­ty of a far right par­ty like AfD return­ing to the par­lia­ment or the exis­tence of domes­tic ter­ror­ist net­works was long-ignored by Ger­many’s lead­er­ship. And here we are:

    The New York Times

    Germany’s Far Right Reuni­fied, Too, Mak­ing It Much Stronger

    Thir­ty years after Ger­many came back togeth­er, the for­mer East has become the strong­hold of a once-mar­gin­al­ized move­ment that now sits in Par­lia­ment.

    By Katrin Bennhold
    Oct. 3, 2020

    BERLIN — They called him the “Führer of Berlin.”

    Ingo Has­sel­bach had been a clan­des­tine neo-Nazi in com­mu­nist East Berlin, but the fall of the Berlin Wall brought him out of the shad­ows. He con­nect­ed with west­ern extrem­ists in the uni­fied city, orga­nized far-right work­shops, fought street bat­tles with left­ists and cel­e­brat­ed Hitler’s birth­day. He dreamed of a far-right par­ty in the par­lia­ment of a reuni­fied Ger­many.

    Today, the far-right par­ty Alter­na­tive for Ger­many, known by its Ger­man ini­tials, AfD, is the main oppo­si­tion in Par­lia­ment. Its lead­ers march side by side with far-right extrem­ists in street protests. And its pow­er base is the for­mer com­mu­nist East.

    “Reuni­fi­ca­tion was a huge boost for the far right,” said Mr. Has­sel­bach, who left the neo-Nazi scene years ago and now helps oth­ers to do the same. “The neo-Nazis were the first ones to be reuni­fied. We laid the foun­da­tion for a par­ty like the AfD. There are things we used to say that have become main­stream today.”

    As it marks the 30th anniver­sary of reuni­fi­ca­tion on Sat­ur­day, Ger­many can right­ly cel­e­brate being an eco­nom­ic pow­er­house and thriv­ing lib­er­al democ­ra­cy. But reuni­fi­ca­tion has anoth­er, rarely men­tioned lega­cy — of uni­fy­ing, empow­er­ing and bring­ing into the open a far-right move­ment that has evolved into a dis­rup­tive polit­i­cal force and a ter­ror­ist threat, not least inside key state insti­tu­tions like the mil­i­tary and police.

    “Today’s far-right extrem­ism in Ger­many can­not be under­stood with­out reuni­fi­ca­tion,” said Matthias Quent, a far-right extrem­ism expert and direc­tor of an insti­tute that stud­ies democ­ra­cy and civ­il soci­ety in the east­ern state of Thuringia. “It lib­er­at­ed the neo-Nazis in the East from their under­ground exis­tence, and it gave the far-right in the West access to a pool of new recruits and whole swathes of ter­ri­to­ry in which to move with­out too much over­sight.”

    For years, Ger­man offi­cials trust­ed that a far-right par­ty could nev­er again be elect­ed into Par­lia­ment and dis­missed the idea of far-right ter­ror­ist net­works. But some now wor­ry that the far-right struc­tures estab­lished in the years after reuni­fi­ca­tion laid the ground­work for a resur­gence that has burst into view over the past 15 months.

    Far-right ter­ror­ists killed a region­al politi­cian on his front porch near the cen­tral city of Kas­sel, attacked a syn­a­gogue in the east­ern city of Halle and shot dead nine peo­ple of immi­grant descent in the west­ern city of Hanau.

    This sum­mer, the gov­ern­ment took the dras­tic step of dis­band­ing an entire mil­i­tary com­pa­ny in the spe­cial forces after explo­sives, a machine gun and SS para­pher­na­lia were found on the prop­er­ty of a sergeant major in the east­ern state of Sax­ony. A dis­pro­por­tion­ate num­ber — about half — of those sus­pect­ed of far-right extrem­ism inside that unit, the KSK, were from the for­mer East, its com­man­der said.

    Nation­al­ism and xeno­pho­bia are more ingrained in the for­mer East, where the mur­der­ous his­to­ry of World War II was nev­er con­front­ed as deeply on a soci­etal lev­el as it was in the for­mer West. The AfD’s vote share is twice as high in the east­ern states, where the num­ber of far-right hate crimes is high­er than in west­ern ones.

    Offi­cial­ly, there were no Nazis in old East Ger­many. The regime defined itself in the tra­di­tion of com­mu­nists who had resist­ed fas­cism, giv­ing rise to a state doc­trine of remem­brance that effec­tive­ly excul­pat­ed it from wartime atroc­i­ties. Far-right mobs who beat up for­eign work­ers from fel­low social­ist states like Cuba or Ango­la were clas­si­fied as “row­dies” led astray by west­ern pro­pa­gan­da.

    But a potent neo-Nazi move­ment was grow­ing under­ground. In 1987, Bernd Wag­n­er, a young police offi­cer in East Berlin, esti­mat­ed that there were 15,000 “home­grown” vio­lent neo-Nazis, of whom 1,000 were repeat offend­ers. His report was swift­ly locked away.

    Two years lat­er, as tens of thou­sands took to the streets in anti-com­mu­nist protests that even­tu­al­ly brought down the regime, the pro-democ­ra­cy activists were not the only marchers.

    “The skin­heads were march­ing, too,” Mr. Wag­n­er recalled.

    The bat­tle cry of those anti-com­mu­nist protests — “We are the peo­ple” — lat­er became the bat­tle cry for the far right at anti-Mus­lim Pegi­da march­es dur­ing the 2015 refugee cri­sis, far-right riots in Chem­nitz in 2018, and again at the cur­rent anti-coro­n­avirus protests.

    Before reuni­fi­ca­tion, the far-right scene in West Ger­many was small and aging, but now west­ern neo-Nazis flocked east to offer “recon­struc­tion aid” and unex­pect­ed­ly found a refuge. Behind the wall, the East had been frozen in time, a large­ly homo­ge­neous white coun­try where nation­al­ism was allowed to live on.

    “The lead­ers of the west­ern scene thought they were in par­adise,” Mr. Has­sel­bach recalled.

    Since then the East has become the home of choice for sev­er­al promi­nent west­ern extrem­ists. Götz Kubitschek, a lead­ing far-right intel­lec­tu­al from Swabia who wants to pre­serve the “eth­no-cul­tur­al iden­ti­ty” of Ger­many, bought a rur­al manor house in the East, which serves as the head­quar­ters for his far-right pub­lish­ing house and research insti­tute. So did Björn Höcke and Andreas Kalb­itz, two west­ern­ers who became lead­ers of the most rad­i­cal fac­tions of the AfD in the for­mer East.

    “The East has become a sort of retreat for the far right,” Mr. Quent said, “a place where Ger­many is still Ger­many and where men are still men.”

    But the infat­u­a­tion with the East is also strate­gic, he said. “There is a sense among far-right extrem­ists: ‘We can’t win in the West, but we can win in the East and then, from a posi­tion of strength, we will take on the West.’”

    Reuni­fi­ca­tion also pro­vid­ed a phys­i­cal space in which far-right mem­bers could move and train. Secret neo-Nazi train­ing camps were held at aban­doned Sovi­et mil­i­tary bases. At one of them, on the island of Rügen in the Baltic Sea, Mr. Has­sel­bach took part in work­shops on forg­ing iden­ti­ty papers, bomb mak­ing, guer­ril­la war­fare and “silent killing.”

    The ini­tial years after reuni­fi­ca­tion were so tumul­tuous that secu­ri­ty ser­vices were inca­pable of con­trol­ling this coa­lesc­ing extrem­ist move­ment.

    “In the east­ern states there was no mature struc­ture for a domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice,” Thomas Halden­wang, the pres­i­dent of the domes­tic intel­li­gence office, said in an inter­view. “The agen­cies in the new states had to be built from noth­ing.”

    Dur­ing the ear­ly 1990s, a wave of racist vio­lence swept through Ger­many, much of it in the East. For­eign­ers were chased, beat­en up and some­times killed. Asy­lum homes were fire­bombed. Bus­es of immi­grants were attacked. Some­times east­ern onlook­ers would watch, clap or join in.

    “You could see that some­thing was shift­ing and not just on the fringes,” said Volkhard Knigge, a his­to­ri­an. “Oth­er­wise the AfD would not be so strong today.

    In the ear­ly 1990s, Mr. Knigge moved east to run the memo­r­i­al at the for­mer con­cen­tra­tion camp in Buchen­wald. He was star­tled by the abun­dance of Nazi mem­o­ra­bil­ia like Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” for sale at flea mar­kets and by the mob of angry young neo-Nazis who would gath­er on the his­toric the­ater square, shout­ing xeno­pho­bic slo­gans.

    “We thought democ­ra­cy had won,” Mr. Knigge said. “The West thought this was the end of his­to­ry. But for nation­al­ists, this was a revi­sion of his­to­ry.”

    Reuni­fi­ca­tion brought two strains of nation­al­ism togeth­er, said Anet­ta Kahane, a Jew­ish anti-racism activist — west­ern-style nation­al­ist con­ser­vatism and a more rad­i­cal east­ern social-rev­o­lu­tion­ary vari­ety. On their own, nei­ther had been pow­er­ful enough to stir a polit­i­cal move­ment.

    “It was the mar­riage of the two that made the AfD pos­si­ble,” said Ms. Kahane, who runs the Amadeu-Anto­nio Foun­da­tion, named after a Black Angolan who was beat­en to death with a base­ball bat by neo-Nazis less than two months after reuni­fi­ca­tion.

    For most Ger­mans, the new cen­tu­ry was defined by progress. Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel, an east­ern­er, has per­son­i­fied west­ern lib­er­al val­ues. When the coun­try was host to the soc­cer World Cup in 2006, a con­fi­dent­ly mul­ti­cul­tur­al Ger­many was on dis­play, in what many at the time called “a sum­mer fairy-tale.”

    “I want­ed to believe that that’s who we are as a coun­try — and I did believe it,” said Tan­jev Schultz, an author and jour­nal­ism pro­fes­sor. “But it wasn’t true.”

    That sum­mer, the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, a far-right ter­ror­ist group that had come out of the extrem­ist net­works formed in East Ger­many, was engaged in an immi­grant killing spree that the police would not dis­cov­er until 2011.

    From 2000 to 2007, the group killed nine immi­grants and a police offi­cer, even as paid inform­ers of the intel­li­gence agency helped hide its lead­ers and build up its net­work.

    Mr. Has­sel­bach said he was not sur­prised to see the recent rev­e­la­tions of far-right infil­tra­tion of secu­ri­ty ser­vices. When he was still a neo-Nazi, he said, friend­ly police offi­cers would warn them before raids or hand them files of left­ist ene­mies.

    It was the dead­ly vio­lence in the ear­ly 1990s that made Mr. Has­sel­bach leave the neo-Nazi scene in 1992. An arson attack on the home of a Turk­ish fam­i­ly killed two girls and their grand­moth­er. He spent years under­ground to escape threats from his for­mer far-right com­pa­tri­ots. Then, with Mr. Wag­n­er, the for­mer east­ern police offi­cer, he co-found­ed Exit Ger­many, an orga­ni­za­tion that helps extrem­ists leave their net­works.

    The for­tunes of the AfD have ebbed and flowed in recent years. Polls show that vot­er sup­port has dipped to around 10 per­cent dur­ing the pan­dem­ic. But the fringes are rad­i­cal­iz­ing, intel­li­gence offi­cers say.

    It wor­ries Mr. Has­sel­bach and Mr. Wag­n­er.

    “The readi­ness to com­mit vio­lence today is greater than it’s ever been,” Mr. Has­sel­bach said.

    ...

    ———–

    “Germany’s Far Right Reuni­fied, Too, Mak­ing It Much Stronger” by Katrin Bennhold; The New York Times; 10/03/2020

    For years, Ger­man offi­cials trust­ed that a far-right par­ty could nev­er again be elect­ed into Par­lia­ment and dis­missed the idea of far-right ter­ror­ist net­works. But some now wor­ry that the far-right struc­tures estab­lished in the years after reuni­fi­ca­tion laid the ground­work for a resur­gence that has burst into view over the past 15 months.”

    Who could ever imag­ine the rise of a Ger­man far right move­ment or the cre­ation of Nazi domes­tic ter­ror net­works? Not Ger­many’s lead­er­ship, appar­ent­ly. It’s an unbe­liev­able lev­el of naivete that gets paired with the repeat­ed rev­e­la­tions of high-lev­el pro­tec­tion of these neo-Nazi net­works. Net­works that have seen an explo­sive growth over since reuni­fi­ca­tion that’s includ­ed using loca­tions like aban­doned Sovi­et mil­i­tary bases to run work­shops on forg­ing iden­ti­ty papers, bomb mak­ing, guer­ril­la war­fare and “silent killing.” It’s a reminder that the net­work of weapons and explo­sive caches that was recent­ly dis­cov­ered to be scat­tered around the coun­try have prob­a­bly been pro­lif­er­at­ing for close to the last three decades:

    ...
    Offi­cial­ly, there were no Nazis in old East Ger­many. The regime defined itself in the tra­di­tion of com­mu­nists who had resist­ed fas­cism, giv­ing rise to a state doc­trine of remem­brance that effec­tive­ly excul­pat­ed it from wartime atroc­i­ties. Far-right mobs who beat up for­eign work­ers from fel­low social­ist states like Cuba or Ango­la were clas­si­fied as “row­dies” led astray by west­ern pro­pa­gan­da.

    But a potent neo-Nazi move­ment was grow­ing under­ground. In 1987, Bernd Wag­n­er, a young police offi­cer in East Berlin, esti­mat­ed that there were 15,000 “home­grown” vio­lent neo-Nazis, of whom 1,000 were repeat offend­ers. His report was swift­ly locked away.

    Two years lat­er, as tens of thou­sands took to the streets in anti-com­mu­nist protests that even­tu­al­ly brought down the regime, the pro-democ­ra­cy activists were not the only marchers.

    “The skin­heads were march­ing, too,” Mr. Wag­n­er recalled.

    The bat­tle cry of those anti-com­mu­nist protests — “We are the peo­ple” — lat­er became the bat­tle cry for the far right at anti-Mus­lim Pegi­da march­es dur­ing the 2015 refugee cri­sis, far-right riots in Chem­nitz in 2018, and again at the cur­rent anti-coro­n­avirus protests.

    ...

    Reuni­fi­ca­tion also pro­vid­ed a phys­i­cal space in which far-right mem­bers could move and train. Secret neo-Nazi train­ing camps were held at aban­doned Sovi­et mil­i­tary bases. At one of them, on the island of Rügen in the Baltic Sea, Mr. Has­sel­bach took part in work­shops on forg­ing iden­ti­ty papers, bomb mak­ing, guer­ril­la war­fare and “silent killing.”

    The ini­tial years after reuni­fi­ca­tion were so tumul­tuous that secu­ri­ty ser­vices were inca­pable of con­trol­ling this coa­lesc­ing extrem­ist move­ment.

    “In the east­ern states there was no mature struc­ture for a domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice,” Thomas Halden­wang, the pres­i­dent of the domes­tic intel­li­gence office, said in an inter­view. “The agen­cies in the new states had to be built from noth­ing.”

    Dur­ing the ear­ly 1990s, a wave of racist vio­lence swept through Ger­many, much of it in the East. For­eign­ers were chased, beat­en up and some­times killed. Asy­lum homes were fire­bombed. Bus­es of immi­grants were attacked. Some­times east­ern onlook­ers would watch, clap or join in.

    “You could see that some­thing was shift­ing and not just on the fringes,” said Volkhard Knigge, a his­to­ri­an. “Oth­er­wise the AfD would not be so strong today.

    ...

    The for­tunes of the AfD have ebbed and flowed in recent years. Polls show that vot­er sup­port has dipped to around 10 per­cent dur­ing the pan­dem­ic. But the fringes are rad­i­cal­iz­ing, intel­li­gence offi­cers say.

    It wor­ries Mr. Has­sel­bach and Mr. Wag­n­er.

    “The readi­ness to com­mit vio­lence today is greater than it’s ever been,” Mr. Has­sel­bach said.
    ...

    And then there’s the pre­vi­ous cas­es of high-lev­el pro­tec­tion of these domes­tic ter­ror net­works like the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground that rais­es the obvi­ous ques­tion of just how clue­less Ger­many’s intel­li­gence ser­vices real­ly were about this threat:

    ...
    For most Ger­mans, the new cen­tu­ry was defined by progress. Chan­cel­lor Angela Merkel, an east­ern­er, has per­son­i­fied west­ern lib­er­al val­ues. When the coun­try was host to the soc­cer World Cup in 2006, a con­fi­dent­ly mul­ti­cul­tur­al Ger­many was on dis­play, in what many at the time called “a sum­mer fairy-tale.”

    “I want­ed to believe that that’s who we are as a coun­try — and I did believe it,” said Tan­jev Schultz, an author and jour­nal­ism pro­fes­sor. “But it wasn’t true.”

    That sum­mer, the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground, a far-right ter­ror­ist group that had come out of the extrem­ist net­works formed in East Ger­many, was engaged in an immi­grant killing spree that the police would not dis­cov­er until 2011.

    From 2000 to 2007, the group killed nine immi­grants and a police offi­cer, even as paid inform­ers of the intel­li­gence agency helped hide its lead­ers and build up its net­work.

    Mr. Has­sel­bach said he was not sur­prised to see the recent rev­e­la­tions of far-right infil­tra­tion of secu­ri­ty ser­vices. When he was still a neo-Nazi, he said, friend­ly police offi­cers would warn them before raids or hand them files of left­ist ene­mies.
    ...

    It’s a chap­ter of Ger­many’s his­to­ry that under­scores the fact that if we are to believe that Ger­many’s gov­ern­ment has­n’t been aware of the grow­ing far right threat in its mil­i­tary we have to assume it has­n’t been aware of this threat for at least the last thir­ty years. Which, of course, is an absurd assump­tion, espe­cial­ly fol­low­ing the dis­cov­ery of the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground. Which is a reminder that the many dis­turb­ing ques­tions raised by the recent dis­cov­ery of neo-Nazis in Ger­many’s mil­i­tary about the extent of far right infil­tra­tion in Ger­many’s mil­i­tary lead­er­ship should real­ly be extend­ed to the rest of Ger­many’s gov­ern­ment and polit­i­cal estab­lish­ment for the last gen­er­a­tion.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 10, 2020, 4:28 pm
  12. Fol­low­ing the dis­missal two weeks ago of Ger­many’s head of mil­i­tary intel­li­gence, Christof Gramm, over the dis­cov­ery of exten­sive far right infil­tra­tion of the Ger­man mil­i­tary that appears to have been cov­ered up for years and result­ed in the dis­band­ing of out of Ger­many’s elite spe­cial forces units, one of the obvi­ous ques­tions raised by the entire affair is whether or not there’s going to be any sort of mean­ing­ful inves­ti­ga­tion of the full extent of this far right infil­tra­tion now that the pub­lic has learned that its been going on for years with­out any offi­cial action.

    Last week, we got an answer to that ques­tion. Sort of. The answer came in the form of a report filed by the Fed­er­al Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion (BfV). The report focused on far right infil­tra­tion of Ger­many’s police forces and mil­i­tary. Recall part of the plan for deal­ing with the far right’s infil­tra­tion of the mil­i­tary — infil­tra­tion that includ­ed infil­trat­ing the agen­cies tasked with watch­ing out for such infil­tra­tion — was to have the mil­i­tary work more close­ly with the BfV on these mat­ters. Also recall that BfV offi­cers were found to have assist­ed and worked with the Nation­al Social­ist Under­ground (NSU) neo-Nazi ter­ror group. So unless there’s already qui­et­ly been some sort of major purge of far right infil­tra­tors in the BfV as a con­se­quence of those past rev­e­la­tions, it’s hard to imag­ine the agency isn’t still suf­fer­ing for that same infil­tra­tion.

    So what was the gist of the BvF report? Exact­ly what we should have cyn­i­cal­ly expect­ed: There’s noth­ing to wor­ry about. Sure, there are a few Nazis in the police force and mil­i­tary, but Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer assured the Ger­many pub­lic and that he refus­es to put “the oth­er 99 per­cent” of the mem­bers of these insti­tu­tions under sus­pi­cion.

    See­hofer on Tues­day reject­ed accu­sa­tions that there was a “struc­tur­al racism” prob­lem in the police when he pre­sent­ed the report. As the arti­cle notes, See­hofer halt­ed a study announced by the jus­tice and inte­ri­or min­istries to inves­ti­gate the use of racial pro­fil­ing by Ger­man police back in July, cit­ing the fact that such pro­fil­ing is legal­ly for­bid­den. Even the head of the Asso­ci­a­tion of Ger­man Crim­i­nal Police Offi­cers said the study would help estab­lish trust in the police. But See­hofer blocked it. He blocked an inves­ti­ga­tion into legal­ly for­bid­den racial pro­fil­ing prac­tices by the police that even the head of the Asso­ci­a­tion of Ger­man Crim­i­nal Police Offi­cers and jus­ti­fied block­ing it by point­ing out that such pro­fil­ing by police would be ille­gal. That actu­al­ly hap­pened. That’s all part of the con­text of the BfV’s new report.

    So the inves­ti­ga­tion prompt­ed by the dis­cov­ery of these neo-Nazi net­works did­n’t find any addi­tion­al neo-Nazi net­works and now we’re told by See­hofer that there basi­cal­ly aren’t any oth­ers and its insult­ing to the 99% of non-far right mem­bers of the police and mil­i­tary to even sus­pect there might be oth­ers. It’s a move that is con­sis­tent with what Rafael Behr, a crim­i­nol­o­gist and soci­ol­o­gist at the Ham­burg Police Acad­e­my, describes as a “struc­tur­al block­ing of an inves­ti­ga­tion into racism.”

    The arti­cle also notes the refusal to even pon­der the pos­si­bil­i­ty that there’s a struc­tur­al prob­lem with Ger­many’s mil­i­tary and police forces isn’t lim­it­ed to See­hofer. When Sask­ia Esken, a leader of the SPD, sug­gest­ed in June that there might be “latent racism” in the police force, not only did See­hofer described the prospect as “incom­pre­hen­si­ble,” but Esken faced fierce back­lash even from mem­bers of her own par­ty.

    Was there any val­ue in the report? Well, Joachim Ker­sten, senior research pro­fes­sor in the Crim­i­nol­o­gy Depart­ment of the Ger­man Police Uni­ver­si­ty, described the report as a step in the right direc­tion but that it was essen­tial­ly a roundup of known cas­es. There is a much larg­er “dark scene” with­in the police than the report illu­mi­nates, accord­ing to Ker­sten. As Ker­sten put, “They have to face the music, and unfor­tu­nate­ly the music is a Nazi melody,” and that’s obvi­ous­ly not hap­pen­ing. So if there’s any val­ue to the report it’s that it’s such a bla­tant cov­er-up that it war­rants not just an inves­ti­ga­tion into far right infil­tra­tion of Ger­many’s insti­tu­tions but an inves­ti­ga­tion into these pri­or inves­ti­ga­tions:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Ger­man study finds sus­pect­ed cas­es of far-right extrem­ism in police forces

    By Love­day Mor­ris and Luisa Beck
    Oct. 6, 2020 at 11:12 a.m. CDT

    BERLIN — There are more than 370 sus­pect­ed cas­es of right-wing extrem­ism in Ger­many’s police and secu­ri­ty agen­cies, accord­ing to a gov­ern­ment study released Tues­day. But experts said it papers over the true depth of the prob­lem.

    The report from the Fed­er­al Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion, or BfV, Germany’s domes­tic secu­ri­ty agency, sur­veyed police forces in the country’s 16 fed­er­al states for cas­es in which offi­cers have been sus­pect­ed of hav­ing far-right links over the past three years. State secu­ri­ty agen­cies report­ed 319 sus­pect­ed cas­es, and fed­er­al agen­cies report­ed 58.

    The dis­clo­sure fol­lows a string of far-right scan­dals that have embroiled Germany’s secu­ri­ty forces, from right-wing chat groups shar­ing neo-Nazi con­tent to a group of extrem­ist dooms­day prep­pers who hoard­ed ammu­ni­tion ahead of “Day X.” Bare­ly a week has passed with­out new rev­e­la­tions.

    Last week, Berlin police said they were inves­ti­gat­ing 25 offi­cers for being part of a chat group that shared racist jokes and far-right dis­cus­sion, while the BfV said three of its employ­ees respon­si­ble for mon­i­tor­ing far-right chat groups were being inves­ti­gat­ed for par­tic­i­pat­ing in them.

    That fol­lowed the sus­pen­sion of 29 offi­cers in the west­ern state of North Rhine-West­phalia last month for shar­ing extrem­ist images, includ­ing pic­tures of Adolf Hitler. Two weeks ago, the head of Germany’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence was forced to resign after an entire unit of the country’s spe­cial forces was dis­solved because of far-right links.

    The slew of inci­dents has made it dif­fi­cult for Ger­man author­i­ties to con­tin­ue dis­miss­ing the prob­lem as “indi­vid­ual cas­es,” and pres­sure has mount­ed on the Inte­ri­or Min­istry to address the issue.

    But in pre­sent­ing the report Tues­day, Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer said that while the cas­es already under inves­ti­ga­tion need clos­er exam­i­na­tion, he would not put the oth­er “99 per­cent” of employ­ees of the country’s secu­ri­ty agen­cies under sus­pi­cion. He has resist­ed calls for an inde­pen­dent study to exam­ine police racism — calls that have grown along­side the pro­lif­er­at­ing scan­dals and the glob­al Black Lives Mat­ter move­ment.

    Joachim Ker­sten, senior research pro­fes­sor in the Crim­i­nol­o­gy Depart­ment of the Ger­man Police Uni­ver­si­ty, said that the report marks a step in the right direc­tion but that more needs to be done, with Tuesday’s study essen­tial­ly a roundup of known cas­es.

    “They have to face the music, and unfor­tu­nate­ly the music is a Nazi melody,” he said. Ger­many has not addressed the issue because of a “kind of patho­log­i­cal shame,” he added. “If shame just leads to cov­er­ing up things and deny­ing and look­ing the oth­er way, it cre­ates this kind of prob­lem.”

    He said that while there had been a mid­dle-man­age­ment and lead­er­ship prob­lem with Nazism in the police in Ger­many in the 1960s and ’70s, now it is a prob­lem in the rank and file.

    See­hofer on Tues­day reject­ed accu­sa­tions that there was a “struc­tur­al racism” prob­lem in the police. He said the focus should not be on the police alone but on all pub­lic offices. He said he would present a pro­pos­al to the cab­i­net for a more gen­er­al study of racism in soci­ety.

    When Sask­ia Esken, a leader of the cen­ter-left Social Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty, sug­gest­ed in June that there might be “latent racism” in the police force, she faced fierce back­lash, even among mem­bers of her own par­ty. See­hofer described the prospect as “incom­pre­hen­si­ble.”

    The fol­low­ing month, he halt­ed a study announced by the jus­tice and inte­ri­or min­istries to inves­ti­gate the use of racial pro­fil­ing by Ger­man police, cit­ing the fact that such pro­fil­ing is legal­ly for­bid­den.

    Germany’s jus­tice min­is­ter crit­i­cized his deci­sion, say­ing that data and facts are need­ed to deter­mine whether racial pro­fil­ing is a prob­lem. The head of the Asso­ci­a­tion of Ger­man Crim­i­nal Police Offi­cers has also said the study would help estab­lish trust in the police.

    While there may not be a struc­tur­al prob­lem with racism and extrem­ism in the police, there is a “struc­tur­al block­ing of an inves­ti­ga­tion into racism,” said Rafael Behr, a crim­i­nol­o­gist and soci­ol­o­gist at the Ham­burg Police Acad­e­my.

    The data com­piled from the state and fed­er­al author­i­ties is “not a bad start,” Behr said, “but it would be dis­as­trous if we stopped there.”

    The cen­tral state of Hesse report­ed the most sus­pect­ed cas­es with 59, fol­lowed by Berlin with 53 and North Rhine-West­phalia with 45. Most cas­es were linked to extrem­ist chat groups, with a minor­i­ty of offi­cers sus­pect­ed of hav­ing direct links to far-right orga­ni­za­tions.

    While the report focused on the police, it said that there were also 1,064 sus­pect­ed cas­es in the Ger­man mil­i­tary in the three years until April 2020. Inves­ti­ga­tions in 550 cas­es are ongo­ing, while around 400 cas­es have been dropped.

    ...

    Ker­sten said that there is a much larg­er “dark scene” with­in the police than the report illu­mi­nates, but also that it should not be for­got­ten that there are 250,000 oth­er offi­cers doing their jobs and pro­tect­ing the com­mu­ni­ty.

    He said it was a pos­i­tive sig­nal that infor­ma­tion from oth­er police offi­cers had unearthed the far-right chat group in Berlin. Pre­vi­ous chat groups had been stum­bled upon when offi­cers’ phones were con­fis­cat­ed dur­ing inves­ti­ga­tions of oth­er inci­dents.

    But that also prob­a­bly means that there are more cas­es to fol­low, he said: “It’s just the begin­ning.”

    ————

    “Ger­man study finds sus­pect­ed cas­es of far-right extrem­ism in police forces” by Love­day Mor­ris and Luisa Beck; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 10/06/2020

    But in pre­sent­ing the report Tues­day, Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer said that while the cas­es already under inves­ti­ga­tion need clos­er exam­i­na­tion, he would not put the oth­er “99 per­cent” of employ­ees of the country’s secu­ri­ty agen­cies under sus­pi­cion. He has resist­ed calls for an inde­pen­dent study to exam­ine police racism — calls that have grown along­side the pro­lif­er­at­ing scan­dals and the glob­al Black Lives Mat­ter move­ment.”

    It’s just a few bad apples and any­one sug­gest­ing any­thing more than that is unjust­ly sub­ject­ing the oth­er 99 per­cent of Ger­many’s police and mil­i­tary to inap­pro­pri­ate sus­pi­cions. That’s was the fun­da­men­tal mes­sage from Ger­many’s Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter, a week after the head of Ger­many’s mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agency was fired for allow­ing an elite spe­cial forces unit to oper­ate as a Nazi cell with­in the mil­i­tary for years. And it was a mes­sage shared by far more peo­ple in Ger­many’s gov­ern­ment than just See­hofer:

    ...
    See­hofer on Tues­day reject­ed accu­sa­tions that there was a “struc­tur­al racism” prob­lem in the police. He said the focus should not be on the police alone but on all pub­lic offices. He said he would present a pro­pos­al to the cab­i­net for a more gen­er­al study of racism in soci­ety.

    When Sask­ia Esken, a leader of the cen­ter-left Social Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty, sug­gest­ed in June that there might be “latent racism” in the police force, she faced fierce back­lash, even among mem­bers of her own par­ty. See­hofer described the prospect as “incom­pre­hen­si­ble.”

    The fol­low­ing month, he halt­ed a study announced by the jus­tice and inte­ri­or min­istries to inves­ti­gate the use of racial pro­fil­ing by Ger­man police, cit­ing the fact that such pro­fil­ing is legal­ly for­bid­den.

    Germany’s jus­tice min­is­ter crit­i­cized his deci­sion, say­ing that data and facts are need­ed to deter­mine whether racial pro­fil­ing is a prob­lem. The head of the Asso­ci­a­tion of Ger­man Crim­i­nal Police Offi­cers has also said the study would help estab­lish trust in the police.

    While there may not be a struc­tur­al prob­lem with racism and extrem­ism in the police, there is a “struc­tur­al block­ing of an inves­ti­ga­tion into racism,” said Rafael Behr, a crim­i­nol­o­gist and soci­ol­o­gist at the Ham­burg Police Acad­e­my.

    The data com­piled from the state and fed­er­al author­i­ties is “not a bad start,” Behr said, “but it would be dis­as­trous if we stopped there.”
    ...

    As Joachim Ker­sten, senior research pro­fes­sor in the Crim­i­nol­o­gy Depart­ment of the Ger­man Police Uni­ver­si­ty, described it, while we should indeed not for­get that there are 250,000 offi­cers the vast major­i­ty of which aren’t extrem­ists and are doing their jobs, there’s is also a much larg­er “dark scene” with­in the police than the report illu­mi­nates. In oth­er words, the report real­ly was a cov­er-up. A cov­er-up of that much larg­er “dark scene”:

    ...
    Joachim Ker­sten, senior research pro­fes­sor in the Crim­i­nol­o­gy Depart­ment of the Ger­man Police Uni­ver­si­ty, said that the report marks a step in the right direc­tion but that more needs to be done, with Tuesday’s study essen­tial­ly a roundup of known cas­es.

    “They have to face the music, and unfor­tu­nate­ly the music is a Nazi melody,” he said. Ger­many has not addressed the issue because of a “kind of patho­log­i­cal shame,” he added. “If shame just leads to cov­er­ing up things and deny­ing and look­ing the oth­er way, it cre­ates this kind of prob­lem.”

    He said that while there had been a mid­dle-man­age­ment and lead­er­ship prob­lem with Nazism in the police in Ger­many in the 1960s and ’70s, now it is a prob­lem in the rank and file.

    ...

    Ker­sten said that there is a much larg­er “dark scene” with­in the police than the report illu­mi­nates, but also that it should not be for­got­ten that there are 250,000 oth­er offi­cers doing their jobs and pro­tect­ing the com­mu­ni­ty.
    ...

    And that’s all why when See­hofer tries to deflect atten­tion away from this issue by rec­om­mend­ing instead a more gen­er­al study of racism in soci­ety and that all pub­lic offices, and not just police agen­cies, should be under scruti­ny, he is cor­rect. There is obvi­ous­ly a much larg­er prob­lem with far right infil­tra­tion in Ger­many’s insti­tu­tions, as this pub­lic cov­er-up of a report iron­i­cal­ly makes clear.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | October 12, 2020, 4:34 pm
  13. Here’s a pair of updates about Ger­many’s recent ‘dis­cov­ery’ that Ger­many’s mil­i­tary and police forces are infest­ed with extrem­ist, includ­ing a num­ber of offi­cers:

    First, here’s a arti­cle from last week about a new inves­ti­ga­tion into 26 sol­diers sus­pect­ed of orga­niz­ing a far right chat group. Notably, many of the sol­diers belong to a logis­tics unit near Hanover and the entire group of 26 sol­diers are offi­cers: 16 non-com­mis­sioned offi­cers and 10 oth­er offi­cers. So it sounds like this inves­ti­ga­tion into 26 sol­diers sus­pect­ed of set­ting up a far right chat group is real­ly an inves­ti­ga­tion into just the offi­cers in a sin­gle logis­tics unit. And that’s the kind of inves­ti­ga­tion that sug­gests a much larg­er inves­ti­ga­tion is nec­es­sary:

    Deutsche Welle

    Ger­many inves­ti­gates sol­diers over anti-Semit­ic, far-right group chat

    The Ger­man defense min­istry is inves­ti­gat­ing alle­ga­tions that 26 mem­bers of the mil­i­tary were involved in a group chat where they shared anti-Semit­ic and far-right mate­r­i­al. Cas­es like this are increas­ing­ly com­mon.

    27.11.2020

    Ger­man author­i­ties are inves­ti­gat­ing a group of sol­diers sus­pect­ed of orga­niz­ing a chat group where users shared anti-Semit­ic, far-right extrem­ist and porno­graph­ic mate­r­i­al, Ger­man media report­ed on Fri­day.

    Many of the 26 sol­diers sus­pect­ed of being involved in the chat belong to a logis­tics unit at Neustadt am Rüben­berge near Hanover, the min­istry. The inves­ti­ga­tion was revealed in a report to par­lia­ment that was ini­tial­ly shared by Ger­man pub­lic broad­cast­er ARD.

    Civil­ian and mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tions began in Octo­ber after the accu­sa­tions first came to light.

    The alleged group was made up of 16 non-com­mis­sioned offi­cers and 10 oth­er offi­cers. So far, three of the sol­diers have been tem­porar­i­ly sus­pend­ed, accord­ing to Ger­man news agency dpa.

    ...

    A report pub­lished in Octo­ber showed that 1% of mil­i­tary per­son­nel, police offi­cers and secu­ri­ty per­son­nel, a fig­ure that wor­ried many observers giv­en Ger­many’s past. But Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Horst See­hofer said it showed there was no evi­dence of a “struc­tur­al prob­lem.”

    ———-

    “Ger­many inves­ti­gates sol­diers over anti-Semit­ic, far-right group chat”; Deutsche Welle; 11/27/2020

    The alleged group was made up of 16 non-com­mis­sioned offi­cers and 10 oth­er offi­cers. So far, three of the sol­diers have been tem­porar­i­ly sus­pend­ed, accord­ing to Ger­man news agency dpa.”

    An inves­ti­ga­tion exclu­sive­ly into offi­cers who orga­nized the far right chat group. With that many offi­cers involved it rais­es the obvi­ous ques­tion of how many peo­ple were actu­al­ly using this chat group. And then there’s the ques­tion of what per­cent of the offi­cers in this logis­tics unit were part of this group.

    Next, here’s an arti­cle from a few days after the above arti­cle about a new inves­ti­ga­tion into eight civil­ian employ­ees of the Ger­many mil­i­tary who are also sus­pect­ed of being mem­bers of the Riechs­buerg­er move­ment, a move­ment that insists Nazi Ger­many still exists and is the legit­i­mate Ger­man gov­ern­ment:

    Reuters

    Ger­many uncov­ers sus­pect­ed far-right “Reichs­buerg­er” in armed forces

    By Reuters Staff
    Decem­ber 1, 2020 12:40 PM
    Updat­ed

    BERLIN (Reuters) — Ger­many mil­i­tary intel­li­gence has opened an inves­ti­ga­tion into eight civil­ian employ­ees of the armed forces sus­pect­ed of belong­ing to the far-right “Reichs­buerg­er” move­ment that denies the exis­tence of the mod­ern Ger­man state.

    “We don’t tol­er­ate ene­mies of the con­sti­tu­tion in the Bun­deswehr,” Defence Min­is­ter Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said on Tues­day, refer­ring to the armed forces.

    The tip-off lead­ing to the inves­ti­ga­tion came from the mil­i­tary, she added.

    Mem­bers of the Reichs­buerg­er (Cit­i­zens of the Reich) do not recog­nise mod­ern-day Ger­many as a legit­i­mate state, and insist the for­mer, far larg­er “Deutsche Reich” still exists despite Nazi Germany’s defeat in World War Two.

    ...

    ———–

    “Ger­many uncov­ers sus­pect­ed far-right “Reichs­buerg­er” in armed forces” by Reuters Staff; Reuters; 12/01/2020

    “Mem­bers of the Reichs­buerg­er (Cit­i­zens of the Reich) do not recog­nise mod­ern-day Ger­many as a legit­i­mate state, and insist the for­mer, far larg­er “Deutsche Reich” still exists despite Nazi Germany’s defeat in World War Two.”

    Nazi Ger­many lives on, at least in the minds of the Reichs­buerg­er move­ment. The big ques­tion is how many minds in the Ger­many mil­i­tary share this sen­ti­ment. There’s at least one logis­tics unit in Hanover that would prob­a­bly large­ly agree.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | December 3, 2020, 12:33 pm
  14. Here’s a sto­ry about QAnon that could end up hav­ing par­tic­u­lar­ly dark impli­ca­tions in Ger­many giv­en the grow­ing scan­dal sur­round­ing the dis­cov­er of exten­sive far right net­works oper­at­ing in Ger­many’s mil­i­tary and law enforce­ment insti­tu­tions:

    The seeds of doubt are ger­mi­nat­ing. Final­ly. That’s what we’re hear­ing from reports on the response of the QAnon com­mu­ni­ty to the inau­gu­ra­tion of Joe Biden. Up until now, the QAnon com­mu­ni­ty could also tell them­selves that every­thing was going “accord­ing to the plan”, no mat­ter what hap­pened, as long Trump remained in office. Whether or not Trump won the elec­tion, “The Storm” was on the way, tight up until Inau­gu­ra­tion Right. And then some­thing hap­pened: Joe Biden became pres­i­dent. The Storm end­ed up being just a bunch of hot air. Even the hard core adher­ents who stood with Trump and “Q” up to the very end are start­ing to won­der if they should still “Trust the Plan”.

    What sort of impact these seeds of doubt end up hav­ing on the US polit­i­cal scene is some­thing that’s going to be keen­ly watched going for­ward. But as the fol­low­ing arti­cle reminds us, QAnon isn’t just a US-based phe­nom­e­na. It’s gone glob­al, with Ger­many now hold­ing the most QAnon fol­low­ers out­side of the Eng­lish-speak­ing world. And while seeds of doubt may be tak­ing root, a lush trop­i­cal for­est of denial and fan­ta­sy con­tin­ues to flour­ish in the land of QAnon even with Trump out of office. The arti­cle, pub­lished on Jan 19, one day before Biden’s inau­gu­ra­tion, was depict­ing a Ger­man QAnon com­mu­ni­ty that was con­tin­u­ing to grow by the day. A Ger­many QAnon com­mu­ni­ty that, not sur­pris­ing, includ­ed a num­ber of peo­ple who were involved with the August 2020 far right storm­ing of the Reich­stag:

    Deutsche Welle

    As Don­ald Trump exits, QAnon takes hold in Ger­many

    The storm­ing of the US Capi­tol illus­trat­ed just how dan­ger­ous a con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry can be. In Ger­many, QAnon is gain­ing momen­tum — and its most ardent fol­low­ers are stick­ing with Don­ald Trump. DW inves­ti­gates.

    Date 19.01.2021
    Author Esther Felden, Jor­dan Wildon, Anne Höhn, Lewis Sanders IV

    The Ger­man woman writes “danke” — or thank you — with sev­en As to empha­size her grat­i­tude. She is moved, excit­ed and inspired by the mob form­ing on Capi­tol Hill. In only a few moments, they would storm the seat of the US gov­ern­ment.

    “They are fight­ing in front of the Capi­tol for all of us! What brave peo­ple! Thaaaaaaank you!” She ends the mes­sage with three red hearts.

    It’s 7:31 p.m. in Ger­many — Jan­u­ary 6. She posts her mes­sage on “QPatrioten24,” a Ger­man Telegram group DW has been track­ing over sev­er­al months on the pop­u­lar mes­sag­ing plat­form.

    Ardent back­ers of out­go­ing US Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump flood the group with mes­sages of diehard sup­port.

    They believe their ide­o­log­i­cal leader won the 2020 US pres­i­den­tial elec­tion and insist he was robbed of that vic­to­ry. From their per­spec­tive, Trump would take back what was right­ful­ly his on Jan­u­ary 6, the day Con­gress was set to for­mal­ize the results of the elec­tion.

    Trump’s “Stop the Steal” march is the moment they have been wait­ing for.

    What is QAnon?

    QAnon is cen­tered on the base­less belief that Trump is fight­ing the so-called deep state, child-traf­fick­ing elite, shad­owy cor­po­ra­tions and fake-news media. It’s these evils, accord­ing to the con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry, that the US pres­i­dent has been wag­ing war against — a war he will one day win.

    The move­ment relies on cryp­tic mes­sages post­ed by a user described as a polit­i­cal or mil­i­tary offi­cial claim­ing to have unprece­dent­ed access to Trump. This fig­ure goes by the name Q, which refers to a secu­ri­ty clear­ance offered by the US Depart­ment of Ener­gy.

    How­ev­er, no evi­dence on Q’s alleged iden­ti­ty or claims has been giv­en.

    QAnon back­ers in Ger­many

    “True patri­ots, who won’t allow their coun­try to be tak­en,” says one QPatrioten24 mem­ber, describ­ing the crowds out­side the Capi­tol.

    As the evening of the Capi­tol siege pro­gress­es, the Telegram group exchanges images and video clips cir­cu­lat­ing online. Some of them ques­tion whether those who stormed the Capi­tol were tru­ly Trump sup­port­ers, while oth­ers lament the killing of one of the pro­test­ers as “dis­pro­por­tion­ate and avoid­able.”

    By the next morn­ing, the flur­ry of reac­tions has giv­en way to silence in the group. Around noon, an audio mes­sage from one of the admin­is­tra­tors of “QPatrioten24” breaks the ice. It’s a long one — 17 min­utes of his reflec­tions about the night before.

    The man, whose iden­ti­ty is known to DW, speaks in Ger­man with a calm and steady voice. In the group, he calls him­self Con­nec­tis, but out­side his new­found dig­i­tal iden­ti­ty, he is under­stood to be the man­ag­ing direc­tor of a real estate firm near the cap­i­tal Berlin.

    His deep voice con­tin­ues, detail­ing the upcom­ing “show­down,” the “finale” that is about to take place, how the recent US elec­tion was the “biggest elec­toral theft in the his­to­ry of human­i­ty.”

    To Con­nec­tis, US Pres­i­dent-elect Joe Biden is a crim­i­nal who could nev­er be pres­i­dent. Not only will Trump “make sure of that,” but so would “oth­er patri­ots, also in the mil­i­tary.”

    Over and over again, he speaks about “trea­son” com­mit­ted against Trump, about alleged evi­dence against Trump’s oppo­nents, which is now “ful­ly com­plet­ed.” His mono­logue is as vague as it is per­plex­ing.

    The acronym WWG1WGA adorns the space below the audio clip of his rant. “Where we go one, we go all” — the mantra of the QAnon move­ment.

    ‘QPatrioten24’: A small but rep­re­sen­ta­tive fringe group

    Although on the fringes of the vibrant Ger­man QAnon com­mu­ni­ty on Telegram, “QPatrioten24” is deeply root­ed in the coun­try’s wider con­spir­a­cy com­mu­ni­ty.

    At the time of pub­li­ca­tion, the group had more than 2,700 mem­bers, mak­ing it one of the larg­er fringe groups. It con­tin­ues to attract new fol­low­ers, hav­ing gained a hun­dred more mem­bers in the three days run­ning up to pub­li­ca­tion.

    The group’s mem­bers are active in Ger­man anti-gov­ern­ment protests, with some say­ing they were present on the day of the attempt­ed storm­ing of Ger­many’s par­lia­men­tary build­ing in August last year. When dis­cussing protests, they urge each oth­er to “show up with­out masks” and “no social dis­tanc­ing.”

    Although it’s dif­fi­cult to accu­rate­ly assess how the group is com­posed, there appears to be a near­ly equal split of men and women. Mem­bers come from across the eco­nom­ic spec­trum — small busi­ness own­ers, actors, engi­neers, spir­i­tu­al coach­es and loan offi­cers.

    The group has shared con­tent from more than 300 QAnon-adja­cent Telegram groups in Ger­many, and is con­nect­ed to a com­mu­ni­ty of near­ly 5,000 more con­spir­a­cy, extrem­ist and COVID-skep­tic groups.

    Mes­sages with­in the group have been shared by some of Ger­many’s most promi­nent con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry and far-right influ­encers, such as well-known for­mer news pre­sen­ter Eva Her­man, whose net­work reach­es more than 170,000 users.

    A lit­tle over half of the mem­bers of “QPatrioten24” are active par­tic­i­pants in the Telegram group, post­ing mes­sages rang­ing from the denial of the coro­n­avirus pan­dem­ic to anti-vac­cine pro­pa­gan­da. At times, mem­bers express extreme anti-Semi­tism, includ­ing mak­ing light of the Holo­caust.

    At one point, Con­nec­tis shared an arti­cle claim­ing sur­vivors of the Holo­caust would receive addi­tion­al aid dur­ing the pan­dem­ic: “More than 70 years of rob­bery of Ger­mans!” his cap­tion read, “This has to stop!”

    DW spoke on the phone to the man under­stood to be behind the alias Con­nec­tis, and emailed him for com­ment on his role with­in the Telegram group. In the phone call, he did not con­firm or deny he was the user Con­nec­tis — and said he would answer only writ­ten ques­tions. He did not reply to DW’s sub­se­quent emailed request for com­ment.

    QAnon in Ger­many: Grow­ing by the day

    Pri­or to 2020, the QAnon move­ment was large­ly con­sid­ered a niche phe­nom­e­non in Ger­many. But with­in a year, Ger­many has become home to the largest QAnon com­mu­ni­ty out­side of the Eng­lish-speak­ing world.

    The Ger­man gov­ern­men­t’s response to the coro­n­avirus pan­dem­ic, such as lock­downs and social dis­tanc­ing mea­sures, prompt­ed QAnon influ­encers and far-right sym­pa­thiz­ers to stoke fear and prop­a­gate the move­men­t’s con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries on social media plat­forms.

    The Dubai-based mes­sen­ger ser­vice Telegram became par­tic­u­lar­ly pop­u­lar among QAnon sup­port­ers, large­ly as a result of its lax pol­i­cy towards crack­ing down on extrem­ist con­tent.

    In Decem­ber, the Berlin-based Amadeu Anto­nio Foun­da­tion found that Ger­man QAnon groups and chan­nels host­ed on Telegram had expe­ri­enced sig­nif­i­cant growth dur­ing the first lock­down of the pan­dem­ic in March 2020.

    Back then, Qlob­al — now today’s largest Ger­man-lan­guage QAnon chan­nel — had rough­ly 21,000 sub­scribers. Three months after, it had gar­nered more than 110,000 users. The chan­nel now boasts more than 160,000 fol­low­ers, with oth­er QAnon groups and chan­nels mir­ror­ing the rise in inter­est.

    Accord­ing to esti­mates pro­vid­ed by the Amadeo Anto­nio Foun­da­tion, there are at least 150,000 QAnon fol­low­ers in Ger­many — and that fig­ure is steadi­ly ris­ing. How­ev­er, gaug­ing the size of the QAnon com­mu­ni­ty is dif­fi­cult, large­ly because esti­mates lean on pub­lic online engage­ment.

    The elu­sive plan: ‘Events will take their course’

    In the Telegram group “QPatrioten24,” opin­ions began to splin­ter after the storm­ing of Capi­tol Hill. Is it the end for Trump? Or is it all part of the omi­nous plan her­ald­ed by Q? It is an elu­sive plan that no one tru­ly knows, save for the so-called polit­i­cal insid­er Q — and yet, it is what the move­ment is built on.

    Some users have begun express­ing doubt. The phrase “there is no plan at all” creeps into the group.

    But some­one is always ready to respond.

    “Sep­a­rate the wheat from the chaff, now that every­one has out­ed them­selves: Patri­ot or trai­tor. Now the base of the pyra­mid is removed. Every­thing is going accord­ing to plan,” writes one user a day after the storm­ing of the Capi­tol.

    Con­nec­tis, who appears to be the group’s chief admin­is­tra­tor, is fuel­ing this belief with cryp­tic mes­sages. As Biden’s inau­gu­ra­tion inch­es clos­er, he posts anoth­er audio mes­sage.

    The mil­i­tary forces assem­bled for the inau­gu­ra­tion in Wash­ing­ton, he says, could “arrest the alleged win­ner of the elec­tion, Biden, and make sure it all goes down smooth­ly.”

    For those com­mit­ted to the move­ment, there is no room for fail­ure — nor Trump’s depar­ture from the White House. “In my view, there is no oth­er option,” Con­nec­tis says with con­vic­tion.

    Author­i­ties strug­gle to pin down QAnon

    In 2019, an inter­nal FBI doc­u­ment obtained by Amer­i­can news out­let Yahoo! named QAnon among a host of con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries with the poten­tial to push vio­lent extrem­ists toward action, describ­ing them as a domes­tic ter­ror threat. Yet, the doc­u­ment was far from an offi­cial des­ig­na­tion.

    In Ger­many, despite grow­ing pres­sure, only a hand­ful of author­i­ties have acknowl­edged the risks posed by QAnon sup­port­ers, such as the Office for the Pro­tec­tion of the Con­sti­tu­tion (BfV), Ger­many’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vice.

    The prob­lem author­i­ties face, how­ev­er, is pin­ning down a move­ment that is as frac­tured and diverse as QAnon — a move­ment that attracts orga­nized vio­lent extrem­ists as well as sup­port­ers only inter­est­ed in fol­low­ing devel­op­ments from the com­fort of their liv­ing room.

    In the QPatrioten24 group, both are present. At times, there are calls for rad­i­cal action against the state — as well as non­cha­lant skep­ti­cism over the COVID pan­dem­ic.

    “The poten­tial num­ber of QAnon adher­ents can­not be quan­ti­fied by the BfV since non-extrem­ists also advo­cate the the­o­ry, and adher­ents of the the­o­ry do not devel­op an aspi­ra­tional char­ac­ter, for exam­ple, in the form of an asso­ci­a­tion of peo­ple,” a BfV spokesper­son told DW.

    For now, the BfV has estab­lished a task force to con­sid­er how to clas­si­fy con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries and protest move­ments that pose a nation­al secu­ri­ty risk.

    At the state lev­el, author­i­ties have also expressed wider con­cerns over how con­spir­a­cy-dri­ven move­ments could spur actions sim­i­lar to the storm­ing of the US Capi­tol build­ing.

    A spokesper­son for the Inte­ri­or Min­istry of North Rhine-West­phalia, Ger­many’s most pop­u­lous state, not­ed last year’s attempts to breach Ger­many’s par­lia­men­tary build­ing in late August 2020.

    The inci­dent was con­sid­ered an emblem­at­ic moment for far-right extrem­ists in the coun­try, draw­ing com­par­isons to the 1933 burn­ing of the Reich­stag that gave rise to Nazi Ger­many.

    Accord­ing to the QPatrioten24 chat, group mem­bers were also present at the attempt­ed breach of the Reich­stag build­ing in Berlin last year. Con­tent post­ed by Con­nec­tis sug­gests that he, too, was at the protest where the attempt­ed storm­ing occurred, accord­ing to an analy­sis con­duct­ed by DW.

    ...

    —————

    “As Don­ald Trump exits, QAnon takes hold in Ger­many” by Esther Felden, Jor­dan Wildon, Anne Höhn, Lewis Sanders IV; Deutsche Welle; 01/19/2021

    “Pri­or to 2020, the QAnon move­ment was large­ly con­sid­ered a niche phe­nom­e­non in Ger­many. But with­in a year, Ger­many has become home to the largest QAnon com­mu­ni­ty out­side of the Eng­lish-speak­ing world.

    The largest QAnon com­mu­ni­ty out­side of the Eng­lish-speak­ing world. That’s quite a con­cen­tra­tion of adher­ents for a a con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry focused on US pol­i­tics. It would sur­pris­ing if it was­n’t for the enor­mous over­lap between QAnon and the broad­er world of far right con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries built on the Pro­to­cols of the Elders of Zion tem­plate. But giv­en that QAnon is basi­cal­ly a wacky mod­ern update of the Pro­to­cols, we prob­a­bly should­n’t be too shocked that coun­try like Ger­many, that’s been expe­ri­enc­ing its own far right surge for years now, would have a large QAnon com­mu­ni­ty. And after the promi­nent role Q fol­low­ers played in the storm­ing of the US Capi­tol on Jan 6, we can’t be sur­prised to learn that the August 2020 far right storm­ing of the Ger­man Reich­stag includ­ed Ger­many’s Q com­mu­ni­ty too:

    ...
    Although on the fringes of the vibrant Ger­man QAnon com­mu­ni­ty on Telegram, “QPatrioten24” is deeply root­ed in the coun­try’s wider con­spir­a­cy com­mu­ni­ty.

    At the time of pub­li­ca­tion, the group had more than 2,700 mem­bers, mak­ing it one of the larg­er fringe groups. It con­tin­ues to attract new fol­low­ers, hav­ing gained a hun­dred more mem­bers in the three days run­ning up to pub­li­ca­tion.

    The group’s mem­bers are active in Ger­man anti-gov­ern­ment protests, with some say­ing they were present on the day of the attempt­ed storm­ing of Ger­many’s par­lia­men­tary build­ing in August last year. When dis­cussing protests, they urge each oth­er to “show up with­out masks” and “no social dis­tanc­ing.”

    ...

    Mes­sages with­in the group have been shared by some of Ger­many’s most promi­nent con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry and far-right influ­encers, such as well-known for­mer news pre­sen­ter Eva Her­man, whose net­work reach­es more than 170,000 users.

    ...

    A spokesper­son for the Inte­ri­or Min­istry of North Rhine-West­phalia, Ger­many’s most pop­u­lous state, not­ed last year’s attempts to breach Ger­many’s par­lia­men­tary build­ing in late August 2020.

    The inci­dent was con­sid­ered an emblem­at­ic moment for far-right extrem­ists in the coun­try, draw­ing com­par­isons to the 1933 burn­ing of the Reich­stag that gave rise to Nazi Ger­many.

    Accord­ing to the QPatrioten24 chat, group mem­bers were also present at the attempt­ed breach of the Reich­stag build­ing in Berlin last year. Con­tent post­ed by Con­nec­tis sug­gests that he, too, was at the protest where the attempt­ed storm­ing occurred, accord­ing to an analy­sis con­duct­ed by DW.
    ...

    So that was a Ger­many media overview of the state of the Ger­man QAnon com­mu­ni­ty one day before Joe Biden’s inau­gu­ra­tion. Per­haps some of those fol­low­ers did final­ly lose their ‘Q’ faith fol­low­ing the lack of any tri­umphal Inau­gu­ra­tion Day mass arrests. But this is a move­ment built on the remark­able abil­i­ty to keep the nar­ra­tive going no mat­ter what hap­pens. There should be no expec­ta­tion that this is going away. Sure, it will change and adapt, but it’s not dis­ap­pear­ing. Ger­many’s QAnon com­mu­ni­ty is mak­ing that clear.

    And Ger­many is far from the only coun­try that’s been expe­ri­enc­ing a surge in far right pol­i­tics. The rise of the far right has been the sto­ry of Europe over the last decade, which sug­gests there’s prob­a­bly quite a few more Q fol­low­ers in the non-Eng­lish-speak­ing parts of Europe than are cur­rent­ly rec­og­nized. Which rais­es the ques­tion: since the Q phe­nom­e­na was focused on US pol­i­tics but built branch­es around the world and has demon­strat­ed an abil­i­ty to adapt and alter the nar­ra­tive as need­ed, are we poised to see an explo­sion of local ‘Q’ nar­ra­tives? A Ger­man ‘Q’ and maybe a Brazil­ian ‘Q’ and per­haps Hong Kong ‘Q’? Trump leav­ing office and fail­ing to ful­fill ‘The Storm’ prophe­cy cer­tain­ly cre­at­ed a vac­u­um of sorts for the Q com­mu­ni­ty, but there’s noth­ing stop­ping enter­pris­ing ‘Qs’ from fill­ing that vac­u­um with new nar­ra­tives. New nar­ra­tives that will almost invari­ably be even more unhinged than the cur­rent nar­ra­tive, because that’s how it sur­vives. By get­ting even more divorced from real­i­ty. Big lies are like that. And that points to per­haps the most dis­turb­ing aspect of the QAnon phe­nom­e­na: No mat­ter how bad it gets, it always seems to survive...by get­ting worse.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | January 21, 2021, 3:38 pm
  15. Is a Bel­gian ‘Ram­bo’ cap­tur­ing the hearts and minds of Bel­gium’s con­ser­v­a­tives? That appears to be the case as the sto­ry of Cor­po­ral Jur­gen Con­ings con­tin­ues to unfold. Weeks after Con­ings — a far right Bel­gian sol­dier who recent­ly went on the run with an arse­nal of weapons and a polit­i­cal­ly-inspired assas­si­na­tion list — went on the run, the sup­port for Con­ings on the Bel­gian right only con­tin­ues to grow, with the sto­ry tak­ing on a kind of meta-sym­bol­ism of the Bel­gian cul­ture wars. Con­ings him­self clear­ly fueled these sen­ti­ments with let­ters explain­ing his actions stat­ing he no longer want­ed to live in a soci­ety ruled by “politi­cians and virol­o­gists” and want­ed to join the “resis­tance”. Is there a broad­er “resis­tance” Con­ings is work­ing with? Well, Con­ings claims he’s been work­ing alone. And yet he still man­aged to take a small arse­nal from his mil­i­tary bar­racks despite being on a watch­list for far right extrem­ist views. It’s the kind of sce­nario that sug­gests Con­ings might have help. And the longer Con­ings goes with­out get­ting cap­tured, the more his pop­u­lar­i­ty on the right con­tin­ues to grow and the more help he’s prob­a­bly get­ting:

    The Tele­graph

    Fears that far-right ‘Bel­gian Ram­bo’ drew up hit list before going on the run — and he’s still miss­ing

    Cor­po­ral Jur­gen Con­ings is heav­i­ly armed and has been on the loose for two weeks since with­draw­ing his life’s sav­ings and dis­ap­pear­ing

    By James Crisp, Europe Edi­tor
    1 June 2021 • 1:08pm

    A heav­i­ly armed extrem­ist Bel­gian sol­dier who has been on the run for weeks is feared to have drawn up a hit list of 10 tar­gets, includ­ing a lead­ing coro­n­avirus expert and the country’s defence min­is­ter, and emp­tied his bank account before dis­ap­pear­ing.

    Cor­po­ral Jur­gen Con­ings, who is on Belgium’s right-wing ter­ror watch list and has been nick­named the “Bel­gian Ram­bo” by media, has avoid­ed cap­ture by police and spe­cial forces for the past two weeks despite a nation­al man­hunt.

    Inves­ti­ga­tors increased secu­ri­ty for 10 peo­ple after read­ing let­ters left by Mr Con­ings for his part­ner before he dis­ap­peared, prompt­ing fears that he drew up a hit list.

    In the let­ters, he said he no longer want­ed to live in a soci­ety ruled by “politi­cians and virol­o­gists” and want­ed to join the “resis­tance”.

    Marc Van Ranst, one of Belgium’s most famous Covid experts, was tak­en to a police safe­house a fort­night ago after Mr Con­ings took an arse­nal of heavy weapons, includ­ing four anti-tank rock­et launch­ers, from a bar­racks.

    A lawyer involved in his divorce and his ex-wife are also both under police pro­tec­tion, the Het Laat­ste Nieuws news­pa­per report­ed.

    Oth­er peo­ple who have been giv­en extra secu­ri­ty include senior fig­ures in the Bel­gian mil­i­tary, which dis­ci­plined Mr Con­ings for his polit­i­cal views last year, and Ludi­vine Dedonder, Belgium’s defence min­is­ter.

    Bel­gian pros­e­cu­tors refused to con­firm the mea­sures.

    Mosques and asy­lum cen­tres in the province of Lim­burg, in Flan­ders, are also under guard.

    The 46-year-old report­ed­ly with­drew € 3,000 — every­thing in his account — before aban­don­ing his car on May 18 at a nation­al park in Lim­burg, which is close to the Dutch bor­der.

    The launch­ers were found in the boot but there was no sign of Mr Con­ings, a for­mer sniper who served in Iraq and Afghanistan and has voiced a hatred of lock­downs and is anti-vac­ci­na­tion.

    Hun­dreds of spe­cial forces searched wood­land in the Hoge Kem­pen park again on Thurs­day, a week after a major mil­i­tary oper­a­tion involv­ing 600 troops, includ­ing Dutch and Ger­man sol­diers, failed to find him.

    ...

    ———–

    “Fears that far-right ‘Bel­gian Ram­bo’ drew up hit list before going on the run — and he’s still miss­ing” by James Crisp; The Tele­graph; 06/01/2021

    “In the let­ters, he said he no longer want­ed to live in a soci­ety ruled by “politi­cians and virol­o­gists” and want­ed to join the “resis­tance”.”

    Is this event going to be the start of some sort of Ram­bo-style vio­lent “resis­tance” for Bel­gium? If so, we have to ask if he’s already get­ting help from oth­er mem­bers of the “resis­tance” in the Bel­gian mil­i­tary. Because some­how the guy man­aged to sneak out an arse­nal that includ­ed four anti-tank rock­et launch­ers despite being dis­ci­plined last year for extrem­ism:

    ...
    Marc Van Ranst, one of Belgium’s most famous Covid experts, was tak­en to a police safe­house a fort­night ago after Mr Con­ings took an arse­nal of heavy weapons, includ­ing four anti-tank rock­et launch­ers, from a bar­racks.

    ...

    Oth­er peo­ple who have been giv­en extra secu­ri­ty include senior fig­ures in the Bel­gian mil­i­tary, which dis­ci­plined Mr Con­ings for his polit­i­cal views last year, and Ludi­vine Dedonder, Belgium’s defence min­is­ter.
    ...

    And just to be clear, when Con­ings was dis­ci­plined for extrem­ism last year, he was iden­ti­fied as a poten­tial ter­ror­ist. So a guy on the ter­ror­ist watch­list was not only allowed to remain in the mil­i­tary but some­how man­aged to sneak out rock­et launch­ers:

    Reuters

    Bel­gian police hunt heav­i­ly armed sol­dier who threat­ened virol­o­gist

    Marine Strauss
    May 19, 20219:12 AM CDT
    Europe

    Bel­gian police have launched a man­hunt for a heav­i­ly armed sol­dier with far-right ten­den­cies who dis­ap­peared on Mon­day after threat­en­ing a virol­o­gist sup­port­ive of COVID-19 vac­cines and coro­n­avirus restric­tions.

    The 46-year-old sol­dier, Jur­gen Con­ings, left his home near the Dutch bor­der on Mon­day morn­ing and has not been seen since, police said in a search war­rant pub­lished online.

    “There are indi­ca­tions that he is vio­lent and, in the last 24 hours, evi­dence has emerged that the man pos­es an acute threat,” Jus­tice Min­is­ter Vin­cent Van Quick­en­borne told VTM Nieuws.

    The man­hunt start­ed on Tues­day, after Con­ings threat­ened virol­o­gist Marc Van Ranst and his fam­i­ly, who were sub­se­quent­ly moved to safe­ty. A num­ber of weapons were found in his car on Tues­day night near Dilsen in west­ern Bel­gium.

    Van Quick­en­borne said Con­ings was on a list of poten­tial ter­ror­ists com­piled by OCAM, an organ­i­sa­tion respon­si­ble for assess the threat of ter­ror­ism in Bel­gium, because of far-right ten­den­cies.

    ...

    ———–

    “Bel­gian police hunt heav­i­ly armed sol­dier who threat­ened virol­o­gist”; Reuters; 05/19/2021

    “Van Quick­en­borne said Con­ings was on a list of poten­tial ter­ror­ists com­piled by OCAM, an organ­i­sa­tion respon­si­ble for assess the threat of ter­ror­ism in Bel­gium, because of far-right ten­den­cies.”

    He was on a ter­ror­ist watch­list and still allowed access to the arse­nal of his bar­racks. It rais­es the ques­tion: since Con­ings was allowed to remain in the mil­i­tary despite being on a ter­ror­ist watch­list, are there any oth­er mem­bers of the Bel­gian mil­i­tary on that watch­list still in the Bel­gian mil­i­tary? It seems high­ly like­ly. Where any of those oth­er sol­diers har­bor­ing extrem­ist sen­ti­ments also sta­tioned at Con­ings bar­racks? Per­haps with respon­si­bil­i­ties secur­ing the arse­nals? These are the dis­turb­ing ques­tions Bel­gium has to ask, along with the much more dis­turb­ing ques­tion of how much sup­port is Con­ings get­ting from of Bel­gium’s over­all pop­u­lace as part of a broad­er cul­ture war:

    Politi­co EU

    Belgium’s most want­ed man ignites a cul­ture war

    Flem­ish nation­al­ists por­tray a rene­gade sol­dier on the run as a sym­bol of deep­er polit­i­cal anx­i­eties.

    By Bar­bara Moens
    June 5, 2021 4:03 am

    When far-right Bel­gian sol­dier Jür­gen Con­ings last month set lethal boo­by traps in his car and dis­ap­peared into the woods, he was car­ry­ing enough guns and grenade launch­ers to start a small war.

    Almost three weeks on, Con­ings is still on the run, but Bel­gians now view him as some­thing more sig­nif­i­cant than just a crazy lone gun­man. The true shock-fac­tor of the case is that tens of thou­sands of peo­ple have ral­lied to sup­port him and that far-right Flem­ish nation­al­ists from the Dutch-speak­ing north are styling him as a sym­bol of their deep­er polit­i­cal griev­ances.

    Back in mid-May, the imme­di­ate fear was that this Flem­ish Ram­bo would emerge from the under­growth to kill virol­o­gists and politi­cians as he had threat­ened. The country’s most famous virol­o­gist, Marc Van Ranst, and his fam­i­ly were moved to a safe­house. Bel­gians were treat­ed to sur­re­al images on their evening news of armored vehi­cles and sol­diers fan­ning out over the coun­try­side in a (still unsuc­cess­ful) man­hunt.

    But the case was about to get even more sur­pris­ing. It wasn’t long before the fan club began to emerge. As troops combed Belgium’s east­ern nation­al park, tens of thou­sands of Bel­gians ral­lied online to back him, with the Face­book group “I love Jür­gen Con­ings” gath­er­ing up to 50,000 mem­bers before being tak­en down. Fans even gath­ered for march­es, hold­ing ban­ners such as “Jürgen’s life mat­ters” and “As 1 behind Jür­gen.”

    Politi­cians and opin­ion lead­ers erupt­ed in out­rage. Where did this sup­port for an extreme-right ter­ror­ist come from?

    But take a step back and the sup­port for Con­ings, togeth­er with ris­ing approval for the far-right Vlaams Belang par­ty, is expos­ing a cru­cial fault­line in Flan­ders, the north­ern part of Bel­gium, where more than 40 per­cent of peo­ple want to loosen ties with the poor­er, French-speak­ing south.

    For some of the Flem­ish right-wingers, Con­ings’ case epit­o­mizes broad­er com­plaints about the exclu­sion from gov­ern­ment of the Flem­ish right-wing nation­al­ist move­ment (of which Con­ings had been a mem­ber). Con­ings, who said in his good­bye let­ter that he could no longer live “with the lies of peo­ple who then decide how we should live,” is sud­den­ly mor­ph­ing into an emblem of deep­er Flem­ish dis­con­tent and alien­ation.

    ...

    Age of anx­i­ety

    “The acts Con­ings wants to com­mit are rep­re­hen­si­ble,” said Tom Van Grieken, pres­i­dent of Vlaams Belang. “But the sense of unease he describes is wide­spread. This multi­na­tion­al [Face­book] responds by col­lec­tive­ly remov­ing a group of near­ly 1 per­cent of the vot­ing pop­u­la­tion in Flan­ders. That only fuels the exist­ing anger.”

    The unex­pect­ed­ly pub­lic demon­stra­tion of sup­port for Con­ings coin­cid­ed with a new poll that showed Vlaams Belang had over­tak­en the 18.5 per­cent it won in the 2019 elec­tion and would now win a quar­ter of Flem­ish votes. If elec­tions were held today, the Flem­ish con­ser­v­a­tive nation­al­ist N‑VA and far-right Vlaams Belang would togeth­er have a major­i­ty of seats in the Flem­ish par­lia­ment.

    For Van Grieken, the cur­rent fed­er­al Bel­gian gov­ern­ment is pok­ing a hor­nets’ nest. After a long polit­i­cal cri­sis, sev­en ide­o­log­i­cal­ly dif­fer­ent par­ties in Octo­ber last year decid­ed to form a gov­ern­ment led by lib­er­al Prime Min­is­ter Alexan­der De Croo that exclud­ed the N‑VA and Vlaams Belang, the two biggest par­ties in Flan­ders.

    “The prob­lem start­ed there,” said Van Grieken. “And when the pan­dem­ic hit, the Bel­gian gov­ern­ment forced every­one to stay at home, in their own iso­la­tion cells. The oppo­si­tion bare­ly came into play in the media dur­ing the pan­dem­ic. Health min­is­ter Frank Van­den­broucke, who played a big role in the cri­sis, is not even elect­ed. The demo­c­ra­t­ic deficit only grew when politi­cians were too cow­ard­ly to explain new restric­tions and left it up to virol­o­gists to defend the mea­sures.”

    Van Grieken stressed that those frus­tra­tions have no out­let. Last week, mem­bers of a rad­i­cal right-wing orga­ni­za­tion were sen­tenced to six months in jail for incite­ment to hatred and vio­lence because of a ban­ner that said “Stop Islamiza­tion.” The gov­ern­ment is also try­ing to fix a loop­hole in the law to make pros­e­cu­tion for hate speech eas­i­er.

    “Peo­ple are told what to do by politi­cians they didn’t elect,” Van Grieken said. “They are not allowed to demon­strate, they get con­vict­ed for state­ments and are cen­sored on social media … Peo­ple feel like they are being muz­zled. That’s a dan­ger­ous com­bi­na­tion.”

    Nat­u­ral­ly, many Bel­gians don’t buy this sto­ry of Flem­ish exclu­sion, and say that Van Grieken’s par­ty sim­ply insti­gates much of this anx­i­ety itself.

    Speak­ing about Con­ings, Egbert Lachaert, the par­ty pres­i­dent of De Croo’s Flem­ish lib­er­als, said that “this sort of rad­i­cal­iza­tion is fed by some par­ties.”

    “You have the jihadist who puts on the bomb, det­o­nates him­self and cre­ates inno­cent vic­tims — as is the case with Jür­gen Con­ings — but you also have the imams who preach rad­i­cal­iza­tion on social media and web­sites. And some of those peo­ple are in our par­lia­ment.”

    Meyrem Almaci, the par­ty pres­i­dent of the Flem­ish Greens, stressed on Bel­gian tele­vi­sion that Van Grieken and his par­ty con­stant­ly framed cer­tain groups in soci­ety as abnor­mal. “If you sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly repeat that, over and over again … then you cre­ate an atmos­phere where you’re not a valve to reduce the pres­sure, but you become a fire gen­er­a­tor.”

    Still, Van Grieken’s argu­ments about Flem­ish frus­tra­tion boil­ing over are not the exclu­sive pre­serve of Vlaams Belang.

    Joren Ver­meer­sch, a con­ser­v­a­tive writer who did a brief stint as the chief ide­ol­o­gist of the N‑VA, of which he’s still a mem­ber, also zeroed in on issues like “wok­e­ness” and the “Stop Islamiza­tion” ver­dict when try­ing to explain the shift to a more extrem­ist under­ground. “Lim­it­ing free­dom of expres­sion by a court, com­bined with polit­i­cal pro­pos­als that go even fur­ther, will only increase polar­iza­tion and add to the sup­port for Vlaams Belang. Peo­ple will go under­ground and rad­i­cal­ize even fur­ther, deprived as they are from the dis­sent­ing opin­ions they receive by open debate. It’s dan­ger­ous and irre­spon­si­ble.”

    Con­ings’ case ties into wider fears across Europe that the mil­i­tary is a fer­tile breed­ing ground for far-right extrem­ists, who can gain access to weapons. Ger­man police last year raid­ed the home of a 45-year old com­man­do and found an arse­nal of weapons from offi­cial stock­piles along with what the gov­ern­ment described as Nazi “devo­tion­al items,” includ­ing an SS song­book.

    The night­mare sce­nario for Euro­pean secu­ri­ty forces is that the heav­i­ly armed Con­ings could fol­low oth­er ‘lone wolf’ types who became infa­mous by per­pe­trat­ing acts of mass vio­lence like Anders Breivik, the Nor­we­gian nation­al­ist who mas­sa­cred 77 peo­ple in 2011, or Bren­ton Tar­rant, a white nation­al­ist from New Zealand who mur­dered 51 Mus­lim wor­ship­pers in 2019.

    Rise of the extreme-right

    The sense of angst on the right is far from unique to Bel­gium. It has lead to increased sup­port for extreme par­ties all over the West­ern world, said Willem Sas, who spe­cial­izes in polit­i­cal econ­o­my and extrem­ism at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Stir­ling and the Katholieke Uni­ver­siteit Leu­ven. Those par­ties build on feel­ings of eco­nom­ic inse­cu­ri­ty because of autom­a­ti­za­tion and glob­al­iza­tion and whip up cul­tur­al inse­cu­ri­ty via tar­get­ed mes­sag­ing. The rea­sons for vot­er dis­sat­is­fac­tion are diverse, but extreme right par­ties present them­selves as the only rep­re­sen­ta­tives of “real” peo­ple, Sas arguesd.

    ...

    In recent years, cul­tur­al issues — rather than eco­nom­ic ones — are more at the top of people’s minds in Bel­gium when they enter the vot­ing booth, accord­ing to research.

    “Both the Greens and Vlaams Belang politi­cize those cul­tur­al issues such as cli­mate, migra­tion or Europe,” said Jonas Lefe­vere, who spe­cial­izes in polit­i­cal com­mu­ni­ca­tion at the Free Uni­ver­si­ty of Brus­sels and worked on the research. “The more peo­ple wor­ry about migra­tion, the more they vote for Vlaams Belang.”

    Sas also not­ed the increased risks from “wok­e­ness.” Woke is a short­hand for an aware­ness of social injus­tice issues, but for the blue col­lar work­er who has a dai­ly strug­gle to get by, dis­cus­sion about gen­der neu­tral toi­lets seems out of touch with real­i­ty, Sas said. “Add in an eco­nom­ic cri­sis or a pan­dem­ic, and it’s no won­der things get out of con­trol. It’s a per­fect storm.”

    Europe’s Capi­tol Hill

    So what hap­pens now?

    The U.S. prece­dent paints an alarm­ing pic­ture.

    “Hillary Clin­ton dis­missed a group that felt mis­un­der­stood as ‘deplorables,’” said Ignaas Devisch, an ethics and phi­los­o­phy pro­fes­sor at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Ghent. “Of course we have to con­demn those sup­port­ers of Con­ings who sup­port vio­lence, but we also have to dis­cuss what to do next. If there’s such a big part of soci­ety that feels like they don’t mat­ter, it’s just a mat­ter of time before this ten­sion erupts.”

    Devisch stressed that a large block of Con­ings’ sup­port­ers were mis­in­formed and unable (or unwill­ing) to dis­tin­guish between fact and fic­tion.

    That’s the big­ger prob­lem. When riot­ers stormed Capi­tol Hill, they first destroyed the cam­eras of the tra­di­tion­al media out­lets. This group doesn’t trust any­one except for those who may be not trust­wor­thy at all, but pre­tend they’re out­side of the sys­tem, such as Vlaams Belang. A Capi­tol Hill sce­nario may seem absurd in Bel­gium. But if an ex-sol­dier threat­en­ing to per­form ter­ror­ist acts wins such big sup­port, it’s not that absurd to be on the out­look for copy­cats.”

    It’s part­ly why oth­ers have called on Van Grieken and his par­ty to not only con­demn Con­ings and his sup­port­ers, but also to think twice about their polit­i­cal rhetoric.

    How far the sup­port in the polls for Vlaams Belang will con­tin­ue to surge will depend on two fac­tors.

    First, can the world exit the coro­n­avirus pan­dem­ic soon? Sec­ond, will the cur­rent gov­ern­ment be suc­cess­ful?

    Hold­ing the coun­try togeth­er

    De Croo’s team pre­sent­ed them­selves as a dam against ris­ing extrem­ists: the extreme right in Flan­ders and the extreme left in the south­ern part of the coun­try. The shad­ow of the next elec­tions in 2024 hangs like a dark cloud over the cur­rent gov­ern­ment. If Vlaams Belang and N‑VA destroy the gov­ern­ing par­ties in those elec­tions, Bel­gium will be polit­i­cal­ly par­a­lyzed.

    ...

    De Croo took over as prime min­is­ter when Bel­gium was among Europe’s worst hit coun­tries dur­ing the pandemic’s sec­ond wave.

    But the shock pub­lic sup­port for an unsta­ble rene­gade sol­dier now sug­gests that coro­n­avirus may ulti­mate­ly prove to be only the sec­ond most seri­ous prob­lem in his pre­mier­ship.

    ————-

    “Belgium’s most want­ed man ignites a cul­ture war” by Bar­bara Moens; Politi­co EU; 06/05/2021

    “Almost three weeks on, Con­ings is still on the run, but Bel­gians now view him as some­thing more sig­nif­i­cant than just a crazy lone gun­man. The true shock-fac­tor of the case is that tens of thou­sands of peo­ple have ral­lied to sup­port him and that far-right Flem­ish nation­al­ists from the Dutch-speak­ing north are styling him as a sym­bol of their deep­er polit­i­cal griev­ances.

    Jur­gen Con­ings is appar­ent­ly speak­ing for a seem­ing major­i­ty of Bel­gium’s Flem­ish nation­al­ists. Not just Bel­gian extrem­ist. Main­stream con­ser­v­a­tives. As the arti­cle notes, if elec­tions were held today, the Flem­ish con­ser­v­a­tive nation­al­ist N‑VA and far-right Vlaams Belang would togeth­er have a major­i­ty of seats in the Flem­ish par­lia­ment. And that’s the polit­i­cal coali­tion increas­ing­ly embrac­ing this “Bel­gian Ram­bo” is an inspi­ra­tional fig­ure sym­bol­iz­ing a broad­er cul­ture war and right-wing griev­ance com­plex and the Flem­ish desires for seces­sion:

    ...
    But the case was about to get even more sur­pris­ing. It wasn’t long before the fan club began to emerge. As troops combed Belgium’s east­ern nation­al park, tens of thou­sands of Bel­gians ral­lied online to back him, with the Face­book group “I love Jür­gen Con­ings” gath­er­ing up to 50,000 mem­bers before being tak­en down. Fans even gath­ered for march­es, hold­ing ban­ners such as “Jürgen’s life mat­ters” and “As 1 behind Jür­gen.”

    Politi­cians and opin­ion lead­ers erupt­ed in out­rage. Where did this sup­port for an extreme-right ter­ror­ist come from?

    But take a step back and the sup­port for Con­ings, togeth­er with ris­ing approval for the far-right Vlaams Belang par­ty, is expos­ing a cru­cial fault­line in Flan­ders, the north­ern part of Bel­gium, where more than 40 per­cent of peo­ple want to loosen ties with the poor­er, French-speak­ing south.

    For some of the Flem­ish right-wingers, Con­ings’ case epit­o­mizes broad­er com­plaints about the exclu­sion from gov­ern­ment of the Flem­ish right-wing nation­al­ist move­ment (of which Con­ings had been a mem­ber). Con­ings, who said in his good­bye let­ter that he could no longer live “with the lies of peo­ple who then decide how we should live,” is sud­den­ly mor­ph­ing into an emblem of deep­er Flem­ish dis­con­tent and alien­ation.

    ...

    The unex­pect­ed­ly pub­lic demon­stra­tion of sup­port for Con­ings coin­cid­ed with a new poll that showed Vlaams Belang had over­tak­en the 18.5 per­cent it won in the 2019 elec­tion and would now win a quar­ter of Flem­ish votes. If elec­tions were held today, the Flem­ish con­ser­v­a­tive nation­al­ist N‑VA and far-right Vlaams Belang would togeth­er have a major­i­ty of seats in the Flem­ish par­lia­ment.

    ...

    In recent years, cul­tur­al issues — rather than eco­nom­ic ones — are more at the top of people’s minds in Bel­gium when they enter the vot­ing booth, accord­ing to research.
    ...

    And giv­en the wide­spread sup­port for Con­ings across Bel­gian soci­ety, it only fol­lows that sup­port for Con­ings in the mil­i­tary is going to be pret­ty sub­stan­tial too. Which, again, is why we have to ask: is Con­ings get­ting help from with­in the Bel­gian mil­i­tary? And many more poten­tial Ram­bos are there still wait­ing to snap?

    ...
    Con­ings’ case ties into wider fears across Europe that the mil­i­tary is a fer­tile breed­ing ground for far-right extrem­ists, who can gain access to weapons. Ger­man police last year raid­ed the home of a 45-year old com­man­do and found an arse­nal of weapons from offi­cial stock­piles along with what the gov­ern­ment described as Nazi “devo­tion­al items,” includ­ing an SS song­book.

    The night­mare sce­nario for Euro­pean secu­ri­ty forces is that the heav­i­ly armed Con­ings could fol­low oth­er ‘lone wolf’ types who became infa­mous by per­pe­trat­ing acts of mass vio­lence like Anders Breivik, the Nor­we­gian nation­al­ist who mas­sa­cred 77 peo­ple in 2011, or Bren­ton Tar­rant, a white nation­al­ist from New Zealand who mur­dered 51 Mus­lim wor­ship­pers in 2019.
    ...

    Final­ly, we can’t ignore the new post-Jan 6 con­text for this sto­ry: the remark­able par­al­lels with what hap­pened to the US con­ser­v­a­tive move­ment and the Repub­li­can Par­ty, where a mis­in­for­ma­tion-fueled nar­ra­tive of ‘the world is out to get con­ser­v­a­tives’ has such a strong grip on the psy­ches of Amer­i­can con­ser­v­a­tives that there are basi­cal­ly no sources of infor­ma­tion out­side of this far right uni­verse this demo­graph­ic is will­ing to trust. The sense of alien­ation against the rest of soci­ety is seem­ing­ly impen­e­tra­ble and only grows the longer audi­ences remain cap­tives of these mis­in­for­ma­tion ecosys­tems:

    ...
    Europe’s Capi­tol Hill

    So what hap­pens now?

    The U.S. prece­dent paints an alarm­ing pic­ture.

    “Hillary Clin­ton dis­missed a group that felt mis­un­der­stood as ‘deplorables,’” said Ignaas Devisch, an ethics and phi­los­o­phy pro­fes­sor at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Ghent. “Of course we have to con­demn those sup­port­ers of Con­ings who sup­port vio­lence, but we also have to dis­cuss what to do next. If there’s such a big part of soci­ety that feels like they don’t mat­ter, it’s just a mat­ter of time before this ten­sion erupts.”

    Devisch stressed that a large block of Con­ings’ sup­port­ers were mis­in­formed and unable (or unwill­ing) to dis­tin­guish between fact and fic­tion.

    That’s the big­ger prob­lem. When riot­ers stormed Capi­tol Hill, they first destroyed the cam­eras of the tra­di­tion­al media out­lets. This group doesn’t trust any­one except for those who may be not trust­wor­thy at all, but pre­tend they’re out­side of the sys­tem, such as Vlaams Belang. A Capi­tol Hill sce­nario may seem absurd in Bel­gium. But if an ex-sol­dier threat­en­ing to per­form ter­ror­ist acts wins such big sup­port, it’s not that absurd to be on the out­look for copy­cats.”
    ...

    And that’s all part of what the big ques­tion in the case of Jur­gen Con­ings isn’t whether or not the guy is going to get caught before he man­ages to scratch some names off his hit list. The big ques­tion now is how many more ‘Ram­bos’ will Bel­gium be deal­ing with in com­ing years now that con­ser­v­a­tive Bel­gians have already fall­en in love with the idea of going to war with the rest of their soci­ety.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | June 9, 2021, 4:12 pm
  16. There’s anoth­er sto­ry about extrem­ism in the mil­i­tary out of Ger­many, although the sto­ry is com­ing to us from Lithua­nia. Around 30 Ger­man sol­diers sta­tioned in Lithua­nia as part of NATO’s Enhanced For­ward Pres­ence mis­sion (basi­cal­ly an anti-Rus­sia sabre-rat­tling mis­sion) were recalled to Ger­many fol­low­ing an inves­ti­ga­tion that revealed anti-Semit­ic far right songs were sung dur­ing an April inci­dent at a hotel, includ­ing a Hitler Birth­day song.

    Recall how this is just the lat­est in a grow­ing list of recent sto­ries about inves­ti­ga­tions reveal­ing exten­sive pat­terns of orga­nized extrem­ism in Ger­many’s mil­i­tary and police forces. So this isn’t just a sto­ry about extrem­ism in the Ger­man mil­i­tary. It’s the lat­est chap­ter in the much larg­er and grow­ing sto­ry about extrem­ism in the Ger­man mil­i­tary:

    LRT.lt

    Four Ger­man sol­diers recalled from Lithua­nia over alleged harass­ment and anti-Semit­ic songs

    2021.06.15 10:09
    updat­ed

    Ger­many has recalled four sol­diers serv­ing in a NATO con­tin­gent in Lithua­nia over sus­pect­ed sex­u­al harass­ment and singing anti-Semit­ic songs.

    Accord­ing to Deutsche Welle, Ger­many’s Defence Min­istry announced the deci­sion on Mon­day.

    The four sol­diers, who are serv­ing in the NATO Enhanced For­ward Pres­ence (eFP), are sus­pect­ed of involve­ment in sex­u­al harass­ment, singing anti-Semit­ic and rad­i­cal right-wing songs. The sus­pect­ed inci­dent occurred in late April in a hotel, accord­ing to the mag­a­zine Der Spiegel. One of the sol­diers report­ed it to his supe­ri­ors in June.

    Sev­er­al sol­diers are con­sid­ered vic­tims of the inci­dent, accord­ing to Deutsche Welle, one of them required psy­cho­log­i­cal help and was sent back to Ger­many.

    Ger­man MP Alexan­der Müller has been quot­ed as say­ing that the mis­takes of indi­vid­ual sol­diers are inex­cus­able and require “dis­ci­pli­nary inves­ti­ga­tion”. How­ev­er, he said, the inci­dent should not throw shade on the entire con­tin­gent.

    The NATO Enhanced For­ward Pres­ence mis­sion has been deployed on a rota­tion­al basis in the three Baltic coun­tries and Poland in the wake of Rus­si­a’s annex­a­tion of Crimea in 2014. Ger­many was giv­en com­mand of a bat­tal­ion of 1,000 sol­diers in Lithua­nia.

    Lithua­ni­a’s Defence Min­is­ter Arvy­das Anušauskas has said that the inves­ti­ga­tion is car­ried out by Ger­many and that Lithua­nia is not privy to its details.

    “We are not being informed about the details of the inves­ti­ga­tion. [...] The Lithuan­ian mil­i­tary is not involved in the inves­ti­ga­tion, nor can it be,” Anušauskas told reporters on Tues­day, stress­ing that Ger­many was in charge of the mat­ter.

    He also said that Ger­many informed Lithua­nia about the removal of the sol­diers sev­er­al days ago.

    “We know that it’s about four sol­diers, but we can­not con­firm any details with­out the inves­ti­ga­tion [...]. The Ger­mans inform us about things they deem sig­nif­i­cant,” Anušauskas said.

    Approached for com­ment by LRT.lt, the Ger­man Embassy in Vil­nius has con­firmed a dis­ci­pli­nary action has been launched.

    “The Ger­man Embassy in Vil­nius is aware of media reports about a breach of dis­ci­pline in the Ger­man Bun­deswehr con­tin­gent at NATO’s efP Bat­tle Group in Ruk­la, Lithua­nia. A thor­ough dis­ci­pli­nary inves­ti­ga­tion by the com­pe­tent mil­i­tary author­i­ties has been under­way for some time. Pend­ing this, four sol­diers have already been repa­tri­at­ed.

    ...

    ———–

    “Four Ger­man sol­diers recalled from Lithua­nia over alleged harass­ment and anti-Semit­ic songs”; LRT.lt; 06/15/2021

    “The NATO Enhanced For­ward Pres­ence mis­sion has been deployed on a rota­tion­al basis in the three Baltic coun­tries and Poland in the wake of Rus­si­a’s annex­a­tion of Crimea in 2014. Ger­many was giv­en com­mand of a bat­tal­ion of 1,000 sol­diers in Lithua­nia.

    It’s bad enough when Ger­many finds extrem­ists in its mil­i­tary ranks. But it’s a scan­dal with his­toric echoes when the extrem­ism is dis­cov­ered in the bat­tal­ion of 1,000 sol­diers sta­tioned on Lithuan­ian soil. And it start­ed off with just four sol­diers being recalled:

    ...
    Ger­man MP Alexan­der Müller has been quot­ed as say­ing that the mis­takes of indi­vid­ual sol­diers are inex­cus­able and require “dis­ci­pli­nary inves­ti­ga­tion”. How­ev­er, he said, the inci­dent should not throw shade on the entire con­tin­gent.

    ...

    “We know that it’s about four sol­diers, but we can­not con­firm any details with­out the inves­ti­ga­tion [...]. The Ger­mans inform us about things they deem sig­nif­i­cant,” Anušauskas said.
    ...

    And while the dis­cov­ery of four extrem­ists in a Ger­many unit oper­at­ing in Lithua­nia is bad enough, that num­ber quick­ly grew from four to around 30 sol­diers being recalled after inves­ti­ga­tions found they had sung a birth­day song for Hitler and even com­mit­ted acts of sex­u­al vio­lence. So the one thing we can con­clude at this point is that we can’t real­ly make any con­clu­sions about the extent of the extrem­ism in this mil­i­tary unit. The num­ber keeps grow­ing and the more they inves­ti­gate the more inci­dents of extrem­ism they find. For exam­ple, short­ly after it was announced that four sol­diers would be recalled to Ger­many, we got the update that their entire 30-mem­ber pla­toon was dis­band­ed:

    The New York Times

    Ger­many Recalls Pla­toon on NATO Mis­sion Over Sex­u­al Assault and Racism Claims

    A tank pla­toon was sent home from Lithua­nia after mem­bers were sus­pect­ed of sex­u­al assault, and racist and anti-Semit­ic behav­ior, in the lat­est embar­rass­ment for Germany’s armed forces.

    By Melis­sa Eddy
    June 17, 2021

    BERLIN — Germany’s defense min­istry sent home a tank pla­toon from a NATO mis­sion in Lithua­nia on Thurs­day after sev­er­al of its mem­bers came under sus­pi­cion of sex­u­al­ly assault­ing a fel­low sol­dier, and engag­ing in racist and anti-Semit­ic harass­ment, adding an inter­na­tion­al embar­rass­ment to a list of woes plagu­ing the country’s armed forces.

    The 30-mem­ber pla­toon will be dis­band­ed upon its return to Ger­many and any sol­diers found guilty of crimes or mis­con­duct will be severe­ly pun­ished, Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer, Germany’s defense min­is­ter, said. The mem­bers of the pla­toon were among rough­ly 600 Ger­man sol­diers serv­ing in Lithua­nia, one of the three Baltic coun­tries where, along with Poland, NATO has put troops in response to the Russ­ian annex­a­tion of Crimea and incur­sions into Ukraine.

    The inci­dent in Lithua­nia is the lat­est humil­i­a­tion for Germany’s armed forces, which have been strug­gling for years to iden­ti­fy and weed out far-right extrem­ists in their ranks, even as com­man­ders strug­gle to main­tain an image of a nim­ble, mod­ern force despite a lack of equip­ment and recruits. Last year, Ger­many was forced to dis­band an elite spe­cial forces unit after find­ing that it had been infil­trat­ed by far-right extrem­ists.

    More than an embar­rass­ment, the lat­est episode risks under­min­ing faith in the capa­bil­i­ty of the Ger­man Army to lead the 1,300-strong bat­tle group in Lithua­nia, which includes troops from Bel­gium, the Czech Repub­lic, the Nether­lands, Nor­way, Ice­land and Lux­em­bourg.

    “The mis­con­duct of some sol­diers in Lithua­nia is a slap in the face for all those in the army who serve day in, day out for the secu­ri­ty of our coun­try,” Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer said on Twit­ter. “This derail­ment dam­ages the rep­u­ta­tion of Ger­many and its army and will be met with the most severe pun­ish­ment pos­si­ble.”

    The Defense Min­istry said Ms. Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer had reached out to her Lithuan­ian coun­ter­part to dis­cuss the inci­dent, but gave no fur­ther details of their dis­cus­sion, cit­ing an ongo­ing inves­ti­ga­tion.

    NATO declined to make an offi­cial com­ment about the Ger­man pla­toon with­draw­al. Oana Lunges­cu, the spokes­woman for the alliance, said that dis­ci­pli­nary issues were a mat­ter for the coun­try con­cerned.

    An ini­tial inves­ti­ga­tion into the mis­con­duct also found that 569 rounds of ammu­ni­tion for hand­guns appeared to be miss­ing, Cmdr. Christi­na Rout­si, a spokes­woman for the armed forces, said on Wednes­day. Mil­i­tary author­i­ties first learned of the inci­dents last week and the head of the Ger­man Armed Forces Oper­a­tions Com­mand had sent a team of inves­ti­ga­tors to look into the mat­ter, she said.

    “There are ini­tial sus­pi­cions of vio­la­tions of sol­dier­ly duties, such as the duty of com­rade­ship, the duty to serve faith­ful­ly or the duty of obe­di­ence,” Com­man­der Rout­si said. “But what is even worse is that there are also crim­i­nal offens­es at issue, such as sex­u­al assault, insults, pos­si­bly with racist or anti-Semit­ic con­no­ta­tions, as well as extrem­ist behav­ior.”

    That includ­ed singing a song to mark Adolf Hitler’s birth­day on April 20, in vio­la­tion of a sergeant’s order, the Ger­man mag­a­zine Der Spiegel report­ed on Mon­day. The sergeant then failed to report the inci­dent, it said.

    ...

    ———–

    “Ger­many Recalls Pla­toon on NATO Mis­sion Over Sex­u­al Assault and Racism Claims” by Melis­sa Eddy; The New York Times; 06/17/2021

    The 30-mem­ber pla­toon will be dis­band­ed upon its return to Ger­many and any sol­diers found guilty of crimes or mis­con­duct will be severe­ly pun­ished, Annegret Kramp-Kar­ren­bauer, Germany’s defense min­is­ter, said. The mem­bers of the pla­toon were among rough­ly 600 Ger­man sol­diers serv­ing in Lithua­nia, one of the three Baltic coun­tries where, along with Poland, NATO has put troops in response to the Russ­ian annex­a­tion of Crimea and incur­sions into Ukraine.”

    The whole pla­toon had to go. That sounds like a much big­ger prob­lem than just a few bad apples. And prob­a­bly a much big­ger prob­lem than just this pla­toon.

    And note how the Hitler birth­day song inci­dent report­ed­ly hap­pened in vio­la­tion of as sergean­t’s order, but the sergeant failed to report the vio­la­tion. So this pla­toon was cel­e­brat­ing Hitler’s birth­day with the full aware­ness of a sergeant, who cov­ered it up, mak­ing this just the lat­est inci­dent of Ger­many mil­i­tary offi­cers being com­plic­it in this extrem­ism:

    ...
    “There are ini­tial sus­pi­cions of vio­la­tions of sol­dier­ly duties, such as the duty of com­rade­ship, the duty to serve faith­ful­ly or the duty of obe­di­ence,” Com­man­der Rout­si said. “But what is even worse is that there are also crim­i­nal offens­es at issue, such as sex­u­al assault, insults, pos­si­bly with racist or anti-Semit­ic con­no­ta­tions, as well as extrem­ist behav­ior.”

    That includ­ed singing a song to mark Adolf Hitler’s birth­day on April 20, in vio­la­tion of a sergeant’s order, the Ger­man mag­a­zine Der Spiegel report­ed on Mon­day. The sergeant then failed to report the inci­dent, it said.
    ...

    It’s also worth not­ing how utter­ly NOT hid­den it sounds like behav­ior was at a hotel. Sure, they were singing at a hotel and not at their bar­racks. But dozens of drunk­en singing sol­diers does­n’t sound like an event intend­ed to be hid­den from the broad­er pub­lic. It’s the kind of sto­ry that rais­es fur­ther ques­tion about just how hid­den, or not hid­den, this extrem­ist behav­ior in of sol­diers sta­tioned out­side of Ger­many, espe­cial­ly in coun­tries like Lithua­nia with a local pop­u­lace that might har­bor a great deal of its own extrem­ist sym­pa­thies. What kind of social envi­ron­ments are being cre­at­ed around these East­ern Euro­pean NATO con­tin­gents that led these sol­diers to believe hold­ing a Hitler birth­day par­ty at a local hotel would go unno­ticed?

    Final­ly, note how we’re only hear­ing about this pla­toon being recalled. That’s it. No one else appears to have been impli­cat­ed in the inves­ti­ga­tion. So either all the extrem­ists were in that one pla­toon or ....

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | June 21, 2021, 5:08 pm
  17. One of these days it’s going to be the Day X. It’s just a mat­ter of time. That’s the dis­turb­ing con­clu­sion that’s hard to avoid fol­low­ing the lat­est report on the thwart­ing of anoth­er Ger­man far right “Day X” coup plot. A shock­ing­ly large coup plot that involved the arrest of 25 indi­vid­u­als, includ­ing an active duty sol­dier, a for­mer offi­cer in the elite spe­cial forces, a police offi­cer and at least two army reservists. A large num­ber of loca­tions were also raid­ed, includ­ing 150 homes and a mil­i­tary bar­racks. Attacks on the pow­er grid were appar­ent­ly part of plot.

    The net­work of indi­vid­u­als involved with the plot appear to be cen­tered around the Reichs­bürg­er (Reichs­buerg­er) move­ment, which believes the most-WWII Ger­man gov­ern­ment is ille­git­i­mate. It’s a theme heard echoed by politi­cians in the AfD. Recall the Sep­tem­ber 2017 report describ­ing how AfD co-founder, Alice Wei­del, was par­rot­ing Reichs­bürg­er rhetoric with her descrip­tion of the gov­ern­ment as “pigs” who are “noth­ing oth­er than mar­i­onettes of the vic­to­ri­ous pow­ers of the sec­ond world war, whose task it is to keep down the Ger­man peo­ple”. It also turns out that one of the fig­ures involved with this plot was AfD mem­ber Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann, who was a law­mak­er until last year. She was des­ig­nat­ed to become the group’s jus­tice min­is­ter in the post-coup regime. It was just back in Octo­ber when Mal­sack-Winke­mann was allowed to retain her posi­tion as a judge in Berlin despite the protests of sev­er­al region­al judi­cial author­i­ties over her far right views.

    The des­ig­nat­ed leader of the post-coup Ger­many would be Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss, the 71-year-old descen­dant of a for­mer Ger­man roy­al fam­i­ly. He’s also described as the ring­leader of the group. Inter­est­ing­ly, lib­er­a­tion was promised by the immi­nent inter­ven­tion of the “Alliance,” a tech­ni­cal­ly supe­ri­or secret coali­tion of gov­ern­ments, intel­li­gence ser­vices and mil­i­taries of var­i­ous states, includ­ing Rus­sia and the Unit­ed States. So we have a coup plot with a Ger­man aris­to­crat that appar­ent­ly involved help from an inter­na­tion­al “alliance”. This is a good time to recall the August 2021 sto­ry about the declared for­ma­tion of an inter­na­tion­al coali­tion of con­ser­v­a­tive move­ments that dwklbe coor­di­nat­ed by Jair Bol­sonaro’s gov­ern­ment in Brazil. As we saw, AfD Par­lia­men­tar­i­an Beat­rix von Storch, grand­daugh­ter of Hitler’s finance min­is­ter, was part of that announced Con­ser­v­a­tive Inter­na­tion­al. She also hap­pened to roy­al­ty, with the title Her High­ness Duchess Beat­rix Amelie Ehren­gard Eili­ka von Old­en­burg. She is a dis­tant rel­a­tive of both Prince Charles and Bertrand de Orléans e Bra­gança, the head of the Brazil­ian roy­al fam­i­ly, who she met with the pri­or month. It would be very inter­est­ing to learn if Von Storch had any involve­ment with this.

    And as inves­ti­ga­tors point out, this is far from the only Day X plot that’s been revealed in recent years, rais­ing the ques­tion of how inter­twined all these plots ulti­mate­ly are. Recall the June 2019 reports on Ger­man inves­ti­ga­tions into the 30-odd mem­ber far right ‘prep­per’ group called Nord­kruez (North­ern Cross) on sus­pi­cions that the group was prepar­ing a “Day X”-style ter­ror­ist attack. The group not only had close links to the police and mil­i­tary but had also man­aged to access police com­put­ers and col­lect almost 25,000 names and address­es of local politi­cians who were sup­port­ive of the refugees dur­ing the refugee cri­sis in 2015. One of the mem­bers of Kord­kruez was still employed in the spe­cial com­man­do unit of the state office of crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tions.

    But it’s the repeat­ed expo­sure of high lev­el far right groups inside the Ger­man mil­i­tary that makes some sort of Day X sce­nario just feel inevitable for Ger­many. Because it does­n’t appear that any­thing is actu­al­ly being done to mean­ing­ful­ly address these fes­ter­ing net­works. Recall the July 2020 dis­so­lu­tion of an entire elite Ger­man mil­i­tary unit — the KSK, which is Ger­many’s equiv­a­lent of the US Navy Seals — after inves­ti­ga­tions revealed the unit’s lead­er­ship was open­ly tol­er­at­ing and pro­mot­ing far right extrem­ism and dis­cus­sions of prepar­ing for “Day X”. The leader of the unit was report­ed­ly enthu­si­as­tic in his Nazi chant­i­ng. Also, large amounts of weapons, ammu­ni­tion, and explo­sives — the kind of explo­sives used to blow up build­ing facades on spe­cial mis­sions abroad — were found to miss­ing from the unit. And that there was the Decem­ber 2020 report on the dis­cov­ery of eight Reichs­buerg­er mem­bers in the Ger­many mil­i­tary. What progress has Ger­many actu­al­ly made in mean­ing­ful­ly bust­ing up these net­works? One the one hand it’s nice to see that active mil­i­tary mem­bers of this plot were caught. But on the oth­er hand, it’s the lat­est exam­ple of how these far right net­works man­age to per­sist despite all the inves­ti­ga­tions:

    The New York Times

    Ger­many Arrests 25 Sus­pect­ed of Plan­ning to Over­throw Gov­ern­ment

    Among those detained were a Ger­man prince, a for­mer far-right mem­ber of Par­lia­ment, an active sol­dier and for­mer mem­bers of the police and elite spe­cial forces.

    By Katrin Bennhold and Eri­ka Solomon
    Dec. 7, 2022 Updat­ed 5:24 p.m. ET

    BERLIN — The plan was to storm the Ger­man Capi­tol, arrest law­mak­ers and exe­cute the chan­cel­lor. A prince descend­ed from Ger­man nobil­i­ty would take over as the new head of state, and a for­mer far-right mem­ber of Par­lia­ment would be put in charge of a nation­al purge.

    To facil­i­tate the coup, the elec­tric­i­ty net­work would be sab­o­taged. Satel­lite phones to com­mu­ni­cate off grid had already been bought.

    That is what Ger­man pros­e­cu­tors and intel­li­gence offi­cials say a nation­wide far-right ter­ror­ist net­work was plot­ting before 3,000 police offi­cers and Spe­cial Forces fanned out across the coun­try on Wednes­day to raid 150 homes and arrest 25 sus­pect­ed co-con­spir­a­tors. They includ­ed an active duty sol­dier, a for­mer offi­cer in the elite spe­cial forces, a police offi­cer and at least two army reservists.

    Among the items uncov­ered was a list con­tain­ing 18 names of politi­cians con­sid­ered ene­mies, pos­si­bly to be deport­ed and exe­cut­ed, among them Chan­cel­lor Olaf Scholz, peo­ple famil­iar with the raids told The New York Times, request­ing anonymi­ty because they were not autho­rized to dis­cuss the inves­ti­ga­tion.

    This was the lat­est of a series of plots dis­cov­ered in recent years of extrem­ist net­works prepar­ing for a day the demo­c­ra­t­ic order col­laps­es, a day they call Day X, the sub­ject of a New York Times pod­cast series last year.

    “This is not the first case of a cell like this plan­ning for Day X,” said Kon­stan­tin von Notz, a law­mak­er and mem­ber of the intel­li­gence over­sight com­mit­tee in the Ger­man par­lia­ment. “The num­ber of these cas­es are pil­ing up and the ques­tion is to what extent are they con­nect­ed.”

    It is not clear how capa­ble the plot­ters would have been at exe­cut­ing such an attack, nor how close they were to attempt­ing to imple­ment their plan: Accord­ing to some intel­li­gence offi­cials, the group had twice missed dates when they had aimed to trig­ger their attack. But many of those arrest­ed were known to be heav­i­ly armed, pros­e­cu­tors said, describ­ing the plot as pos­si­bly the most brazen in Germany’s post­war his­to­ry — one aimed direct­ly at the heart of the state.

    “This rep­re­sents an esca­la­tion. They had plans to march into Berlin and take out part of the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment,” said Stephan Kramer, head of domes­tic intel­li­gence of the state of Thuringia, where sev­er­al of the raids took place. “In their plan to over­throw the gov­ern­ment, they were will­ing to accept deaths.”

    Beyond the imme­di­ate threat, the scale of the raids and the ambi­tion of the plot pros­e­cu­tors out­lined point­ed to per­sis­tent vul­ner­a­bil­i­ties to extrem­ism in Germany’s core insti­tu­tions — its Par­lia­ment, its judi­cia­ry, its local and state police, and even its most elite mil­i­tary forces — which the Ger­man author­i­ties have strug­gled to root out in recent years.

    One of the sites raid­ed on Wednes­day was a mil­i­tary bar­racks. Among those detained around the coun­try were a mem­ber of the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many, or AfD, par­ty who had served in the Ger­man Par­lia­ment; a Ger­man prince; and a Russ­ian cit­i­zen accused of sup­port­ing the group’s plans. Fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors said that they were inves­ti­gat­ing a total of 27 oth­er sus­pects as well.

    Two peo­ple arrest­ed were detained out­side Ger­many, one in Aus­tria and anoth­er in Italy.

    Pros­e­cu­tors said the group was formed in the past year, influ­enced by the ide­olo­gies of the con­spir­a­cy group QAnon and a right-wing Ger­man con­spir­a­cy group called the Reichs­bürg­er, or Cit­i­zens of the Reich, which believes that Germany’s post-World War II Repub­lic is not a sov­er­eign coun­try but a cor­po­ra­tion set up by the vic­to­ri­ous Allies.

    For years, the Reichs­bürg­er had been seen as almost a sideshow among Germany’s far-right groups, made up of a loose­ly dis­persed net­work of some 20,000 peo­ple with bizarre con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries.

    “It has always been believed that only a small per­cent­age of them are right-wing extrem­ist,” said Hajo Funke, a polit­i­cal sci­en­tist at the Free Uni­ver­si­ty in Berlin, who focus­es on right wing extrem­ists. “That was always wrong, and we are see­ing now the mis­take in the down­play­ing this dan­ger.”

    In recent years, and espe­cial­ly since the pan­dem­ic, the group gained new ener­gy as its fol­low­ers and think­ing com­bined with the con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries of the QAnon move­ment, in par­tic­u­lar see­ing a threat from the so called “deep state,” a shad­owy cabal of cor­rupt elites they imag­ine run­ning the gov­ern­ment.

    One con­vic­tion shared by its mem­bers was that “Ger­many is cur­rent­ly ruled by mem­bers of a so-called deep state” that need­ed to be over­thrown, a state­ment from pros­e­cu­tors said.

    Pros­e­cu­tors said that to car­ry out its plans the group had formed a mil­i­tary wing, which was active­ly try­ing to recruit in police and mil­i­tary, and a polit­i­cal wing, which it called the coun­cil, a sort of shad­ow gov­ern­ment it intend­ed to install in Berlin.

    “The mil­i­tary arm would build a new Ger­man Army, con­sist­ing of ‘home­land secu­ri­ty com­pa­nies’ yet to be estab­lished,” the fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tor, Peter Frank, said on Wednes­day. Mem­bers of the mil­i­tary fac­tion had also been active in the in the fed­er­al armed forces, he said.

    The attack­ers, pros­e­cu­tors said, seemed will­ing to use vio­lence. “Mem­bers of the orga­ni­za­tion were aware that this goal can only be achieved through the use of mil­i­tary means and vio­lence against state rep­re­sen­ta­tives,” the prosecutor’s state­ment added. “This also includ­ed com­mis­sion­ing killings.”

    It was not the first plot against gov­ern­ment offi­cials that law enforce­ment agen­cies have foiled this year.

    In April, offi­cers arrest­ed four peo­ple who had been plot­ting to kid­nap the health min­is­ter, Karl Lauter­bach, and cause nation­wide pow­er out­ages. The police said that the sus­pects were linked to the Reichs­bürg­er and anti-vac­cine move­ments.

    In the plot exposed on Wednes­day, an AfD mem­ber, iden­ti­fied in Ger­man media as Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann, a law­mak­er until last year, was des­ig­nat­ed to become the group’s jus­tice min­is­ter in the post-coup regime the pros­e­cu­tors said.

    Her own sto­ry high­lights some of the chal­lenges Ger­man insti­tu­tions face in try­ing to fight far-right threats from with­in: Only in Octo­ber, Ms. Mal­sack-Winke­mann was allowed by a judi­cial board to retain her posi­tion as a judge in Berlin, despite the protest of sev­er­al region­al judi­cial author­i­ties, who said she had far-right views.

    The Ger­man news­pa­per, Der Spiegel report­ed that she had post­ed reg­u­lar­ly on Telegram using the slo­gan “WWG1WGA,” which stands for the QAnon slo­gan, “Where we go one, we go all.” Spiegel said she delet­ed the posts after it ques­tioned her.

    But accord­ing to an inter­nal judi­cia­ry review, her social media posts were not con­sid­ered suf­fi­cient evi­dence to dis­qual­i­fy her.

    “If these ini­tial reports are con­firmed, that a for­mer AfD mem­ber of the Bun­destag is involved in this con­spir­a­cy, then that shows what kind of quag­mire the AfD as a par­ty is in,” said Chris­t­ian Dürr, a law­mak­er for the Free Democ­rats, one of three gov­ern­ing par­ties. “This is not about Ger­many at all, it is in truth about the destruc­tion of par­lia­men­tary democ­ra­cy.”

    The ring­leader of the group was iden­ti­fied as Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss, the 71-year-old descen­dant of a for­mer Ger­man roy­al fam­i­ly. He was des­ig­nat­ed to take over as the new head of state.

    Already, the Reuss fam­i­ly ear­li­er this year dis­tanced itself from Hein­rich XIII because of his involve­ment in the Reichs­bürg­er scene, call­ing him a “con­spir­a­cy the­o­rist” and a “con­fused old man.”

    Accord­ing to the mem­bers of the group, lib­er­a­tion is promised by the immi­nent inter­ven­tion of the “Alliance,” a tech­ni­cal­ly supe­ri­or secret coali­tion of gov­ern­ments, intel­li­gence ser­vices and mil­i­taries of var­i­ous states, includ­ing Rus­sia and the Unit­ed States, accord­ing to the pros­e­cu­tors.

    Prince Hein­rich XIII had tried to make con­tact with rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the Russ­ian gov­ern­ment through the Russ­ian Embassy in Berlin. A Russ­ian cit­i­zen, whom the pros­e­cu­tors iden­ti­fied as “Vitalia B.,” is believed to have helped him in try­ing to estab­lish con­tact with Moscow. But pros­e­cu­tors said there were no indi­ca­tions that they had received a pos­i­tive response from the Russ­ian sources they had con­tact­ed.

    ...

    Germany’s intel­li­gence ser­vices have for years said that the great­est threat to the coun­try came from domes­tic, far-right extrem­ist groups. Right-wing extrem­ists in 2019 killed a local politi­cian in the Ger­man state of Hes­sen, and in the same year attempt­ed to attack a syn­a­gogue. A year lat­er, a far-right ter­ror­ist killed nine immi­grants and descen­dants of immi­grants.

    ...

    ———-

    “Ger­many Arrests 25 Sus­pect­ed of Plan­ning to Over­throw Gov­ern­ment” By Katrin Bennhold and Eri­ka Solomon; The New York Times; 12/07/2022

    This was the lat­est of a series of plots dis­cov­ered in recent years of extrem­ist net­works prepar­ing for a day the demo­c­ra­t­ic order col­laps­es, a day they call Day X, the sub­ject of a New York Times pod­cast series last year.”

    It just keeps hap­pen­ing. Anoth­er Day X plot was revealed by Ger­man author­i­ties. At this point the ques­tion isn’t whether or not there are groups active­ly plot­ting Day X coups in Ger­many. The salient ques­tions at this point is how many of these groups are there, how close­ly are they work­ing togeth­er, and how exten­sive is their sup­port inside the Ger­man mil­i­tary and nation­al secu­ri­ty state? Along with the ques­tion of the select­ed date for the even­tu­al Day X. It’s that sense of inevitabil­i­ty that is per­haps the biggest part of this sto­ry. Because this isn’t a new sto­ry. We’ve been hear­ing about these plots for years. They keep get­ting bust­ed, but the plot­ting clear­ly con­tin­ues. And this time, the bust in includes a Ger­man Prince, Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss, who is described as both the ring­leader and the fig­ure des­ig­nat­ed to take over as the new head of state fol­low­ing the coup.

    But there’s also talk of some sort assis­tance that would be giv­en to the coup plot­ters by “the immi­nent inter­ven­tion of the “Alliance,” a tech­ni­cal­ly supe­ri­or secret coali­tion of gov­ern­ments, intel­li­gence ser­vices and mil­i­taries of var­i­ous states, includ­ing Rus­sia and the Unit­ed States.” On one lev­el, that sounds a lot like the kind of ‘secret pow­er­ful forces will swoop in and save the day’ nar­ra­tive we’ve come to expect from QAnon-affil­i­at­ed move­ments. But at the same time, giv­en the remark­able per­sis­tence of this plot­ting and the grow­ing inter­na­tion­al far right net­work­ing over the last decade, ques­tions about what kind of inter­na­tion­al sup­port there was/is for these Day X plots should loom large in this inves­ti­ga­tion. After all, we should­n’t nec­es­sar­i­ly assume Day X will take place exclu­sive­ly in Ger­many. Why not have simul­ta­ne­ous far right coups around the world? So when we hear about seem­ing fan­tas­ti­cal pre­dic­tions that the gov­ern­ments of Russ­ian and the US will play­ing an assist­ing Day X role, keep in mind that the plot­ters might be assum­ing these ‘allied gov­ern­ments’ already had their own Day X:

    ...
    Pros­e­cu­tors said the group was formed in the past year, influ­enced by the ide­olo­gies of the con­spir­a­cy group QAnon and a right-wing Ger­man con­spir­a­cy group called the Reichs­bürg­er, or Cit­i­zens of the Reich, which believes that Germany’s post-World War II Repub­lic is not a sov­er­eign coun­try but a cor­po­ra­tion set up by the vic­to­ri­ous Allies.

    For years, the Reichs­bürg­er had been seen as almost a sideshow among Germany’s far-right groups, made up of a loose­ly dis­persed net­work of some 20,000 peo­ple with bizarre con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries.

    “It has always been believed that only a small per­cent­age of them are right-wing extrem­ist,” said Hajo Funke, a polit­i­cal sci­en­tist at the Free Uni­ver­si­ty in Berlin, who focus­es on right wing extrem­ists. “That was always wrong, and we are see­ing now the mis­take in the down­play­ing this dan­ger.”

    ...

    Pros­e­cu­tors said that to car­ry out its plans the group had formed a mil­i­tary wing, which was active­ly try­ing to recruit in police and mil­i­tary, and a polit­i­cal wing, which it called the coun­cil, a sort of shad­ow gov­ern­ment it intend­ed to install in Berlin.

    ...

    The ring­leader of the group was iden­ti­fied as Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss, the 71-year-old descen­dant of a for­mer Ger­man roy­al fam­i­ly. He was des­ig­nat­ed to take over as the new head of state.

    Already, the Reuss fam­i­ly ear­li­er this year dis­tanced itself from Hein­rich XIII because of his involve­ment in the Reichs­bürg­er scene, call­ing him a “con­spir­a­cy the­o­rist” and a “con­fused old man.”

    Accord­ing to the mem­bers of the group, lib­er­a­tion is promised by the immi­nent inter­ven­tion of the “Alliance,” a tech­ni­cal­ly supe­ri­or secret coali­tion of gov­ern­ments, intel­li­gence ser­vices and mil­i­taries of var­i­ous states, includ­ing Rus­sia and the Unit­ed States, accord­ing to the pros­e­cu­tors.

    Prince Hein­rich XIII had tried to make con­tact with rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the Russ­ian gov­ern­ment through the Russ­ian Embassy in Berlin. A Russ­ian cit­i­zen, whom the pros­e­cu­tors iden­ti­fied as “Vitalia B.,” is believed to have helped him in try­ing to estab­lish con­tact with Moscow. But pros­e­cu­tors said there were no indi­ca­tions that they had received a pos­i­tive response from the Russ­ian sources they had con­tact­ed.
    ...

    The plot even includes a for­mer AfD law­mak­er who remains a judge in Berlin despite alarms raised by sev­er­al region­al judi­cial author­i­ties about her far right views:

    ...
    In the plot exposed on Wednes­day, an AfD mem­ber, iden­ti­fied in Ger­man media as Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann, a law­mak­er until last year, was des­ig­nat­ed to become the group’s jus­tice min­is­ter in the post-coup regime the pros­e­cu­tors said.

    Her own sto­ry high­lights some of the chal­lenges Ger­man insti­tu­tions face in try­ing to fight far-right threats from with­in: Only in Octo­ber, Ms. Mal­sack-Winke­mann was allowed by a judi­cial board to retain her posi­tion as a judge in Berlin, despite the protest of sev­er­al region­al judi­cial author­i­ties, who said she had far-right views.

    The Ger­man news­pa­per, Der Spiegel report­ed that she had post­ed reg­u­lar­ly on Telegram using the slo­gan “WWG1WGA,” which stands for the QAnon slo­gan, “Where we go one, we go all.” Spiegel said she delet­ed the posts after it ques­tioned her.

    But accord­ing to an inter­nal judi­cia­ry review, her social media posts were not con­sid­ered suf­fi­cient evi­dence to dis­qual­i­fy her.

    “If these ini­tial reports are con­firmed, that a for­mer AfD mem­ber of the Bun­destag is involved in this con­spir­a­cy, then that shows what kind of quag­mire the AfD as a par­ty is in,” said Chris­t­ian Dürr, a law­mak­er for the Free Democ­rats, one of three gov­ern­ing par­ties. “This is not about Ger­many at all, it is in truth about the destruc­tion of par­lia­men­tary democ­ra­cy.”
    ...

    And while the pres­ences of Ger­man mon­archs and far right judges is cer­tain­ly dis­turb­ing, it’s the active mem­bers of the Ger­man mil­i­tary bust­ed in this plot that rep­re­sents the most glar­ing threat to the Ger­man state. Espe­cial­ly since these dis­cov­er­ies keep hap­pen­ing. it’s these repeat­ed dis­cov­er­ies of far right cells high up in the Ger­man mil­i­tary that gives the Day X sce­nario a “just a mat­ter of time” feel to it:

    ...
    That is what Ger­man pros­e­cu­tors and intel­li­gence offi­cials say a nation­wide far-right ter­ror­ist net­work was plot­ting before 3,000 police offi­cers and Spe­cial Forces fanned out across the coun­try on Wednes­day to raid 150 homes and arrest 25 sus­pect­ed co-con­spir­a­tors. They includ­ed an active duty sol­dier, a for­mer offi­cer in the elite spe­cial forces, a police offi­cer and at least two army reservists.

    ...

    It is not clear how capa­ble the plot­ters would have been at exe­cut­ing such an attack, nor how close they were to attempt­ing to imple­ment their plan: Accord­ing to some intel­li­gence offi­cials, the group had twice missed dates when they had aimed to trig­ger their attack. But many of those arrest­ed were known to be heav­i­ly armed, pros­e­cu­tors said, describ­ing the plot as pos­si­bly the most brazen in Germany’s post­war his­to­ry — one aimed direct­ly at the heart of the state.

    ...

    Beyond the imme­di­ate threat, the scale of the raids and the ambi­tion of the plot pros­e­cu­tors out­lined point­ed to per­sis­tent vul­ner­a­bil­i­ties to extrem­ism in Germany’s core insti­tu­tions — its Par­lia­ment, its judi­cia­ry, its local and state police, and even its most elite mil­i­tary forces — which the Ger­man author­i­ties have strug­gled to root out in recent years.

    One of the sites raid­ed on Wednes­day was a mil­i­tary bar­racks. Among those detained around the coun­try were a mem­ber of the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many, or AfD, par­ty who had served in the Ger­man Par­lia­ment; a Ger­man prince; and a Russ­ian cit­i­zen accused of sup­port­ing the group’s plans. Fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tors said that they were inves­ti­gat­ing a total of 27 oth­er sus­pects as well.

    Two peo­ple arrest­ed were detained out­side Ger­many, one in Aus­tria and anoth­er in Italy.
    ...

    Final­ly, we get to the now eeri­ly famil­iar-sound­ing sce­nario the coup plot­ters had in mind: pow­er out­ages. This is, of course, com­ing less than a week after the still unsolved attack on the Moore Coun­ty, North Car­oli­na, elec­tri­cal grid. And months after Ger­many author­i­ties foiled an ear­li­er elec­tri­cal grid attack plot by this same Reichs­bürg­er net­work:

    ...
    To facil­i­tate the coup, the elec­tric­i­ty net­work would be sab­o­taged. Satel­lite phones to com­mu­ni­cate off grid had already been bought.

    ...

    “This is not the first case of a cell like this plan­ning for Day X,” said Kon­stan­tin von Notz, a law­mak­er and mem­ber of the intel­li­gence over­sight com­mit­tee in the Ger­man par­lia­ment. “The num­ber of these cas­es are pil­ing up and the ques­tion is to what extent are they con­nect­ed.”

    ...

    It was not the first plot against gov­ern­ment offi­cials that law enforce­ment agen­cies have foiled this year.

    In April, offi­cers arrest­ed four peo­ple who had been plot­ting to kid­nap the health min­is­ter, Karl Lauter­bach, and cause nation­wide pow­er out­ages. The police said that the sus­pects were linked to the Reichs­bürg­er and anti-vac­cine move­ments.
    ...

    Just as we keep see­ing Day X plots revealed, we just keep learn­ing about new far right plots to attack the pow­er grid, and not just in Ger­many. Which is reminder that “Day X” might be the pre­ferred name Ger­man far right net­works hav­ing giv­en to their coup plots, but the “Day X” isn’t just a Ger­man plot. It’s just the name giv­en to the Ger­man iter­a­tion of the far right coup plots being active­ly plot­ted basi­cal­ly every­where.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | December 8, 2022, 5:26 pm
  18. So was this a real coup plot? Or just nation­al secu­ri­ty the­ater? Those are some of the ques­tions raised by the nation­wide raids by Ger­man author­i­ties on the “Reichs­bürg­er” plot last week. As we’re going to see, many appear quick to dis­miss the plot as almost com­i­cal­ly hope­less and not real­ly seri­ous. And yet, as we’re also going to see, the exe­cu­tion of these raids appears to have fol­lowed a very dis­turb­ing pat­tern. That kind of pat­tern that sug­gests the coup plot­ters have a lot more high lev­el sup­port inside the Ger­man gov­ern­ment than is cur­rent­ly rec­og­nized.

    For exam­ple, as the fol­low­ing arti­cle describes, many Ger­mans are rais­ing the fact that the BfV — the coun­try’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency tasked with watch­ing out for extrem­ist move­ments — has long been quick to dis­miss the move­ment as pos­ing lit­tle threat even after a mem­ber killed a police office in 2016. Of course, as we’ve seen, the BfV has its own dis­turb­ing his­to­ry when it comes to cod­dling extrem­ists. There were the mem­bers of the BfV were found to have been tip­ping off mem­bers of the NSU! Then there was the sto­ry from back in 2018 about the head of the BfV, Hans-Georg Maassen, hold­ing mul­ti­ple meet­ings with mem­bers of the AfD where he passed along to them infor­ma­tion from his year­ly report to the far-right pop­ulist par­ty ahead of its pub­li­ca­tion. Maassen was sub­se­quent­ly fired from his posi­tion after the sto­ry came out, although his fir­ing came in the form of a pro­mo­tion to a bet­ter-paid posi­tion of state sec­re­tary in the Inte­ri­or Min­istry. Those con­cerns about the BfV going easy on far right extrem­ists were fur­ther inflamed fol­low­ing the 2019 assas­si­na­tion of a pro-refugee Ger­man politi­cian in 2019. As we saw, part of the con­cerns over the BfV that year were dri­ven by the fact that the agency did­n’t even both­er to men­tion the “Day‑X” plot that was then recent­ly uncov­ered involv­ing the “Nord­kreuz” far right net­work.

    But as we also saw, the BfV isn’t the only Ger­man intel­li­gence agency accused of col­lab­o­rat­ing with extrem­ists. In Sep­tem­ber of 2020, Christof Gramm, who led the Ger­man mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency tasked with mon­i­tor­ing extrem­ism inside Ger­many’s mil­i­tary since 2015, was fired in the wake of the sto­ries about the exten­sive extrem­ist infil­tra­tion inside the elite KSK Ger­man mil­tiary unit and the large vol­umes of weapons and explo­sives that were found to be miss­ing. And as we saw, part of the response to the scan­dal involved ask­ing the Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence to work more close­ly with the BfV. Yep. And after all that, the BfV issued its annu­al report on the state of the extrem­ist threat inside Ger­many. A report that basi­cal­ly told the pub­lic there’s noth­ing to wor­ry about.

    It’s that recent his­to­ry of extrem­ist cod­dling by both the BfV and the MAD that is part of the con­text of the cur­rent ques­tions about how these raids were car­ried out. Ques­tions like why was it that the Ger­many media appar­ent­ly got tipped off about the upcom­ing raids two weeks in advance. Tips that appear to have been passed along to some of the tar­gets of the raid. In par­tic­u­lar,
    Max­i­m­il­ian Eder, a for­mer com­man­der of one of the Bundeswehr’s armoured infantry bat­tal­ions between 1998 and 2000 and a found­ing mem­ber of the KSK. Eder report­ed­ly told a neigh­bor in his home town of Bavaria that “It could be that the police will come around next week.” Eder was ulti­mate­ly arrest­ed in the Ital­ian city of Peru­gia. How many oth­er mem­bers of the plot knew about those upcom­ing raids?

    As we’re also going to see, the head of the Ger­man Fed­er­al police announced last week that more raids are com­ing. So not only did the media get tips weeks in advance about these raids — tips that at least in one case appear to have been passed along to a coup plot­ter — but now every­one got noti­fi­ca­tion about yet-to-come raids. It’s details like this that has many peo­ple ask­ing how seri­ous this plot was in real­i­ty? And while many seem very ready to dis­miss it all as nation­al secu­ri­ty the­ater, those raid tipoffs are omi­nous­ly con­sis­tent with anoth­er sce­nario: a nation­al secu­ri­ty lim­it­ed hang­out intend­ed to ensure the full scope of the plot — includ­ing all of the pow­er­ful and influ­en­tial peo­ple involved — does­n’t actu­al­ly get revealed:

    The Guardian

    The Reichs­bürg­er plot: sin­is­ter plan to over­throw the Ger­man state or just a rag-tag rev­o­lu­tion?

    The strange tale of a right-wing plot in Ger­many high­lights the extrem­ist threat the coun­try faces

    Philip Olter­mann in Berlin
    Sat 10 Dec 2022 11.43 EST
    Last mod­i­fied on Sun 11 Dec 2022 03.00 EST

    The time to for­give and for­get had passed, the grey-beard­ed man said in a heavy Bavar­i­an growl, his back fac­ing the turquoise Adri­at­ic sea as he calm­ly ges­tic­u­lat­ed towards the cam­era.

    “Those peo­ple who bul­lied us, who locked us up”, he said, were about to face a reck­on­ing in an “epochal upheaval” that would ush­er in a new judi­cial and polit­i­cal order. Change was immi­nent – a mat­ter of weeks. “If every­thing goes to plan, we’ll do it before Christ­mas,” the man, who calls him­self “Gen­er­al Eder”, promised in a video uploaded to a web­site pop­u­lar among far-right con­spir­a­cy the­o­rists on Advent Sun­day this year.

    Ten days lat­er, in the ear­ly morn­ing of Wednes­day, 64-year-old Max­i­m­il­ian Eder was arrest­ed in the Ital­ian city of Peru­gia, as part of Germany’s biggest-ever series of raids against rightwing extrem­ism. Along with 25 co-con­spir­a­tors, Eder is accused of hatch­ing a plan to over­throw the state by vio­lent means, install a shad­ow gov­ern­ment head­ed by a minor Ger­man aris­to­crat, and reach out to Rus­sia to rene­go­ti­ate post-sec­ond world war treaties.

    Even though none of the coup plot­ters were well-known pub­lic fig­ures, their social back­ground raised eye­brows: they includ­ed fam­i­ly doc­tors, judges, gourmet chefs and opera singers, and sev­er­al of the rag­tag bunch of wannabe rev­o­lu­tion­ar­ies seemed to have been rad­i­calised in the com­fort­ably well-off, respectable cen­tre of soci­ety.

    A civ­il ser­vant at Low­er Saxony’s crim­i­nal police office was also being inves­ti­gat­ed for con­nec­tions with the group, broad­cast­er ZDF report­ed.

    Their ring was com­plet­ed by men with a mil­i­tary back­ground, such as Eder: a gen­uine com­man­der of one of the Bundeswehr’s armoured infantry bat­tal­ions between 1998 and 2000, who spent time serv­ing in Koso­vo and Afghanistan and was a found­ing mem­ber of Germany’s spe­cial forces com­mand (KSK). An ex-com­man­der at para­troop­er bat­tal­ion 251 was named as the aspir­ing leader of the ter­ror­ist group’s “mil­i­tary arm”.

    But it was the inclu­sion of a for­mer Bun­destag del­e­gate of the far-right Alter­na­tive für Deutsch­land (AfD) that rang the shrillest alarm bells: as an ex-MP, Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann would have had knowl­edge of secu­ri­ty arrange­ments and spe­cial access priv­i­leges to the com­plex of par­lia­men­tary build­ings in the heart of Berlin.

    A list of poten­tial tar­gets, retrieved from a suspect’s home dur­ing the police raids, report­ed­ly includ­ed sev­en mem­bers of Germany’s par­lia­ment, includ­ing the Green for­eign min­is­ter Annale­na Baer­bock, con­ser­v­a­tive oppo­si­tion leader Friedrich Merz, and the co-leader and gen­er­al sec­re­tary of the Social Demo­c­ra­t­ic par­ty, Sask­ia Esken and Kevin Küh­n­ert.

    Germany’s pres­i­dent, Frank-Wal­ter Stein­meier, said he was “deeply con­cerned” by the alleged plot, describ­ing it as a “new lev­el”.

    Whether the group of con­spir­a­tors would have real­ly posed a seri­ous threat to Germany’s demo­c­ra­t­ic order, or whether these were just a bunch of eccentrics with a hyper­ac­tive imag­i­na­tion, how­ev­er, has been sub­ject to debate in the days after the arrests.

    The fact that select news­pa­pers and cam­era crews had been informed of the dawn raids in advance – as ear­ly as two weeks ago, the Left par­ty MP Mar­ti­na Ren­ner claimed – has led to crit­i­cism that the oper­a­tion was designed as a PR job for an intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ty that has been slow to uncov­er sim­i­lar, arguably more threat­en­ing plans by far-right “prep­pers”.

    Con­ser­v­a­tive Swiss dai­ly Neue Zürcher Zeitung, which has made an edi­to­r­i­al habit of harangu­ing its norther­ly neigh­bour on polit­i­cal mat­ters, felt “the Ger­man secu­ri­ty agen­cies want­ed to flex their mus­cles in front of the entire world”; the Berlin­er Zeitung said the arrests had come across as a “well-orches­trat­ed PR stunt” zero­ing in on no more than “25 senile loons”.

    The fact the raids took place a day before Germany’s nation­wide “alert day”, intend­ed to test warn­ing sys­tems and sen­si­tise peo­ple to emer­gency sce­nar­ios, had to be more than a coin­ci­dence, oth­ers sug­gest­ed.

    With­in hours of the arrests, news­pa­pers includ­ing Spiegel and Die Zeit pub­lished detailed arti­cles out­lin­ing the plot­ters’ colour­ful back­grounds, which were soon picked up around the globe and guar­an­teed the kind of inter­na­tion­al cov­er­age that had been miss­ing when, for exam­ple, ex-sol­dier Fran­co Albrecht was in 2017 found to have planned “false flag” attacks on senior politi­cians and pub­lic fig­ures while pos­ing as a Syr­i­an refugee.

    One issue is whether the media strat­e­gy may have under­mined the operation’s real inten­tion, to seize incrim­i­nat­ing evi­dence to bring the plot­ters to tri­al. Berlin news­pa­per Tagesspiegel print­ed an inter­view with Eder’s neigh­bour in his home town of Eppen­schlag, Bavaria, who said the pen­sion­er had called her from Croa­t­ia a few days ear­li­er. “It could be that the police will come around next week”, the ex-sol­dier is report­ed to have said.

    The retired mil­i­tary com­man­der has been on the radar of the intel­li­gence agen­cies since at least the sum­mer of 2021, when he joined Ger­man anti-vax march­es in uni­form and promised to pro­tect pro­test­ers from the police. In the wake of cat­a­stroph­ic flash floods in west­ern Ger­many, Eder and his sup­port­ers had also set up a “cri­sis com­mit­tee” at a school in dev­as­tat­ed Ahrweil­er that August.

    The oth­er ques­tion is whether a crack­down on Eder’s con­spir­acists was jus­ti­fied by the threat they posed to nation­al secu­ri­ty. His harp-and-rain­stick sound­tracked video mes­sage, open­ly shar­ing his rev­o­lu­tion­ary plan with the rest of the world, may hint less at strate­gic genius­es plot­ting in the shad­ows than old men trapped in the echo cham­ber of the inter­net.
    But then the cor­ner of the rightwing extrem­ist spec­trum Eder and his cir­cle inhab­it has flour­ished in recent years, pre­cise­ly because it wasn’t tak­en seri­ous­ly enough.

    Pros­e­cu­tors on Wednes­day described the arrest­ed sus­pects as “sup­port­ers of con­spir­a­cy myths, from a con­glom­er­ate of nar­ra­tives relat­ing to the ide­olo­gies of the Reichs­bürg­er and QAnon ide­olo­gies”. The beliefs of the for­mer group, the “cit­i­zens of empire”, are laid out at length in a 2019 address at a Swiss busi­ness forum by Hein­rich XIII, Prince Reuss of Greiz, the 71-year-old aris­to­crat who has been described as the group’s polit­i­cal ring­leader and who had envi­sioned him­self rul­ing over the post-coup state at least in a tem­po­rary capac­i­ty.

    Com­plain­ing that his dynasty had been unfair­ly dis­pos­sessed of its belong­ings through wars brought about by sin­is­ter Freema­sons and Jew­ish financiers, Hein­rich XIII claimed that mod­ern Ger­many “has only been made an admin­is­tra­tive struc­ture of the allies” – a stan­dard trope of the Reichs­bürg­er move­ment.

    In dis­miss­ing the inter­na­tion­al treaty that enabled Ger­man reuni­fi­ca­tion in the ear­ly 90s, its adher­ents claim that the Reich con­tin­ues to exist since Ger­many signed an armistice but not a peace treaty after the sec­ond world war. The fed­er­al repub­lic is ille­git­i­mate, – a mere “sim­u­la­tion of a state”. Which empire to restore, the Reichs­bürg­er can­not always agree.

    “The Reichs­bürg­er scene is very inter­nal­ly divid­ed, and Hein­rich XIII wasn’t a par­tic­u­lar­ly dom­i­nant fig­ure in the move­ment at large”, said Nicholas Pot­ter, an ana­lyst mon­i­tor­ing far-right net­works for the Amadeu Anto­nio Foun­da­tion, which cam­paigns against racism and anti­semitism.

    “Some of them want to bring back the Kaiser­re­ich [the impe­r­i­al Ger­man state between 1871 and 1918], oth­ers the Third Reich [Hitler’s Ger­many],” he said.

    Hein­rich XIII demon­strat­ed the movement’s inter­nal divi­sions in a let­ter dat­ed 9 June 2020, which was lat­er shared on a Ger­man QAnon Telegram chan­nel. In his screed, he warns that a Ger­many led by Georg Friedrich, Prince of Prus­sia, the cur­rent head of the Pruss­ian branch of the House of Hohen­zollern that used to rule the Ger­man empire, would be a “monar­chy at the mer­cy of the Allies”, a “fed­er­al repub­lic 2.0”. Hein­rich XIII, by con­trast, promised to pur­sue the “cor­rect struc­ture under inter­na­tion­al law” by recon­sti­tut­ing a mem­ber state of the Kaiser­re­ich.

    He envi­sioned the new empire as a slimmed-down state, with “a par­lia­ment with a max­i­mum of 201 del­e­gates and five min­istries”. Vot­ing law would be reformed. In the let­ter, a frus­trat­ed Hein­rich XIII com­plained that his plan required not only the sup­port of the three allies (“USA, RUS, UK”), but also of armies of patri­ots “who sad­ly can­not be eas­i­ly con­sol­i­dat­ed”.

    Such pompous fan­tasies, paired with hec­tor­ing legalese, used to make it easy to dis­miss the Reichs­bürg­er scene. Even after a police­man was shot dead by one of the fringe movement’s adher­ents dur­ing a raid in the Fran­co­nia region in 2016, the BfV, Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, declined to take steps towards sys­tem­at­ic sur­veil­lance. Even though the con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry had sev­er­al hun­dred fol­low­ers, not all of them could be clas­si­fied as rightwing extrem­ists, the BfV said at the time.

    It only began to take the move­ment more seri­ous­ly in the year of the depar­ture of its pres­i­dent Hans-Georg Maaßen, who has since been spread­ing con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries about the pan­dem­ic and the World Eco­nom­ic Forum on social media. That year, the agency count­ed 19,000 Reichs­bürg­er across Ger­many, a num­ber that has since risen to 21,000.

    “Reichs­bürg­er were around before the pan­dem­ic, but at protests against lock­down mea­sures and vac­cines they found a lot of open ears”, said Pot­ter. “What we are see­ing now is a meet­ing of many dif­fer­ent minds”.

    One of the few uni­fy­ing fea­tures of the move­ment, wor­ry­ing­ly, is a ten­den­cy to hoard guns and ammu­ni­tion. Ger­man police found weapons in 50 of the 150 prop­er­ties they searched as part of the raids, includ­ing two rifles, one pis­tol, swords and cross­bows: an insuf­fi­cient arse­nal to over­throw a coun­try of 83 mil­lion, but enough to car­ry out a tar­get­ed ter­ror attack.

    Whether the group had stashed away fur­ther weapons else­where remains unclear. In May 2020, a mem­ber of the Ger­man spe­cial forces com­mand was found to have removed guns and ammu­ni­tion from the army’s reserves and deposit­ed them at a secret loca­tion, appar­ent­ly in prepa­ra­tion for a “Day X” sce­nario of social col­lapse.

    ...

    Germany’s lat­est domes­tic intel­li­gence report puts the poten­tial­ly vio­lent num­ber of Reichs­bürg­er at 2,100 – com­pa­ra­ble with the 1,950 indi­vid­u­als in the coun­try list­ed last year as hav­ing poten­tial for Islamist ter­ror­ist vio­lence. While the “cit­i­zens of empire” were most­ly less well organ­ised than sup­port­ers of Isis, Neu­mann said, they were also more like­ly to have access to arms.

    ...

    ————

    “The Reichs­bürg­er plot: sin­is­ter plan to over­throw the Ger­man state or just a rag-tag rev­o­lu­tion?” by Philip Olter­mann; The Guardian; 12/10/2022

    “Such pompous fan­tasies, paired with hec­tor­ing legalese, used to make it easy to dis­miss the Reichs­bürg­er scene. Even after a police­man was shot dead by one of the fringe movement’s adher­ents dur­ing a raid in the Fran­co­nia region in 2016, the BfV, Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence agency, declined to take steps towards sys­tem­at­ic sur­veil­lance. Even though the con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry had sev­er­al hun­dred fol­low­ers, not all of them could be clas­si­fied as rightwing extrem­ists, the BfV said at the time.”

    Is the BfV’s long­stand­ing casu­al atti­tude toward the risk posed by the Reichs­burg­ers move­ment a reflec­tion on that move­ment or a reflec­tion on the BfV’s sym­pa­thies? That’s one of the ques­tions raised many are wrestling with. Ques­tions that have been asked for years in some cas­es. As we’ve seen, mem­bers of the BfV were found to have been tip­ping off mem­bers of the NSU! Then there was the sto­ry from back in 2018 about the head of the BfV, Hans-Georg Maassen, hold­ing mul­ti­ple meet­ings with mem­bers of the AfD where he passed along to them infor­ma­tion from his year­ly report to the far-right pop­ulist par­ty ahead of its pub­li­ca­tion. Maassen was sub­se­quent­ly fired from his posi­tion after the sto­ry came out, although his fir­ing came in the form of a pro­mo­tion to a bet­ter-paid posi­tion of state sec­re­tary in the Inte­ri­or Min­istry. Those con­cerns about the BfV going easy on far right extrem­ists were fur­ther inflamed fol­low­ing the 2019 assas­si­na­tion of a pro-refugee Ger­man politi­cian in 2019. As we saw, part of the con­cerns over the BfV that year were dri­ven by the fact that the agency did­n’t even both­er to men­tion the “Day‑X” plot that was then recent­ly uncov­ered involv­ing the “Nord­kreuz” far right net­work.

    But as we also saw, the BfV isn’t the only Ger­man intel­li­gence agency accused of col­lab­o­rat­ing with extrem­ists. In Sep­tem­ber of 2020, Christof Gramm, who led the Ger­man mil­i­tary coun­ter­in­tel­li­gence agency tasked with mon­i­tor­ing extrem­ism inside Ger­many’s mil­i­tary since 2015, was fired in the wake of the sto­ries about the exten­sive extrem­ist infil­tra­tion inside the elite KSK Ger­man mil­i­tary unit and the large vol­umes of weapons and explo­sives that were found to be miss­ing. And as we saw, part of the response to the scan­dal involved ask­ing the Ger­man mil­i­tary intel­li­gence to work more close­ly with the BfV. Yep. And after all that, the BfV issued its annu­al report on the state of the extrem­ist threat inside Ger­many. A report that basi­cal­ly told the pub­lic there’s noth­ing to wor­ry about. So when we read about the dis­may over the BfV’s lack of action fol­low­ing the 2016 killing of a police­man by a mem­ber of this “Reich­burg­er” move­ment, keep in mind that there is a far more exten­sive track record of the insti­tu­tion­al cod­dling of this move­ment. The pres­ence of mem­bers of the KSK elite mil­i­tary unit — like 64-year-old Max­i­m­il­ian Eder who was arrest­ed in Italy — is entire­ly con­sis­tent with this his­to­ry and exact­ly what we should have expect­ed:

    ...
    Their ring was com­plet­ed by men with a mil­i­tary back­ground, such as Eder: a gen­uine com­man­der of one of the Bundeswehr’s armoured infantry bat­tal­ions between 1998 and 2000, who spent time serv­ing in Koso­vo and Afghanistan and was a found­ing mem­ber of Germany’s spe­cial forces com­mand (KSK). An ex-com­man­der at para­troop­er bat­tal­ion 251 was named as the aspir­ing leader of the ter­ror­ist group’s “mil­i­tary arm”.

    ...

    One of the few uni­fy­ing fea­tures of the move­ment, wor­ry­ing­ly, is a ten­den­cy to hoard guns and ammu­ni­tion. Ger­man police found weapons in 50 of the 150 prop­er­ties they searched as part of the raids, includ­ing two rifles, one pis­tol, swords and cross­bows: an insuf­fi­cient arse­nal to over­throw a coun­try of 83 mil­lion, but enough to car­ry out a tar­get­ed ter­ror attack.

    Whether the group had stashed away fur­ther weapons else­where remains unclear. In May 2020, a mem­ber of the Ger­man spe­cial forces com­mand was found to have removed guns and ammu­ni­tion from the army’s reserves and deposit­ed them at a secret loca­tion, appar­ent­ly in prepa­ra­tion for a “Day X” sce­nario of social col­lapse.
    ...

    So when we see we seem­ing­ly bizarre ref­er­ences to “allied” move­ments in the US, UK, and Rus­sia that are going to swoop in and assist the planned Day X coup, it’s impor­tant to keep in mind that this is a net­work that’s been allowed to large­ly fes­ter unim­ped­ed for years now. Which is the kind of sce­nario that could involve all sorts of inter­na­tion­al net­work­ing. It’s a still-unex­plored aspect to this sto­ry: who are the inter­na­tion­al col­lab­o­ra­tors?

    ...
    Pros­e­cu­tors on Wednes­day described the arrest­ed sus­pects as “sup­port­ers of con­spir­a­cy myths, from a con­glom­er­ate of nar­ra­tives relat­ing to the ide­olo­gies of the Reichs­bürg­er and QAnon ide­olo­gies”. The beliefs of the for­mer group, the “cit­i­zens of empire”, are laid out at length in a 2019 address at a Swiss busi­ness forum by Hein­rich XIII, Prince Reuss of Greiz, the 71-year-old aris­to­crat who has been described as the group’s polit­i­cal ring­leader and who had envi­sioned him­self rul­ing over the post-coup state at least in a tem­po­rary capac­i­ty.

    ...

    He envi­sioned the new empire as a slimmed-down state, with “a par­lia­ment with a max­i­mum of 201 del­e­gates and five min­istries”. Vot­ing law would be reformed. In the let­ter, a frus­trat­ed Hein­rich XIII com­plained that his plan required not only the sup­port of the three allies (“USA, RUS, UK”), but also of armies of patri­ots “who sad­ly can­not be eas­i­ly con­sol­i­dat­ed”.
    ...

    But per­haps the biggest imme­di­ate ques­tion sur­round­ing this sto­ry is the omi­nous ques­tion of why Ger­man author­i­ties tipped of the media about the planned raids as ear­ly as two weeks in advance! Even Eder, the for­mer KSK com­man­der, report­ed­ly knew about the upcom­ing raids a week in advance. That sure looks like anoth­er instance of Ger­many’s domes­tic secu­ri­ty agen­cies find­ing a new excuse to go easy on this net­work:

    ...
    Whether the group of con­spir­a­tors would have real­ly posed a seri­ous threat to Germany’s demo­c­ra­t­ic order, or whether these were just a bunch of eccentrics with a hyper­ac­tive imag­i­na­tion, how­ev­er, has been sub­ject to debate in the days after the arrests.

    The fact that select news­pa­pers and cam­era crews had been informed of the dawn raids in advance – as ear­ly as two weeks ago, the Left par­ty MP Mar­ti­na Ren­ner claimed – has led to crit­i­cism that the oper­a­tion was designed as a PR job for an intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ty that has been slow to uncov­er sim­i­lar, arguably more threat­en­ing plans by far-right “prep­pers”.

    Con­ser­v­a­tive Swiss dai­ly Neue Zürcher Zeitung, which has made an edi­to­r­i­al habit of harangu­ing its norther­ly neigh­bour on polit­i­cal mat­ters, felt “the Ger­man secu­ri­ty agen­cies want­ed to flex their mus­cles in front of the entire world”; the Berlin­er Zeitung said the arrests had come across as a “well-orches­trat­ed PR stunt” zero­ing in on no more than “25 senile loons”.

    The fact the raids took place a day before Germany’s nation­wide “alert day”, intend­ed to test warn­ing sys­tems and sen­si­tise peo­ple to emer­gency sce­nar­ios, had to be more than a coin­ci­dence, oth­ers sug­gest­ed.

    With­in hours of the arrests, news­pa­pers includ­ing Spiegel and Die Zeit pub­lished detailed arti­cles out­lin­ing the plot­ters’ colour­ful back­grounds, which were soon picked up around the globe and guar­an­teed the kind of inter­na­tion­al cov­er­age that had been miss­ing when, for exam­ple, ex-sol­dier Fran­co Albrecht was in 2017 found to have planned “false flag” attacks on senior politi­cians and pub­lic fig­ures while pos­ing as a Syr­i­an refugee.

    One issue is whether the media strat­e­gy may have under­mined the operation’s real inten­tion, to seize incrim­i­nat­ing evi­dence to bring the plot­ters to tri­al. Berlin news­pa­per Tagesspiegel print­ed an inter­view with Eder’s neigh­bour in his home town of Eppen­schlag, Bavaria, who said the pen­sion­er had called her from Croa­t­ia a few days ear­li­er. “It could be that the police will come around next week”, the ex-sol­dier is report­ed to have said.
    ...

    And as the fol­low­ing arti­cle notes, those weren’t the only ear­ly warn­ings on upcom­ing raids. The head of the Ger­man Fed­er­al police lit­er­al­ly just told the media that more raids are com­ing:

    The Guardian

    Ger­many assess­es cred­i­bil­i­ty of rightwing coup plot amid fur­ther arrests

    Num­ber of sus­pects revised upwards to 52, 23 of whom are cur­rent­ly in cus­tody, and more police raids are planned

    Philip Olter­mann in Berlin
    Thu 8 Dec 2022 11.57 EST
    Last mod­i­fied on Thu 8 Dec 2022 14.42 EST

    Ger­many is try­ing to get the mea­sure of how immi­nent a threat to the state was posed by the rightwing ter­ror ring exposed on Wednes­day, as police made fur­ther arrests in con­nec­tion with the coup plot.

    In their biggest ever raid tar­get­ing rightwing extrem­ists, Ger­man author­i­ties arrest­ed 25 peo­ple sus­pect­ed of plot­ting to over­throw the gov­ern­ment, install a shad­ow regime led by a 71-year-old aris­to­crat, and seek talks with Rus­sia to rene­go­ti­ate its post-sec­ond world war set­tle­ment.

    The head of Germany’s fed­er­al crim­i­nal police, Hol­ger Münch, on Thurs­day revised the num­ber of sus­pects upwards to 52, of whom 23 were cur­rent­ly in cus­tody, adding that fur­ther raids and arrests were expect­ed in the com­ing days.

    In the 24 hours since Wednesday’s dawn raids, more details have emerged of how the group’s “coun­cil” want­ed to run the fed­er­al repub­lic as a “Ger­man prin­ci­pal­i­ty” after its vio­lent coup. The minor aris­to­crat Hein­rich XIII, Prince Reuß, was to become head of state, with an obscure cor­po­rate lawyer from Hanover to become for­eign min­is­ter and a fam­i­ly doc­tor from a vil­lage in Low­er Sax­ony to run the health min­istry.

    Whether the group real­ly had the capac­i­ty to turn its pow­er fan­tasies into real­i­ty, how­ev­er, has been hot­ly debat­ed.

    ...

    Talk­ing up the far­ci­cal char­ac­ter­is­tics of the wannabe coup lead­ers was also in the inter­est of the AfD, how­ev­er, whose for­mer mem­ber of par­lia­ment and active judge Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann the plot­ters had des­ig­nat­ed as Germany’s future jus­tice min­is­ter. “A coup with 50 pen­sion­ers?” tweet­ed far-right MP Petr Bystron. “They’d strug­gle to take over the town hall of San Mari­no.”

    The Left par­ty del­e­gate Mar­ti­na Ren­ner, a spe­cial­ist on far-right ter­ror, crit­i­cised the fact that police had appar­ent­ly informed select­ed mem­bers of the press in advance of Wednesday’s raids to ensure max­i­mum cov­er­age. “The infos had been leaked so wide­ly that it came across as a PR job,” Ren­ner said.

    The head of Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence, the fed­er­al office for the pro­tec­tion of the con­sti­tu­tion, said that while Wednesday’s raids had been pre­ven­ta­tive, the group’s plans for a bloody coup attempt had been seri­ous.

    “Over­all, Germany’s secu­ri­ty agen­cies were in con­trol of the sit­u­a­tion at all times,” said Thomas Halden­wang. “But if it had been up to this group, then the threat was already quite real.”

    In a video uploaded on 27 Novem­ber, one of the plot­ters had spo­ken of an “epochal upheaval” that would take place “in the com­ing weeks, hope­ful­ly before Christ­mas”.

    The group’s plans had recent­ly become more con­crete and they had begun to acquire weapons, Halden­wang added: “The affin­i­ty to weapons is very high. There are legal and ille­gal weapons”. Münch said weapons had been seized in 50 out of 150 prop­er­ties searched, but declined to spec­i­fy what kind of arse­nal his inves­ti­ga­tors had dis­cov­ered.

    Amid the smirk­ing about cra­vat­ted aris­to­crats, some of the plot­ters’ links to the mil­i­tary have raised gen­uine alarm bells. The man whom pros­e­cu­tors described as the head of the group’s “mil­i­tary arm”, Rüdi­ger von Pesca­tore, had once been a com­man­der at para­troop­er bat­tal­ion 251, the elite fight­ing force that was lat­er sub­merged into the Spe­cial Oper­a­tions Forces Com­mand (KSK).

    One oth­er sus­pect arrest­ed on Wednes­day was at that point still a sergeant tasked with logis­tics at the KSK, lead­ing to a raid on his office at the spe­cial forces bar­racks in the south-west­ern town of Calw. A spokesper­son for the defence min­istry on Wednes­day did not clar­i­fy whether the man’s posi­tion in the mil­i­tary unit allowed him access to muni­tions depots.

    The KSK has been the source of a steady stream of far-right scan­dals in recent years, lead­ing to calls for it to be dis­band­ed. In 2020, a KSK com­pa­ny was dis­solved after police seized weapons and ammu­ni­tion dur­ing a raid on the prop­er­ty of one of its sol­diers in the east­ern state of Sax­ony.

    In 2020, Germany’s defence min­istry con­firmed reports that 60,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion had gone miss­ing from its stocks over the pre­vi­ous 10 years.

    Even if the group of plot­ters around Hein­rich XIII would in all like­li­hood have failed to pull off their fan­tasies of top­pling Germany’s demo­c­ra­t­ic order, the risk of seri­ous blood­shed was cred­i­ble.

    In the for­mer mem­ber of par­lia­ment Mal­sack-Winke­mann, they alleged­ly had a co-con­spir­a­tor who would have been famil­iar with the secu­ri­ty arrange­ments of the Bun­destag and retained an access pass for for­mer MPs.

    “A coup d’état may be very unlike­ly,” said Miro Dit­trich, an expert in rightwing extrem­ism, in an inter­view with news­pa­per die Zeit. “But since the net­work very like­ly had access to guns, it is at least real­is­tic to assume a seri­ous threat to human lives. There would cer­tain­ly have been deaths.”

    ————

    “Ger­many assess­es cred­i­bil­i­ty of rightwing coup plot amid fur­ther arrests” by Philip Olter­mann; The Guardian; 12/08/2022

    “The head of Germany’s fed­er­al crim­i­nal police, Hol­ger Münch, on Thurs­day revised the num­ber of sus­pects upwards to 52, of whom 23 were cur­rent­ly in cus­tody, adding that fur­ther raids and arrests were expect­ed in the com­ing days.”

    More raids were announced. Pub­licly in advance. Who knows why these addi­tion­al raids were pub­licly declared, but the Reich­burg­er net­work behind this plot got anoth­er warn­ing to get ready.

    Also note the rel­a­tive scales here: while 52 peo­ple may sound like a lot, this is report­ed­ly a move­ment with tens of thou­sands of mem­bers, many in high lev­els across Ger­man soci­ety and mil­i­tary. As the arti­cle describes, there were at last two oth­er cur­rent or for­mer mem­bers of the KSK in addi­tion to Eder who were arrest­ed in the raids: Rüdi­ger von Pesca­tore, a para­troop­er com­man­der, and an unnamed cur­rent sergeant tasked with logis­tics at the KSK. We can be pret­ty con­fi­dent that these aren’t the only mem­bers of the mil­i­tary who are involved with this plot. But now any of those addi­tion­al mem­bers know that more raids are com­ing thanks to the announce­ment of addi­tion­al raids yet to come:

    ...
    The group’s plans had recent­ly become more con­crete and they had begun to acquire weapons, Halden­wang added: “The affin­i­ty to weapons is very high. There are legal and ille­gal weapons”. Münch said weapons had been seized in 50 out of 150 prop­er­ties searched, but declined to spec­i­fy what kind of arse­nal his inves­ti­ga­tors had dis­cov­ered.

    Amid the smirk­ing about cra­vat­ted aris­to­crats, some of the plot­ters’ links to the mil­i­tary have raised gen­uine alarm bells. The man whom pros­e­cu­tors described as the head of the group’s “mil­i­tary arm”, Rüdi­ger von Pesca­tore, had once been a com­man­der at para­troop­er bat­tal­ion 251, the elite fight­ing force that was lat­er sub­merged into the Spe­cial Oper­a­tions Forces Com­mand (KSK).

    One oth­er sus­pect arrest­ed on Wednes­day was at that point still a sergeant tasked with logis­tics at the KSK, lead­ing to a raid on his office at the spe­cial forces bar­racks in the south-west­ern town of Calw. A spokesper­son for the defence min­istry on Wednes­day did not clar­i­fy whether the man’s posi­tion in the mil­i­tary unit allowed him access to muni­tions depots.

    The KSK has been the source of a steady stream of far-right scan­dals in recent years, lead­ing to calls for it to be dis­band­ed. In 2020, a KSK com­pa­ny was dis­solved after police seized weapons and ammu­ni­tion dur­ing a raid on the prop­er­ty of one of its sol­diers in the east­ern state of Sax­ony.

    In 2020, Germany’s defence min­istry con­firmed reports that 60,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion had gone miss­ing from its stocks over the pre­vi­ous 10 years.
    ...

    We keep hear­ing attempts to dis­miss this plot as a laugh­able joke that nev­er had a chance of suc­cess. An over­hyped sto­ry intend­ed to con­vince the pub­lic that the Ger­man state is on top of a coup threat that does­n’t real­ly exist. Nation­al secu­ri­ty the­ater. And yet the recent his­to­ry of Ger­many’s extrem­ist plots keeps yield­ing one exam­ple after anoth­er of the Ger­man nation­al secu­ri­ty state seem­ing­ly turn­ing a blind eye. Often a blind eye towards extrem­ist mem­bers of that nation­al secu­ri­ty state. First they were ignored and dis­count­ed for years and now, after it’s too large to ignore, the crack­downs are get­ting pre­ced­ed with tipoffs, includ­ing pub­lic tipoffs. So yeah, it does look like we’re see­ing some sort of nation­al secu­ri­ty the­ater. Lim­it­ed-hang­out nation­al secu­ri­ty the­ater. In this case, a lim­it­ed-hang­out in the form of a mas­sive raid on a nation­wide heav­i­ly armed net­work that enjoys high lev­el pro­tec­tion. And when that’s the lim­it­ed-hang­out, you should prob­a­bly expect a lot more the­ater of this nature. At least until it’s final­ly Day X for real, at which it will still be the­ater. Fas­cism is heav­i­ly reliant on the­atri­cal nar­ra­tives, espe­cial­ly dur­ing a coup, after all. It will just be a far more lethal form of nation­al secu­ri­ty the­ater at that point.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | December 14, 2022, 5:31 pm
  19. It was all just an inno­cent mis­take. As usu­al. Anoth­er ‘acci­den­tal Nazi talk’ inci­dent. That’s the spin we’re get­ting from the Trump cam­paign over a video post to Trump’s per­son­al Truth Social account. A video depict­ing hypo­thet­i­cal cel­e­bra­to­ry news­pa­per head­lines after Trump is back in the White House, like “BORDER IS CLOSED — 15 MILLION ILLEGAL ALIENS DEPORTED” and “ECONOMY BOOMS.” But those head­lines aren’t the part that has the Trump cam­paign spin­ning. It’s a cer­tain phrase that shows up twice in the video that is gen­er­at­ing all this spin: “Indus­tri­al strength sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased ... dri­ven by the cre­ation of a uni­fied Reich.” While the phrase “uni­fied Reich” appears to be a ref­er­ence to the 1871 for­ma­tion of Ger­many’s Sec­ond Reich, it’s also obvi­ous­ly hard to user a phrase like “uni­fied Reich” with Amer­i­can audi­ences and not have it sound like a ref­er­ence to Nazi Ger­many.

    Inter­est­ing­ly, the inflam­ma­to­ry phrase in the video appears to be lift­ed direct­ly from text found on the Wikipedia page for WWI. And it’s not the only phrase from that Wikipedia arti­cle that shows up in the video. The non­sen­si­cal sen­tence “First World War (often abbre­vi­at­ed as WW1 or WWI) Caus­es of World War I,” also shows up, which is the same sen­tence that shows up in one of the arti­cle foot­notes. It’s that sec­ond non­sense phrase that rais­es a sad­ly top­i­cal ques­tion: was this video gen­er­at­ed by AI? Because ran­dom non­sense like that sure seems like some­thing an AI, and only an AI, would do. So was this an AI-gen­er­at­ed Trump video that includ­ed WWI ref­er­ences because some­one prompt­ed an AI to make a video like that? Or did the AI decide to inject a Reich ref­er­ence in a video about Trump’s future glo­ry it on its own? Who knows.

    The Trump cam­paign is try­ing to brush it all off as a video cre­at­ed by a ran­dom account online and post­ed by a staffer who did­n’t see the “uni­fied Reich” text. It’s an expla­na­tion that direct­ly con­tra­dicts claims Trump made at Mar-a-Lago just last month about how the only oth­er per­son who has access to Trump’s Truth Social account is for­mer deputy White House Chief of Staff Dan Scav­i­no. Still, it’s not hard to imag­ine plen­ty of staffers have access to Trump’s account.

    The ques­tion of who post­ed the video isn’t near­ly as inter­est­ing as the ques­tion of why it was post­ed in the first place and who was the intend­ed audi­ence. It’s not hard to imag­ine ril­ing up his base with ref­er­ences to a future Reich is just part of Trump’s cam­paign strat­e­gy giv­en the implic­it (and some­times explic­it) threat of vio­lence if he does­n’t win in Novem­ber. But as we’re going to see, there was anoth­er event that just hap­pened to coin­cide with the Tues­day’s post­ing of this video that is weird­ly res­o­nant with the whole “uni­fied Reich” theme: The start of the tri­al of the lead­ers of the Reichs­bürg­er (Reichs­buerg­er) move­ment.

    Yep, it turns out the lead­ers of a plot to over­throw the Ger­man gov­ern­ment and rein­stall the “Deutsche Reich” of Nazi Ger­many just hap­pened to get under­way on the same day this video appeared on Trump’s account. Oh, and let’s not for­get how the Reichs­burg­er move­ment has a major QAnon ele­ment that heaps praise on Trump.

    So was it real­ly just a coin­ci­dence that the tri­al for the lead­ers of a QAnon-themed plot to reim­pose Nazi Ger­many start­ed on the same day this “uni­fied Reich” video appeared on Trump’s account? That’s the coin­ci­dence we’re being asked to accept. And who knows, giv­en the rate at which Trump engages in Nazi-themed dog whistling to his base, coin­ci­dences are bound to hap­pen at some point. But, if so, it’s one hell of a coin­ci­dence:

    NBC News

    Trump shares video sug­gest­ing his vic­to­ry will bring ‘uni­fied Reich’

    Pres­i­dent Joe Biden respond­ed with a video of his own say­ing, “That’s Hitler’s lan­guage, that’s not America’s.”

    By Patrick Smith
    May 21, 2024, 6:08 AM EDT / Updat­ed May 21, 2024, 5:33 PM EDT

    For­mer Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump’s account shared a video on social media Mon­day that referred to a “uni­fied Reich” among pos­si­ble devel­op­ments if he were to win re-elec­tion in Novem­ber, draw­ing crit­i­cism from Pres­i­dent Joe Biden and his cam­paign.

    Trump’s account post­ed a 30-sec­ond video to his Truth Social plat­form Mon­day after­noon that asked, “what hap­pens after Don­ald Trump wins?” and “what’s next for Amer­i­ca?”

    The back­ground is made up of hypo­thet­i­cal news­pa­per front pages with head­lines includ­ing “BORDER IS CLOSED — 15 MILLION ILLEGAL ALIENS DEPORTED” and “ECONOMY BOOMS.” Twice in the clip, slight­ly blurred text appears beneath the head­lines that reads: “Indus­tri­al strength sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased ... dri­ven by the cre­ation of a uni­fied Reich.”

    The post of the video was delet­ed from Truth Social on Tues­day morn­ing.

    “Reich,” mean­ing realm, king­dom or empire, is often con­sid­ered to be a ref­er­ence to Hitler’s Third Reich regime that emerged in 1930s Nazi Ger­many — and its inclu­sion in the video was con­demned by Biden.

    ...

    Trump’s cam­paign dis­missed the alle­ga­tion and said the for­mer pres­i­dent — who is on tri­al in New York — was not aware the word appeared in the video.

    “This was not a cam­paign video, it was cre­at­ed by a ran­dom account online and repost­ed by a staffer who clear­ly did not see the word, while the Pres­i­dent was in court,” Karo­line Leav­itt, Trump cam­paign spokes­woman, said in a state­ment.

    “The real extrem­ist is Joe Biden who has turned his back on Israel and the Jew­ish peo­ple by bow­ing down to rad­i­cal anti-semi­tes and ter­ror­ist sym­pa­thiz­ers in his par­ty like Ilhan Omar and Alexan­dria Oca­sio-Cortez,” she added.

    While Hitler did dis­cuss the cre­ation of an enlarged Ger­man empire in his auto­bi­o­graph­i­cal man­i­festo “Mein Kampf,” the text from the video shared on Truth Social appears to be tak­en from the Wikipedia page for World War I.

    The site reads: “Ger­man indus­tri­al strength and pro­duc­tion had sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased after 1871, dri­ven by the cre­ation of a uni­fied Reich.”

    The uni­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many in 1871 brought togeth­er an assort­ment of Ger­man-speak­ing king­doms and duchies that were left inde­pen­dent fol­low­ing the col­lapse of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806.

    Anoth­er sen­tence in the video reads: “First World War (often abbre­vi­at­ed as WW1 or WWI) Caus­es of World War I.”

    Trump has used 20th-cen­tu­ry Ger­man his­tor­i­cal com­par­isons to attack his oppo­nents: ear­li­er this month he com­pared the Biden admin­is­tra­tion to the “Gestapo, ” the secret police force of Nazi Ger­many.

    Late last year Trump said immi­grants were “poi­son­ing the blood” of Amer­i­ca, echo­ing parts of “Mein Kampf,” but he said he was unaware Hitler had used sim­i­lar lan­guage and denied the com­ments were racist.

    ———–

    “Trump shares video sug­gest­ing his vic­to­ry will bring ‘uni­fied Reich’ ” By Patrick Smith; NBC News; 05/21/2024

    “The back­ground is made up of hypo­thet­i­cal news­pa­per front pages with head­lines includ­ing “BORDER IS CLOSED — 15 MILLION ILLEGAL ALIENS DEPORTED” and “ECONOMY BOOMS.” Twice in the clip, slight­ly blurred text appears beneath the head­lines that reads: “Indus­tri­al strength sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased ... dri­ven by the cre­ation of a uni­fied Reich.””

    It’s quite the mes­sag­ing ‘mis­take’: hypo­thet­i­cal future head­lines that seems to include a blurred ref­er­ence to a “uni­fied Reich”, seem­ing­ly tak­en from the Wikipedia page for WWI. It might tech­ni­cal­ly be a ref­er­ence to the 1871 uni­fi­ca­tion of Ger­man and the for­ma­tion of the Sec­ond Reich, but as the arti­cle notes, the term “Reich” is pret­ty much syn­ony­mous with the Third Reich of Nazi Ger­many for Amer­i­can audi­ences. This was either a real mis­take or a bare­ly covert Nazi ref­er­ence:

    ...
    Trump’s account post­ed a 30-sec­ond video to his Truth Social plat­form Mon­day after­noon that asked, “what hap­pens after Don­ald Trump wins?” and “what’s next for Amer­i­ca?”

    ...

    The post of the video was delet­ed from Truth Social on Tues­day morn­ing.

    “Reich,” mean­ing realm, king­dom or empire, is often con­sid­ered to be a ref­er­ence to Hitler’s Third Reich regime that emerged in 1930s Nazi Ger­many — and its inclu­sion in the video was con­demned by Biden.

    ...

    Trump’s cam­paign dis­missed the alle­ga­tion and said the for­mer pres­i­dent — who is on tri­al in New York — was not aware the word appeared in the video.

    “This was not a cam­paign video, it was cre­at­ed by a ran­dom account online and repost­ed by a staffer who clear­ly did not see the word, while the Pres­i­dent was in court,” Karo­line Leav­itt, Trump cam­paign spokes­woman, said in a state­ment.

    ...

    While Hitler did dis­cuss the cre­ation of an enlarged Ger­man empire in his auto­bi­o­graph­i­cal man­i­festo “Mein Kampf,” the text from the video shared on Truth Social appears to be tak­en from the Wikipedia page for World War I.

    The site reads: “Ger­man indus­tri­al strength and pro­duc­tion had sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased after 1871, dri­ven by the cre­ation of a uni­fied Reich.”

    ...

    Late last year Trump said immi­grants were “poi­son­ing the blood” of Amer­i­ca, echo­ing parts of “Mein Kampf,” but he said he was unaware Hitler had used sim­i­lar lan­guage and denied the com­ments were racist.
    ...

    And note some of the oth­er text that also shows up in the video like “First World War (often abbre­vi­at­ed as WW1 or WWI) Caus­es of World War I.” That’s the kind of weird non­sense sen­tence that we would expect from AI. So we have to ask: was this video cre­at­ed by an AI? If so, did the per­son using the AI ask it to include ref­er­ences to a Reich or was that some­thing the AI just did on its own? Either sce­nario seems plau­si­ble if you think about it:

    ...
    The uni­fi­ca­tion of Ger­many in 1871 brought togeth­er an assort­ment of Ger­man-speak­ing king­doms and duchies that were left inde­pen­dent fol­low­ing the col­lapse of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806.

    Anoth­er sen­tence in the video reads: “First World War (often abbre­vi­at­ed as WW1 or WWI) Caus­es of World War I.”
    ...

    And then there’s the ques­tion of who actu­al­ly post­ed this video on Trump’s Truth Social account. Because it’s not like this sim­ply showed up on the Truth Social plat­form. It was Trump’s per­son­al account. We are told it was post­ed by an anony­mous staffer, but as the fol­low­ing arti­cle notes, Trump stat­ed back in Feb­ru­ary that the only peo­ple with access to his account are him­self and Dan Scav­i­no, Trump’s for­mer White House deputy Chief of Staff. Now, it’s obvi­ous­ly very pos­si­ble that Trump was just bend­ing the truth as usu­al when he made that state­ment. But if we take Trump at his word, the only two peo­ple who could have post­ed this video are Trump or Scav­i­no:

    Newsweek

    Don­ald Trump’s Excuse for ‘Uni­fied Reich’ Video Rais­es Eye­brows

    Pub­lished May 21, 2024 at 12:55 PM EDT
    Updat­ed May 21, 2024 at 4:31 PM EDT
    By Natal­ie Vene­gas
    Week­end Reporter

    Don­ald Trump’s offi­cial expla­na­tion for the high­ly con­tro­ver­sial line “uni­fied reich” in a recent video post­ed on the for­mer pres­i­den­t’s social media is rais­ing con­cerns.

    His spokesper­son­’s rea­son behind the appear­ance of the expres­sion, which is asso­ci­at­ed with Nazi Ger­many’s Third Reich and its geno­cide of six mil­lion Jews, seems to dif­fer from access infor­ma­tion about the social media account pro­vid­ed by Trump.

    Trump and Pres­i­dent Joe Biden became the pre­sump­tive 2024 Repub­li­can and Demo­c­ra­t­ic pres­i­den­tial nom­i­nees respec­tive­ly in March fol­low­ing a series of pri­ma­ry wins. Post­ing on Truth Social on Tues­day, the for­mer pres­i­dent shared a video sug­gest­ing there will be a “uni­fied reich” if he wins the 2024 elec­tion.

    In the 30-sec­ond clip, the unknown video nar­ra­tor asks “what hap­pens after Don­ald Trump wins,” while a num­ber of mocked-up news­pa­per head­lines appear in the back­ground. One says “indus­tri­al strength sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased dri­ven by the cre­ation of a uni­fied reich.”

    There is no sug­ges­tion that Trump was overt­ly ref­er­enc­ing Nazi Ger­many and its ide­olo­gies which also led to the per­se­cu­tion and mass mur­der of oth­er groups, includ­ing Roma, homo­sex­u­als, and dis­abled peo­ple. An esti­mat­ed 405,399 of Amer­i­cans died in World War II in the fight against the fas­cist regimes of Ger­many, Japan and Italy.

    Karo­line Leav­itt, Trump’s cam­paign press sec­re­tary, pre­vi­ous­ly told Newsweek in a state­ment: “This was not a cam­paign video, it was cre­at­ed by a ran­dom account online and repost­ed by a staffer who clear­ly did not see the word, while the [for­mer] Pres­i­dent was in court.

    “The real extrem­ist is Joe Biden who has turned his back on Israel and the Jew­ish peo­ple by bow­ing down to rad­i­cal anti­semites and ter­ror­ist sym­pa­thiz­ers in his par­ty like Ilhan Omar and Alexan­dria Oca­sio-Cortez.”

    Since Leav­it­t’s response, some have tak­en to X, for­mer­ly Twit­ter, to raise con­cern over the expla­na­tion and who exact­ly has access to Trump’s Truth Social account.

    X user Patri­ot Takes shared a video of Trump speak­ing at Mar-a-lago, Flori­da, in April in which Trump spoke about how Dan Scav­i­no, a polit­i­cal advis­er who served in the Trump admin­is­tra­tion as White House Deputy Chief of Staff for Com­mu­ni­ca­tions from 2020 to 2021 and Direc­tor of Social Media from 2017 to 2021, is “the only one that has my num­ber” seem­ing­ly refer­ring to his Truth Social account, adding he is the only who can “say some­thing hor­ri­ble.”

    “At Mar-a-Lago in April, Trump stat­ed that only him­self and Dan Scav­i­no have access to his Truth Social account. This con­tra­dicts Trump spokesper­son Karo­line Leav­it­t’s impli­ca­tion that an unnamed staffer was to blame for post­ing the Reich / MAGA video,” Patri­ot Takes says on X.

    ...

    In addi­tion, legal ana­lyst Joyce Vance not­ed Leav­it­t’s response, adding “Hard to miss “uni­fied reich” frozen in the mid­dle of the screen under­neath “MAGA” when the video ends.”

    ...

    ———–

    “Don­ald Trump’s Excuse for ‘Uni­fied Reich’ Video Rais­es Eye­brows” By Natal­ie Vene­gas; Newsweek; 05/21/2024

    “X user Patri­ot Takes shared a video of Trump speak­ing at Mar-a-lago, Flori­da, in April in which Trump spoke about how Dan Scav­i­no, a polit­i­cal advis­er who served in the Trump admin­is­tra­tion as White House Deputy Chief of Staff for Com­mu­ni­ca­tions from 2020 to 2021 and Direc­tor of Social Media from 2017 to 2021, is “the only one that has my num­ber” seem­ing­ly refer­ring to his Truth Social account, adding he is the only who can “say some­thing hor­ri­ble.””

    It was either Trump or Scav­i­no. Or Trump lied about who has access to his account. All plau­si­ble sce­nar­ios, whether or not the per­son who post­ed the video was even aware of the “uni­fied Reich” text. But if we assume the per­son who post­ed it was aware of the text, there’s the ques­tion of of motive. Was this just anoth­er attempt to troll the pub­lic while send­ing a sig­nal to Trump’s fas­cist base to get ready? We can only spec­u­late, but it’s worth not­ing the remark­able ‘coin­ci­dence’ regard­ing the tim­ing of this video: on the same day this video was post­ed to Trump’s Truth Social account, the Ger­man courts began the tri­al for the lead­ers of the Reichs­burg­er plot. A plot to over­throw the Ger­man gov­ern­ment, rein­stall the “Deutsche Reich” of Nazi Ger­many, and nego­ti­ate a new peace treaty for Ger­many with the Allies of WWII. And a plot with a major QAnon con­tin­gent that loves Don­ald Trump:

    Wash­ing­ton Post

    A Ger­man prince is on tri­al for an alleged coup plot. Here’s what to know.

    Pros­e­cu­tors said Hein­rich XIII, Prince of Reuss, and his co-con­spir­a­tors planned to vio­lent­ly over­throw the Ger­man gov­ern­ment and impose a new state order.

    y Kate Brady
    Updat­ed May 21, 2024 at 9:19 a.m. EDT|Published May 21, 2024 at 5:00 a.m. EDT

    BERLIN — A hered­i­tary prince and alleged ring­leader of a plot to vio­lent­ly over­throw the Ger­man gov­ern­ment went on tri­al along­side eight oth­er sus­pects in Frank­furt on Tues­day. Hein­rich XIII, Prince of Reuss, and his alleged co-con­spir­a­tors are charged with prepa­ra­tion of a trea­so­nous act and mem­ber­ship in or sup­port of a ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tion. Although such a coup was unlike­ly to suc­ceed, Ger­man author­i­ties assessed that the plot­ters were advanced enough in their plan­ning, and suf­fi­cient­ly well-fund­ed and armed, to pose a legit­i­mate threat of ter­ror­ism.

    What did the Reichs­bürg­er coup plot involve?

    Pros­e­cu­tors said the sus­pects planned to storm the Reich­stag par­lia­ment build­ing in Berlin, take law­mak­ers hostage and impose a new state order, killing peo­ple as need­ed. The alleged plot includ­ed stand­ing up 286 para­mil­i­tary units and tak­ing over Heck­ler & Koch, the main sup­pli­er of small arms to the Ger­man mil­i­tary.

    ...

    Mem­bers of the “Coun­cil” — lead­ing fig­ures of the plot, who were to take key roles in the new gov­ern­ment — reg­u­lar­ly met in secret “to plan the intend­ed takeover of pow­er in Ger­many and the estab­lish­ment of their own state struc­tures,” pros­e­cu­tors said.

    In Decem­ber 2022, in one of the largest coun­tert­er­ror­ism oper­a­tions in post­war Ger­many, secu­ri­ty forces raid­ed 150 prop­er­ties asso­ci­at­ed with sus­pect­ed Reichs­bürg­er plot­ters. They report­ed dis­cov­er­ing more than a half-mil­lion dol­lars in gold and cash; 380 guns, 350 blad­ed weapons and 148,000 rounds of ammu­ni­tion; bal­lis­tic hel­mets, bul­let­proof vests and night-vision gog­gles; and an ene­mies list. Police made 25 arrests, with more sus­pects detained in May 2023.

    Who is Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss?

    A por­tion of the weapons cache was found in the base­ment of a hunt­ing lodge in east­ern Ger­many owned by the self-styled Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss.

    Nobil­i­ty in Ger­many was abol­ished in August 1919, with the sign­ing of the Weimar Con­sti­tu­tion. Hein­rich, 72, is a descen­dant of a dynasty that once ruled over parts of present-day Thuringia. (All males in the fam­i­ly are called Hein­rich, under a nam­ing tra­di­tion that pays trib­ute to Holy Roman Emper­or Hen­ry VI.)

    An arti­cle in the Berlin­er Zeitung Ger­man dai­ly in 1998 described Hein­rich XIII as a “mul­ti-entre­pre­neur” involved in busi­ness­es span­ning real estate, art and sparkling wine pro­duc­tion. But it not­ed he was “angry” over prop­er­ty dis­putes stem­ming from expro­pri­a­tion of fam­i­ly land.

    As pros­e­cu­tors describe it, Hein­rich XIII was tapped to become head of state in post-coup Ger­many. They said he host­ed and chaired the secret meet­ings of the “Coun­cil” at his lodge in Thuringia, and he tried to make con­tact with Russ­ian rep­re­sen­ta­tives — with the idea that they would be his inter­locu­tors when he tried to nego­ti­ate a peace treaty with the Allied pow­ers that won World War II. There is no indi­ca­tion that Russ­ian offi­cials were recep­tive to his over­tures.

    ...

    What is Germany’s Reichs­bürg­er move­ment?

    Reichs­bürg­er is Ger­man for “cit­i­zens of the Reich.” Those who sub­scribe to Reichs­bürg­er ide­ol­o­gy don’t rec­og­nize the legit­i­ma­cy of the mod­ern Ger­man state. Instead, they believe that the Ger­man par­lia­ment and con­sti­tu­tion are part of a com­mer­cial enti­ty cre­at­ed and con­trolled by the Allies. Xeno­pho­bia and anti­semitism, as well as anti-democ­ra­cy and pro-monar­chist ten­den­cies, form the basis of the move­ment.

    Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence ser­vices put the Reichs­bürg­er move­ment under nation­wide obser­va­tion in 2016, after a Reichs­bürg­er adher­ent killed a police offi­cer dur­ing an attempt to con­fis­cate his guns.

    ...

    The move­ment has grown in recent years, incor­po­rat­ing right-wing extrem­ists, QAnon fol­low­ers and ele­ments of the covid-skep­tic Quer­denker move­ment. Germany’s domes­tic intel­li­gence esti­mat­ed in 2022 that there were 23,000 Reichs­bürg­er affil­i­ates across the coun­try — some 2,300 of whom were “pre­pared to use vio­lence.”

    How will the Reichs­bürg­er plot tri­al work?

    A total of 26 defen­dants are on tri­al. Ger­man pros­e­cu­tors filed charges against 27 peo­ple, but one of them, a 73-year-old man iden­ti­fied as Nor­bert G., has since died.

    Because of secu­ri­ty rea­sons and the scale of the case, the tri­al has been divid­ed up into three court pro­ceed­ings expect­ed to run until at least Jan­u­ary. The first tri­al of nine defen­dants, linked to the plotter’s mil­i­tary wing, got under­way in Stuttgart in April. The Frank­furt tri­al that com­menced Tues­day focus­es on the nine alleged lead­ing fig­ures. The remain­ing sus­pects will go on tri­al in Munich start­ing June 17.

    ...

    Who are the oth­er sus­pects charged in the Reichs­bürg­er coup plot?

    Among those stand­ing tri­al along­side the pseu­do-prince is Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann, a now-sus­pend­ed judge and for­mer law­mak­er for the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) par­ty. Pros­e­cu­tors said she used her access rights to help guide co-con­spir­a­tors through the labyrinth of par­lia­men­tary build­ings in Berlin’s gov­ern­ment dis­trict. She was alleged­ly slat­ed to become jus­tice min­is­ter in post-coup Ger­many.

    At least sev­en of the sus­pect­ed plot­ters had served with the Ger­man mil­i­tary, includ­ing an ex-colonel who helped set up Germany’s elite Spe­cial Forces Com­mand in the 1990s and a for­mer para­troop­er.

    Oth­er sus­pects include a clair­voy­ant, an ama­teur pilot, a doc­tor, a roofer and the orga­niz­er of a QAnon social media group.

    Most of the sus­pects face prison sen­tences of between one and 10 years if found guilty. One in the Stuttgart tri­al, Markus L., faces an addi­tion­al charge of attempt­ed mur­der for alleged­ly shoot­ing police offi­cers as they raid­ed his home. If found guilty of that charge, he could be impris­oned for life.

    ————

    “A Ger­man prince is on tri­al for an alleged coup plot. Here’s what to know.” by Kate Brady; Wash­ing­ton Post; 05/21/2024

    Pros­e­cu­tors said the sus­pects planned to storm the Reich­stag par­lia­ment build­ing in Berlin, take law­mak­ers hostage and impose a new state order, killing peo­ple as need­ed. The alleged plot includ­ed stand­ing up 286 para­mil­i­tary units and tak­ing over Heck­ler & Koch, the main sup­pli­er of small arms to the Ger­man mil­i­tary.”

    A plot to impose a new state order. That sure sounds like plans for a new Reich. But when we see the monar­chist nature of this plot, it almost sounds more like a plot to return to the “Uni­fied Reich” of 1871. But don’t for­get what we’ve learned about this move­ment: a belief that the “Deutsche Reich” of the Nazi era is still the legit­i­mate gov­ern­ment of Ger­many. Hence, the appar­ent plans by Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss to some­how nego­ti­ate a peace treaty with the Allies. In oth­er words, this was a plot to reim­pose the gov­ern­ment of Nazi Ger­many. But this was­n’t just a neo-Nazi move­ment. There was a whole ‘QAnon’ angle too and a deep affec­tion for Trump and this move­ment. And tri­al for the key lead­ers in this plot just hap­pened to start on the same day this “Uni­fied Reich” video shows up on Trump’s Truth Social account:

    ...
    Mem­bers of the “Coun­cil” — lead­ing fig­ures of the plot, who were to take key roles in the new gov­ern­ment — reg­u­lar­ly met in secret “to plan the intend­ed takeover of pow­er in Ger­many and the estab­lish­ment of their own state struc­tures,” pros­e­cu­tors said.

    ...

    A por­tion of the weapons cache was found in the base­ment of a hunt­ing lodge in east­ern Ger­many owned by the self-styled Prince Hein­rich XIII of Reuss.

    Nobil­i­ty in Ger­many was abol­ished in August 1919, with the sign­ing of the Weimar Con­sti­tu­tion. Hein­rich, 72, is a descen­dant of a dynasty that once ruled over parts of present-day Thuringia. (All males in the fam­i­ly are called Hein­rich, under a nam­ing tra­di­tion that pays trib­ute to Holy Roman Emper­or Hen­ry VI.)

    An arti­cle in the Berlin­er Zeitung Ger­man dai­ly in 1998 described Hein­rich XIII as a “mul­ti-entre­pre­neur” involved in busi­ness­es span­ning real estate, art and sparkling wine pro­duc­tion. But it not­ed he was “angry” over prop­er­ty dis­putes stem­ming from expro­pri­a­tion of fam­i­ly land.

    As pros­e­cu­tors describe it, Hein­rich XIII was tapped to become head of state in post-coup Ger­many. They said he host­ed and chaired the secret meet­ings of the “Coun­cil” at his lodge in Thuringia, and he tried to make con­tact with Russ­ian rep­re­sen­ta­tives — with the idea that they would be his inter­locu­tors when he tried to nego­ti­ate a peace treaty with the Allied pow­ers that won World War II. There is no indi­ca­tion that Russ­ian offi­cials were recep­tive to his over­tures.

    ...

    Reichs­bürg­er is Ger­man for “cit­i­zens of the Reich.” Those who sub­scribe to Reichs­bürg­er ide­ol­o­gy don’t rec­og­nize the legit­i­ma­cy of the mod­ern Ger­man state. Instead, they believe that the Ger­man par­lia­ment and con­sti­tu­tion are part of a com­mer­cial enti­ty cre­at­ed and con­trolled by the Allies. Xeno­pho­bia and anti­semitism, as well as anti-democ­ra­cy and pro-monar­chist ten­den­cies, form the basis of the move­ment.
    ...

    Also when we see the mem­bers of the Ger­man mil­i­tary involved, includ­ing an ex-colonel who helped set up Germany’s elite Spe­cial Forces Com­mand in the 1990s and a for­mer para­troop­er, keep in mind that the Reichs­burg­er plot was just one of the deeply alarm­ing sto­ries in recent years involv­ing fas­cist cells in Ger­many’s elite mil­i­tary units and plots for a “Day X” which sounds awful­ly sim­i­lar to the Reichs­burg­er plot. Which is the kind of sit­u­a­tion that sug­gests the bust­ing of the Reich­burg­er plot has­n’t nec­es­sar­i­ly end­ed this loom­ing fas­cist threat for Ger­many:

    ...
    Among those stand­ing tri­al along­side the pseu­do-prince is Bir­git Mal­sack-Winke­mann, a now-sus­pend­ed judge and for­mer law­mak­er for the far-right Alter­na­tive for Ger­many (AfD) par­ty. Pros­e­cu­tors said she used her access rights to help guide co-con­spir­a­tors through the labyrinth of par­lia­men­tary build­ings in Berlin’s gov­ern­ment dis­trict. She was alleged­ly slat­ed to become jus­tice min­is­ter in post-coup Ger­many.

    At least sev­en of the sus­pect­ed plot­ters had served with the Ger­man mil­i­tary, includ­ing an ex-colonel who helped set up Germany’s elite Spe­cial Forces Com­mand in the 1990s and a for­mer para­troop­er.
    ...

    Keep in mind that, while the media may have glossed over how Trump’s video seemed to be a shout out to the Reich­burg­er move­ment, we can bet the Reichs­burg­er­ers them­selves noticed. And, sure, many of them are in prison or await­ing tri­al. But this is a move­ment with tens of thou­sands of fol­low­ers. They aren’t all in prison.

    Also keep in mind that there’s undoubt­ed­ly a num­ber of still-free Reichs­burg­er sym­pa­thiz­ers who pre­sum­ably would be more than hap­py to par­tic­i­pate in any sort of Jan­u­ary 6 ‘rerun’ should Trump lose and the cam­paign shifts into ‘by any means nec­es­sary’ mode.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 22, 2024, 10:53 am
  20. In the usu­al email tor­rent of con­tri­bu­tion solic­i­ta­tions today, the Biden labeled requests have sit­ed the above ref­er­ence “Uni­fied Reich,” and have inferred the poten­tial for Naz­i’ism to become an Amer­i­can way of life. The Biden labeled email request­ed a dona­tion to “Take this coun­try back­ward.”

    It seems to me DE has out­lined how the Biden admin­is­tra­tion has embraced fas­cism in anoth­er name, eg U.S. sup­port of Ukraine, and seeks to nor­mal­ize these ideas. The email text says sup­port­ing Biden’s cam­paign will help keep a dic­ta­tor out of the White House.

    On elec­tion day, the U.S. vot­ers may be offered a choice of a con­vict­ed felon who wants to be a dic­ta­tor, or a nice elder­ly man who denies fas­cist ter­mi­nol­o­gy but sup­ports the ide­ol­o­gy.

    The rebroad­cast of dis­cus­sion with Peter Laven­da from 2015 episodes (begin­ning with FTR# 838) pro­vides much clar­i­ty to cur­rent events.

    Posted by Moylan Vier | June 2, 2024, 10:40 am
  21. My com­ment above should be edit­ed.
    Last line, first para­grah should read: “The Biden labeled email request­ed dona­tion to pre­vent an effort to “Take this coun­try back­ward.”
    Thank you.

    Posted by Moylan Veir | June 2, 2024, 10:45 am

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