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FTR #825 Generalissimo Francisco Franco May NOT Be So Dead, After All

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. [1] The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by 10/02/2014. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #812 [2].  (The pre­vi­ous flash dri­ve was cur­rent through the end of May of 2012 and con­tained FTR #748 [3].)

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Lis­ten: MP3

Side 1 [7]   Side 2 [8]


Gen­er­al Fran­cis­co Fran­co and Men­tor


Fran­co Sup­port­ers in Novem­ber of 2013

Intro­duc­tion: Years ago, come­di­an Chevy Chase intoned on Sat­ur­day Night Live’s news broad­cast par­o­dy that “Gen­er­al­lis­mo Fran­cis­co Fran­co is still dead.”

That analy­sis may not apply [11] to his polit­i­cal lega­cy.

Eco­nom­i­cal­ly beset Spain has been mak­ing aggres­sive moves toward British-gov­erned Gibral­tar, using that prin­ci­pal­i­ty’s “fis­cal irreg­u­lar­i­ties” as jus­ti­fy­ing Spain’s pos­ture vis a vis the nation’s “EU oblig­a­tions.”

At the same time, Argenti­na is mak­ing angry nois­es again about the Falk­lands Islands [12], which they claim as their own.

Before delv­ing into the two coun­tries’ coor­di­na­tion of their efforts against Gibral­tar and the Falk­lands, some back­ground dis­cus­sion is in order.

In a pre­vi­ous post [13], we dis­cussed the “deep fifth column”–a fas­cist con­stel­la­tion exist­ing over decades, root­ed in the fas­cism of World War II and per­pet­u­at­ed by the polit­i­cal iner­tia inher­ent in pow­er­ful political/economic elites.

In the con­text of the “deep fifth col­umn,” we have also spo­ken of the Falange, the inter­na­tion­al fas­cist orga­ni­za­tion based in Spain under Fran­cis­co Fran­co and cat­alyzed as a Ger­man-con­trolled pow­er polit­i­cal enti­ty in the run-up to the Span­ish Civ­il War.

Apply­ing geo-pol­i­tics to their plans for world con­quest, the Nazis saw Spain as the key to their plans for expan­sion. (See excerpts below from the descrip­tion for Falange–the Secret Axis Army in the Amer­i­c­as by Allan Chase [14], as well as the text excerpts from the book itself.)

As Chase wrote: ” . . . By con­trol­ling Spain, the Nazis felt they could con­trol both Europe and Latin Amer­i­ca. Geo­graph­i­cal­ly dom­i­nat­ing the entrance to the Mediter­ranean Sea from the Atlantic and “flank­ing” France, Spain also wield­ed tremen­dous influ­ence in Latin Amer­i­ca through the strong cul­tur­al and eco­nom­ic ties between the Span­ish and Latin Amer­i­can aris­toc­ra­cies. In addi­tion, the pro­found Catholic influ­ence in both Spain and Latin Amer­i­ca, aug­ment­ed Span­ish clout in that part of the world. . . .”

Under Fran­cis­co Fran­co, Spain remained an overt fas­cist dic­ta­tor­ship in Europe through 1975. Although Spain was “offi­cial­ly” neu­tral dur­ing World War II, it was, in real­i­ty, an Axis non-com­bat­ant, loy­al to the forces of Hitler and Mus­soli­ni that had ele­vat­ed Fran­co dur­ing the Span­ish Civ­il War.

[15]Pri­or to, and dur­ing, World War II, Argenti­na was a major Reich out­post, with the most direct, pro­found con­nec­tions to the Nazi gov­ern­men­tal struc­ture itself. The rela­tion­ship was so pro­found, that mem­bers of the Argen­tine Nazi Par­ty mem­bers were con­sid­ered as actu­al mem­bers of the NSDAP! (See The Nazis Go Under­ground [16] by Curt Riess and text excerpts below.)

For years, Argenti­na under Juan Per­on and lat­er under the jun­ta dom­i­nat­ed by Argen­tin­ian mem­bers of the P‑2 Lodge, that coun­try was not only overt­ly fas­cist but a major haven for Nazi expa­tri­ates and flight cap­i­tal con­trolled by the Bor­mann net­work [17].

Both Fran­co’s Spain and its heirs and Argenti­na formed key aspects of what Dan­ish jour­nal­ist Hen­rik Kruger called “The Inter­na­tion­al Fascista.” [18]

Spain and Argenti­na are coor­di­nat­ing their efforts and this rais­es a num­ber of inter­est­ing con­sid­er­a­tions, to be weighed against the very real pos­si­bil­i­ty that we are look­ing at a “deep falange” in action.

Pro­gram High­lights: 

Pro­gram High­lights Include: 

1. Years ago, come­di­an Chevy Chase intoned on Sat­ur­day Night Live’s news broad­cast par­o­dy that “Gen­er­al­lis­mo Fran­cis­co Fran­co is still dead.”

That analy­sis may not apply to his polit­i­cal lega­cy.

Spain is among the most eco­nom­i­cal­ly and social­ly beset of the South­ern Euro­zone coun­tries, with very high unem­ploy­ment, espe­cial­ly among the young.

Spain has been man­i­fest­ing an aggres­sive stance [26] against the British ter­ri­to­ry of Gibral­tar, scape­goat­ing it (in part) for Spain’s fis­cal malaise.

Through­out the Euro­zone, the Ger­man-imposed aus­ter­i­ty doc­trine has cre­at­ed social con­di­tions fer­tile to the rise of fas­cist groups.

In addi­tion to the scape­goat­ing of eth­nic minori­ties for social ills, dire eco­nom­ic straits also facil­i­tate hyper-nationalism–both are sta­ples of the fas­cist agen­da.

It remains to be seen how much of the devel­oped world suc­cumbs to a “Let Them Eat Fas­cism (and/or Xeno­pho­bia and/or ultra Nation­al­ism)” polit­i­cal eth­ic.

In that con­text, the polit­i­cal her­itage of Mar­i­ano Rajoy and his Peo­ple’s Par­ty are impor­tant to bear in mind.

In essence, Rajoy’s PP is a vehi­cle for the polit­i­cal resus­ci­ta­tion and res­ur­rec­tion of Fran­co’s fas­cist Falange [14].

As can be seen in the arti­cle below, the heart­beat of Fran­co’s fas­cism remains, long after his has stopped. It is also worth remem­ber­ing that Spin was the epi­cen­ter of a Third Reich gov­ern­ment-in-exile [27] in the post­war peri­od.

“Fran­co’s Lega­cy Rat­tles Spain” by Matt Mof­fett and David Roman; The Wall Street Jour­nal; 12/2/2013. [11]

A series of head­line-grab­bing inci­dents in recent months has prompt­ed soul-search­ing among Spaniards over dic­ta­tor Fran­cis­co Fran­co’s endur­ing legacy—and the dis­rup­tive poten­tial for extrem­ism to flare at a time of deep eco­nom­ic dis­tress.

Over the sum­mer, sev­er­al Spaniards post­ed pic­tures of them­selves hold­ing fas­cist flags or giv­ing Nazi salutes on social-media sites. In Sep­tem­ber, a self-described fas­cist group assault­ed a cul­tur­al cen­ter in Madrid rep­re­sent­ing Cat­alo­nia, a region that was repressed by Fran­co and is now home to a grow­ing polit­i­cal move­ment seek­ing inde­pen­dence from Spain.

A week lat­er an Argen­tine judge sought the arrest of some Fran­co-era secu­ri­ty offi­cials for alleged crimes against human­i­ty. That was a marked con­trast to the pas­sive approach of Spain’s own judi­cia­ry, which has left the Fran­co regime’s abus­es unpun­ished in the inter­est of pre­serv­ing the coun­try’s peace­ful tran­si­tion to democ­ra­cy.

Now some Spaniards wor­ry that the fail­ure to thor­ough­ly con­front Spain’s author­i­tar­i­an past—what has been dubbed “the Pact of Forgetting”—has left the door open to an emer­gence of extrem­ism in a new gen­er­a­tion dev­as­tat­ed by years of eco­nom­ic cri­sis and 50% youth unem­ploy­ment.

“In these moments of cri­sis and dis­ap­point­ment with pol­i­tics, this cre­ates a Petri dish for extrem­ist move­ments, as they pro­vide sim­ple answers to com­plex prob­lems,” said Jor­di Rodriguez, pro­fes­sor of pol­i­tics at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Navar­ra.

Este­ban Ibar­ra, pres­i­dent of a group called Move­ment Against Intol­er­ance, said Spain was expe­ri­enc­ing its worst wave of far-right extrem­ism since the mid-1990s, dur­ing a pre­vi­ous eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal cri­sis. . . .

. . . . In 1977, Spain’s par­lia­ment passed an amnesty law that pro­tect­ed offi­cials of the dic­ta­tor­ship and those involved in Civ­il War-era crimes, includ­ing sup­port­ers of anti-Fran­co forces, from pros­e­cu­tion.

Since then, many Spaniards who were sym­pa­thet­ic to Fran­co were absorbed into the con­ser­v­a­tive PP, and began to embrace more-cen­trist posi­tions. That has had the effect of drain­ing the poten­tial mem­ber­ship pool for extreme-right par­ties, ana­lysts say. . . .

. . . . But the absorp­tion of the Fran­co lega­cy into the polit­i­cal main­stream has cre­at­ed some con­tra­dic­tions that bedev­il Spain and the PP to this day.

Mon­u­ments to Fran­co and his fol­low­ers still dot the Span­ish land­scape, despite a 2007 law that prod­ded offi­cials to start remov­ing them. “This is the only coun­try where you can be a demo­c­rat with­out being an anti-fas­cist,” said Rafael Escud­ero Alday, a law pro­fes­sor at Madrid’s Car­los III Uni­ver­si­ty.

That para­dox was evi­dent in the recent flur­ry of pho­tos of young PP activists offer­ing fas­cist homages. In one of the pho­tos, a small town PP coun­cil­man posed at Fran­co’s bur­ial place hold­ing a fas­cist ban­ner. In anoth­er, a local leader of a PP youth orga­ni­za­tion is shown mak­ing a Nazi salute. . . .

2. Spain con­tin­ues to hon­or vet­er­ans of the Blue Divi­sion, which fought on the East­ern Front with Hitler’s armies.

“The Span­ish Gov­ern­men­t’s Del­e­gate in Cat­alo­nia Pays Trib­ute to Hitler’s Sol­diers”; Cata­lan News Agency; 5/17/2013. [24]

María de los Llanos de Luna, from the People’s Par­ty (PP), gave a diplo­ma of hon­our to a broth­er­hood of sol­diers and sup­port­ers of the ‘Divisón Azul’, a divi­sion of Span­ish vol­un­teers who fought in the Nazi army on the East­ern Front dur­ing the Sec­ond World War. De Luna is the top rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Span­ish Gov­ern­ment in Cat­alo­nia and she is known for her Span­ish nation­al­ism and anti-Cata­lan iden­ti­ty stance.

The ‘Blaue Divi­sion’, the 250. Infan­terie-Divi­sion of Nazi Germany’s Wehrma­cht, rep­re­sents the main col­lab­o­ra­tion between Franco’s dic­ta­tor­ship and Adolph Hitler, as well as the Con­dor Divi­sion – which bombed Gerni­ka – and the arrest of Catalonia’s Pres­i­dent Lluís Com­pa­nys by the Gestapo. The 12 mem­bers of the broth­er­hood who attend­ed the diplo­ma cer­e­mo­ny were wear­ing the Falange uni­form, which was the only par­ty allowed dur­ing Franco’s Fas­cist dic­ta­tor­ship, cre­at­ed before the Span­ish Civ­il War. This Fas­cist par­ty is still legal in Spain. . . .

. . . . The cer­e­mo­ny was com­mem­o­rat­ing the 169th anniver­sary of the Guardia Civ­il (the Span­ish Gen­darmerie) and took place in one of its bar­racks in Greater Barcelona (in Sant Andreu de la Bar­ca). The anniver­sary of the cre­ation of the Guardia Civ­il, which has his­tor­i­cal­ly been a corps linked to Span­ish cen­tral­ist pow­er and the impo­si­tion of order – some­times bru­tal­ly – had not been cel­e­brat­ed in Cat­alo­nia for many years. How­ev­er, De Luna decid­ed to com­mem­o­rate this anniver­sary again in 2013, half a year after 1.5 mil­lion cit­i­zens peace­ful­ly and demo­c­ra­t­i­cal­ly demon­strat­ed in Barcelona’s streets ask­ing for Catalonia’s inde­pen­dence from Spain. . . .

. . . . The Left-Wing Cata­lan Inde­pen­dence Par­ty denounced the fact that the Span­ish Gov­ern­ment has giv­en a €3,500 sub­sidy to this Fas­cist broth­er­hood this year. Alfred Bosch, ERC’s Spokesper­son in the Span­ish Par­lia­ment, asked for a law ban­ning the cel­e­bra­tion of any event recog­nis­ing peo­ple linked to the Nazi regime. . . .

3. Mar­i­ano Rajoy’s Peo­ple’s Par­ty evolved from Fran­co’s Falange:

“Peo­ple’s Par­ty”; Wikipedia. [22]

The Peo­ple’s Par­ty was a re-foun­da­tion in 1989 of the Peo­ple’s Alliance (Span­ish: Alian­za Pop­u­lar, AP), a par­ty led and found­ed by Manuel Fra­ga Irib­arne, a for­mer Min­is­ter of the Inte­ri­or and Min­is­ter of Tourism dur­ing Fran­cis­co Fran­co’s dic­ta­tor­ship. The new par­ty com­bined the con­ser­v­a­tive AP with sev­er­al small Chris­t­ian demo­c­ra­t­ic and lib­er­al par­ties (the par­ty call this fusion of views Reformist cen­tre). In 2002, Manuel Fra­ga received the hon­orary title of “Found­ing Chair­man”. . . .

. . . . The par­ty has its roots in the Peo­ple’s Alliance found­ed in 9 Octo­ber 1976 by for­mer Fran­coist min­is­ter Manuel Fra­ga. Although Fra­ga was a mem­ber of the reformist fac­tion of the Fran­co regime, he sup­port­ed an extreme­ly grad­ual tran­si­tion to democ­ra­cy. How­ev­er, he bad­ly under­es­ti­mat­ed the pub­lic’s dis­taste for Fran­co­ism. Addi­tion­al­ly, while he attempt­ed to con­vey a reformist image, the large num­ber of for­mer Fran­coists in the par­ty led the pub­lic to per­ceive it as both reac­tionary and author­i­tar­i­an. . . .

4. One of Rajoy’s influ­ences appears to have been his father–a Fran­co-era jurist.

“Mar­i­ano Rajoy”; Wikipedia. [23]

. . . . While on the cam­paign trail in 2011, Rajoy pub­lished an auto­bi­og­ra­phy, En Con­fi­an­za (In Con­fi­dence), in which he recalled his stu­dious and qui­et youth, fol­low­ing a father who was climb­ing the ranks of Fran­cis­co Fran­co’s judi­cia­ry. . . .

5. An area of resid­ual Fran­co influ­ence is the Inter­na­tion­al Olympic Com­mit­tee, which was head­ed for many years by Juan Anto­nio Sama­ranch, who was Fran­co’s min­is­ter of sport. More than half of its cur­rent mem­bers are Sama­ranch pro­teges, includ­ing his son.

“Meet the IOC, Ide­al Can­di­dates for a Perp Walk” by Andrew Jen­nings; The Nation; 2.10/2014. [25]

Remem­ber that pub­lic­i­ty shot from the Usu­al Sus­pects with Kevin Spacey in the line­up? The pho­to above is an update, snapped late last year in the board­room of the Inter­na­tion­al Olympic Com­mit­tee, in a mar­ble palace on the banks of Lake Gene­va. This line­up has thir­teen men, most past mid­dle age, in busi­ness suits and ties, and two women—the big cheeses expect­ing the best seats in Sochi. Dead cen­ter is the new IOC pres­i­dent, Germany’s Thomas Bach. We’ll come back to him, but for now, know that Bach, 60, was a pro­tégé of Horst Dassler, the Ger­man busi­ness­man who bribed more sports offi­cials than most of us ever heard of. Dassler’s fam­i­ly owned Adi­das and a mar­ket­ing com­pa­ny that laid out $100 mil­lion in kick­backs to acquire TV and mar­ket­ing rights to the soc­cer World Cup, the world track and field championships—and the Olympics.

At Bach’s right shoul­der is the Swiss boss of world soc­cer, Sepp Blat­ter. For decades, Blat­ter didn’t notice hefty bribes being trousered by his col­leagues in return for giv­ing World Cup con­tracts to Dassler com­pa­nies. Accused of han­dling a $1 mil­lion bribe intend­ed for Joao Have­lange, for­mer pres­i­dent of FIFA (the inter­na­tion­al soc­cer fed­er­a­tion) and doyen of the IOC, Blat­ter hired inves­ti­ga­tors who report­ed that there was a mis­un­der­stand­ing and that he was no more than “clum­sy.”

Have­lange resigned in dis­grace from the IOC in Decem­ber 2011. Blat­ter survived—despite los­ing eight of FIFA’s twen­ty-three exec­u­tive com­mit­tee mem­bers to scan­dals in the past three years. An FBI-orga­nized crime squad, now dig­ging into FIFA’s embed­ded cor­rup­tion, has a coop­er­at­ing wit­ness in Mia­mi and prob­a­bly anoth­er in New York. Blat­ter, sched­uled to be played by Tim Roth on the big screen lat­er this year, might not make it to Sochi.

At Bach’s oth­er shoul­der is Lamine Diack from Sene­gal, pres­i­dent of the IAAF (the Inter­na­tion­al Asso­ci­a­tion of Ath­let­ics Fed­er­a­tions) and also on the Dassler gift list. I dis­closed these bribes for the BBC pro­gram Panora­ma in 2010, and a year lat­er the IOC rebuked Diack. But the Lords of Lau­sanne for­give and for­get, so he’s back at the heart of Olympic ide­al­ism.

Loom­ing over the diminu­tive Blat­ter, smil­ing broad­ly, dark curls tum­bling around his shoul­ders, is Sheik Ahmad Al-Fahad Al-Sabah, king­mak­er for Thomas Bach. Fahad is the 50-year-old stripling of the group, a past chair of OPEC, a Kuwaiti roy­al and by far the rich­est. Com­mit­tee mem­bers seemed uncon­cerned by a 2008 US embassy cable, dis­closed by Wik­iLeaks, say­ing he was “wide­ly per­ceived as being cor­rupt.”

Next in line and anoth­er atten­tive sup­port­er of the sheik is Patrick Hick­ey, 68, who has risen from an unre­mark­able back­ground in north Dublin, his rep­u­ta­tion guard­ed by a sharp-tongued lawyer. In pri­vate cor­re­spon­dence in 1991 with one of the bribe pay­ers on the Salt Lake City Win­ter Olympics bid­ding com­mit­tee, Hick­ey revealed that some IOC mem­bers were sell­ing their votes for $100,000 to rival wannabe Olympic hosts from Nagano. At the time, he was gun­ning for mem­ber­ship in the IOC, but said noth­ing to its offi­cials. It has done him no harm that he nev­er snitched.

Hick­ey gets cozy with peo­ple many of us wouldn’t invite home to meet our loved ones. Seek­ing a wealthy patron in Europe to pay for a region­al Olympics to mir­ror the Pan-Amer­i­can Games and not find­ing any tak­ers among rep­utable lead­ers, Hick­ey turned to the pres­i­dent of the nation­al Olympic com­mit­tee of Belarus, whose day job is being Europe’s last dic­ta­tor. Ignor­ing Belarus’s unen­vi­able dop­ing record, Hick­ey pre­sent­ed the thug­gish Alexan­der Lukashenko with a plaque com­mend­ing his “Out­stand­ing Con­tri­bu­tion to the Olympic Move­ment.” But Lukashenko is broke, so Hick­ey pur­sued the oil-rich pres­i­dent of the Azer­bai­jan Olympic Com­mit­tee, anoth­er head of state. A not­ed klep­to­ma­ni­ac and jail­er of reporters, Ilham Aliyev has report­ed­ly offered mil­lions to fund the event in 2015.

A step away—listen up, NHL people!—is a for­mer den­tist, René Fasel, now the Swiss boss of inter­na­tion­al hock­ey and one of the biggest cheeses in Sochi. Three years ago, the IOC’s Ethics Com­mis­sion rep­ri­mand­ed Fasel for a curi­ous deal involv­ing the pay­ment of 1.9 mil­lion Swiss francs ($2 mil­lion) by a Swiss mar­ket­ing com­pa­ny to a for­mer school pal for “advice” on acquir­ing win­ter sport con­tracts. Fasel vig­or­ous­ly denied palm­ing a slice but admit­ted “a case of poor judg­ment.” The CEO of that mar­ket­ing com­pa­ny, which obtains mas­sive con­tracts from FIFA, is Sepp Blatter’s nephew Philippe Blat­ter. The com­pa­ny uses the offices once occu­pied by the Dassler com­pa­ny.

Thomas Bach, who won a fenc­ing team gold medal at the 1976 Mon­tre­al Olympics, spent a cou­ple of years work­ing for Dassler’s quaint­ly named “inter­na­tion­al rela­tions” team. Days before the vote that ele­vat­ed Bach to Olympic lead­er­ship last Sep­tem­ber, Ger­man TV sta­tion WDR aired alle­ga­tions that Bach was involved in—or at least aware of—cheating in the years when he com­pet­ed (appar­ent­ly, if fencers held a wet glove to their elec­tric scor­ing jack­et, their oppo­nents’ strikes didn’t reg­is­ter). Bach refused to com­ment, but his spokesman denies every­thing.

On ele­va­tion to the Olympic pres­i­den­cy, Bach resigned his chair­man­ship of Ghor­fa, a Ger­man-Arab busi­ness group that empha­sizes its boy­cott of parts made in Israel to ensure its lucra­tive exports to the Arab world. An Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al offi­cial has crit­i­cized Ghorfa’s con­sid­er­able involve­ment in arms sales to the region, say­ing it is “not inter­est­ed in pro­mot­ing fun­da­men­tal human rights.”

After the pho­to line­up at IOC HQ, Bach sped to the UN and talked up the Olympic Truce, an IOC fan­ta­sy that claims its sports extrav­a­gan­za spreads world peace. Glob­al war­riors, take note that com­bat is for­bid­den off-piste dur­ing Feb­ru­ary. If this delu­sion ever came to pass, it would depress Olympic “part­ners” like Gen­er­al Elec­tric, whose engines pow­er death-deal­ing F‑16 fight­ers and Apache heli­copters.

Pres­i­dent Bach is at ease with the likes of GE. From the ear­ly 1980s, before join­ing the IOC, he lob­bied for the end of ama­teurism, the start­ing point for the pri­va­ti­za­tion of the Games. He became a favorite of for­mer IOC pres­i­dent Juan Anto­nio Sama­ranch, once sports min­is­ter in Franco’s Spain and a thir­ty-sev­en-year loy­al fas­cist. I attempt­ed to ask Sama­ranch why his right arm was more mus­cu­lar than his left. That got me a sev­en-year ban from IOC press con­fer­ences.

Half of the cur­rent 107 IOC members—eight of them princes or princesses—were cho­sen by Sama­ranch. His final appoint­ment was his son, Juan Anto­nio Jr. New mem­bers are ini­ti­at­ed in a bizarre cer­e­mo­ny, halfway between the style of the mob and the Masons, over­seen by the chief of pro­to­col, who used to be Pal Schmitt. He stood down as Hungary’s pres­i­dent in 2012 after being accused of pla­gia­rism and stripped of his doc­tor­ate. The IOC removed him as chief of pro­to­col, but he remains a mem­ber. The cer­e­mo­ny involves the chief of pro­to­col hold­ing a huge Olympic flag. He swings it down to waist lev­el and the ini­ti­ate, grasp­ing a cor­ner, swears he (or she) will respect “the deci­sions of the IOC, which I con­sid­er as not sub­ject to appeal on my part.”

Off-cam­era are oth­er Olympic Com­mit­tee mem­bers: France’s Guy Drut, con­vict­ed of fraud but amnestied by for­mer French Pres­i­dent Jacques Chirac; Lee Kun-hee, the Kore­an boss of Sam­sung, who was con­vict­ed of evad­ing $39 mil­lion in taxes—but Sam­sung is an Olympic spon­sor and so Lee was for­giv­en. Then there’s Russ­ian mem­ber Shamil Tarpis­chev, once Yeltsin’s ten­nis coach. He has prob­lems trav­el­ing to the Unit­ed States: for the past two US Games, in Atlanta and Salt Lake City, his visas were delayed, and then his trav­el was restrict­ed to the area of the event. In Rus­sia, Tarpis­chev has been accused of mafia associations—which he denies. It has not helped that he has been pho­tographed with Alimzhan Tokhtakhounov, the Russ­ian mob­ster accused by the US gov­ern­ment of fix­ing the ice dance medal at Salt Lake City. And Princess Nora of Liechtenstein’s secre­tive fam­i­ly bank has long been the choice of tax felons and mon­ey laun­der­ers.

6. Per­haps imple­ment­ing a pol­i­cy of “let ’em eat fas­cism (or nation­al­ism),” Spain is rat­tling sabers at the tiny British ter­ri­to­ry of Gibral­tar, accus­ing it of “tax irreg­u­lar­i­ties.”

“Spain Threat­ens Esca­la­tion of Gibral­tar Row” by Damien McEl­roy; The Tele­graph [UK]; 8/4/2013. [19]

Jose Manuel Gar­cia-Mar­gal­lo, Spain’s for­eign min­is­ter, said a row over fish­ing rights around Gibral­tar would force Madrid into new puni­tive mea­sures.

The Span­ish author­i­ties have already pro­voked the British ter­ri­to­ry by impos­ing cross­ing restric­tions at the bor­der on suc­ces­sive days last week.

After long queues last week, the For­eign Office called in the senior Span­ish diplo­mat in Lon­don who was giv­en a dress­ing down.

In the wake of that meet­ing, Madrid said it would tough­en its stance yet fur­ther.

“The par­ty is over,” Mr Gar­cia-Mar­gal­lo told ABC news­pa­per as he unveiled pro­pos­als for a €50 (£43) bor­der cross­ing fee and tax inves­ti­ga­tions of thou­sands of Gibral­tar­i­ans who own prop­er­ty in Spain.

Mr Gar­cia-Mar­gal­lo said the Span­ish tax author­i­ties would inves­ti­gate prop­er­ty owned by around 6,000 Gibral­tar­i­ans in neigh­bour­ing parts of Spain, as part of its EU oblig­a­tions to con­trol “fis­cal irreg­u­lar­i­ties”.

Spain was also con­sid­er­ing clos­ing air­space to planes head­ing for the air­port in Gibral­tar and chang­ing rules to wring tax­es from online gam­ing com­pa­nies based in Gibral­tar. . . .

7. More about the Span­ish pres­sure on Gibral­tar:

Spain to Take ‘All Nec­es­sary Mea­sures’ to Defend Gibral­tar Inter­ests” by Steven Swin­ford and Ben Farmer; The Tele­graph [UK]; 8/9/2013. [28]

Prime Min­is­ter Mar­i­ano Rajoy said Spain will take “legal and pro­por­tion­al steps” after Britain sent a rapid reac­tion force of war­ships to vis­it the island’s waters.

Mr Rajoy’s com­ments appear to echo the lan­guage of the Unit­ed Nations Char­ter, which uses the phrase “all nec­es­sary mea­sures” to autho­rise the use of mil­i­tary force.

Ten­sion between Britain and Spain over Gibral­tar’s sov­er­eign­ty have inten­si­fied fol­low­ing a row over fish­ing rights and the impo­si­tion of puni­tive bor­der checks.

Britain is send­ing a force of nine ves­sels, led by the heli­copter car­ri­er HMS Illus­tri­ous and includ­ing two frigates, to sail for the Mediter­ranean on Mon­day for the start of a four month deploy­ment. Three of the ships, includ­ing HMS West­min­sters, will actu­al­ly dock in Gibral­tar. . . .

8. Argenti­na and Spain may be join­ing forces in pres­sur­ing the UK over both Gibral­tar and the Falk­land Islands.

“Gibral­tar: Spain con­sid­ers joint Diplo­mat­ic Offen­sive with Argentin­­­a over Falk­land Islands” by Fiona Gov­an; The Tele­graph [UK]; 8/11/2013. [20]

Span­ish for­eign min­is­ter Jose Manuel Gar­cia-Mar­gal­lo will use a trip to Buenos Aires next month to raise the pos­si­bil­i­ty of forg­ing a joint diplo­mat­ic offen­sive with the South Amer­i­can coun­try over the dis­put­ed ter­ri­to­ries, sources told Spain’s El Pais news­pa­per.

Spain’s for­eign min­istry was also dis­cussing whether to take its com­plaints over Gibral­tar to the Unit­ed Nations, the news­pa­per report­ed on Sun­day.

The sources did not spec­i­fy whether Spain would ask the UN to back a request for Britain to give up sov­er­eign­ty or just adhere to cer­tain agree­ments.

It could take its peti­tion to the Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil or take up the mat­ter with the UN Gen­er­al Assem­bly.

Spain is also con­sid­er­ing the option of denounc­ing Gibral­tar to the Inter­na­tion­al Court of Jus­tice in the Hague for its “ille­gal occu­pa­tion” of the isth­mus — the strip of land con­nect­ing the penin­su­la to the main­land that was not includ­ed in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. . . .

9. As part of the joint Spanish/Argentine pres­sure on the Falk­lands and the UK, Spain will be sell­ing Argenti­na some Mirage com­bat jets.

“Falk­lands Alert as Argenti­na Strikes £145 Mil­lion Deal for 20 Mirage War­planes” by Nick Dor­man ; The Mir­ror [UK]; 8/4/2013. [21]

Argenti­na has launched a new round of sabre-rat­tling against Britain by buy­ing a squadron of war­planes to be based with­in strik­ing dis­tance of the Falk­lands, the Sun­day Peo­ple has revealed.

Pres­i­dent Cristi­na de Kirch­n­er – who wants the UK to hand over the dis­put­ed islands – per­son­al­ly agreed the £145million deal to buy 20 sec­ond-hand Mirage F1 jets from Spain.

The 1,453mph air­craft car­ry a fear­some array of weapon­ry includ­ing smart bombs.

Argentina’s move could force the Min­istry of Defence to bol­ster Britain’s pres­ence in the south Atlantic, even though its bud­get is to be slashed by £875million in 2015.

Senior offi­cers believe Argenti­na could now begin a cam­paign of ­“pester patrols” – flights towards the Falk­lands to test RAF respons­es.

Kirch­n­er is thought to be try­ing to boost her nation’s mil­i­tary capa­bil­i­ty in a show of strength before elec­tions which are due in 2015.

But last night a senior RAF source said: “If the Argen­tines start play­ing games and esca­late the ten­sion, we will see more RAF air­craft being deployed to the Falk­lands.” . . . .

10. Argenti­na was a crit­i­cal out­post of Nazism, with Argen­tine Nazis being, in effect, mem­bers of the NSDAP–the Ger­man Nation­al­ist Social­ist Work­ers’ Par­ty.

The Nazis Go Under­ground by Curt Riess; Dou­ble­day, Doran and Com­pa­ny, LCCN 44007162; pp. 143–144. [16]

. . . . All of the more than 200,000 Argen­tine Nazis are mem­bers, not of an Argen­tine sub­or­ga­ni­za­tion of the Nazi par­ty, but of the Ger­man par­ty itself, and hold mem­ber­ship cards signed by Robert Ley, leader of the Ger­man Work­ers’ Front— which means, quite obvi­ous­ly, that Berlin con­sid­ered, and still con­sid­ers, Argenti­na not so much an inde­pen­dent for­eign coun­try as a Ger­man Gau. . . .

. . . . Main points of sup­port in the long-range Nazi strat­e­gy in Argenti­na are the count­less Ger­man schools there. These schools have the same rights and priv­i­leges as Argentina’s. In them the chil­dren of Ger­man immi­grants not only learn the Ger­man lan­guage but are taught Hit­lerism pure and sim­ple. The books used in these schools are “donat­ed” by the Ger­man Embassy. Hitler’s pic­ture hangs in every class­room. “Heil Hitler” is the oblig­a­tory greet­ing. The pupils are for­bid­den to speak to Jews. They are told that the Ger­mans belong to a race supe­ri­or to oth­er races; that they have been cho­sen to dom­i­nate oth­er nations; that the Nation­al Social­ist cul­ture is supe­ri­or to all oth­er cul­tures; that democ­ra­cy is a lie; that—and this may be the most impor­tant of all—every Ger­man must stick to the Nation­al Social­ist idea “whether it wins or los­es.”

These schools have been in oper­a­tion for ten years now. They num­ber among their for­mer pupils a great many of the most active Nazi agents in South Amer­i­ca today. And the teach­ers do not restrict their activ­i­ties to Ger­man schools. They also teach for­eign lan­guages in Argen­tine state schools, and thus com­mand an influence over the cul­tur­al life of the nation from which the Nazis have profit­ed and from which the Nazi under­ground will profit. All these Nazi teach­ers must, in fact, be regard­ed as full-fledged agents. So effec­tive has been their influence that some of the wealth­i­est and most promi­nent cit­i­zens of Argenti­na have for some time been send­ing their chil­dren to Ger­man schools because, they say, the lat­ter are so much bet­ter than the state schools. . . .

11. The pro­gram details analy­sis of the deci­sive role the Falange played in Ger­man and Third Reich geopol­i­tics:

Falange–The Secret Axis Army in the Amer­i­c­as by Allan Chase; (Book descrip­tion and text excerpts) [14]

In 1936, Reichs­mar­shall Her­mann Goering—one of Hitler’s top aides and the head of the Luftwaffe—observed that “Spain is the key to two con­ti­nents.” Goer­ing was enun­ci­at­ing a key prin­ci­pal of Ger­man and Nazi geopol­i­tics. By con­trol­ling Spain, the Nazis felt they could con­trol both Europe and Latin Amer­i­ca. Geo­graph­i­cal­ly dom­i­nat­ing the entrance to the Mediter­ranean Sea from the Atlantic and “flank­ing” France, Spain also wield­ed tremen­dous influ­ence in Latin Amer­i­ca through the strong cul­tur­al and eco­nom­ic ties between the Span­ish and Latin Amer­i­can aris­toc­ra­cies. In addi­tion, the pro­found Catholic influ­ence [18] in both Spain and Latin Amer­i­ca, aug­ment­ed Span­ish clout in that part of the world. (In FTR#532 [29], we exam­ined the Vatican’s involve­ment with fas­cism. The Vatican/Fascist axis was anoth­er major con­tribut­ing fac­tor to the influ­ence of the Falange through­out the Span­ish-speak­ing world.)

In order to uti­lize Span’s geopo­lit­i­cal influ­ence as a tool for Nazi impe­r­i­al designs, the Third Reich turned to Gen­er­al Wil­helm von Fau­pel and his Ibero-Amer­i­can Insti­tute. Von Fau­pel was a bit­ter oppo­nent of the Weimar Repub­lic, and read­i­ly accept­ed the Nazis as the anti­dote to Ger­man democ­ra­cy. Known as an “I.G. Gen­er­al” for his links to the I.G. Far­ben com­pa­ny, von Fau­pel also main­tained close ties to the pow­er­ful Thyssen inter­ests which, like Far­ben, were the pow­ers that backed Hitler. (The Bush fam­i­ly were also close­ly linked to the Thyssens.) Dur­ing the 1920’s, von Fau­pel had served as a gen­er­al staff advis­er to the Argen­tine, Brazil­ian and Peru­vian mil­i­tary estab­lish­ments and was famed through­out Latin Amer­i­ca for his skills as an offi­cer. Because of his Latin Amer­i­can ties and his links to the cor­po­rate inter­ests that backed Hitler, von Fau­pel became the Reich’s point man for the fas­cist takeover of Spain and sub­se­quent con­struc­tion of a Fifth Col­umn through­out the Span­ish-speak­ing world.

In 1934, von Fau­pel assumed con­trol of the Ibero-Amer­i­can Insti­tute, an aca­d­e­m­ic think tank orig­i­nal­ly found­ed as a legit­i­mate schol­ar­ly insti­tu­tion. Under von Fau­pel, the orga­ni­za­tion became a front for orga­niz­ing the Nazi infil­tra­tion and con­quest of Spain. Reject­ing roy­al­ist and Catholic sec­tar­i­an right­ist par­ties, von Fau­pel and the Nazis set­tled on the Falange as their cho­sen vehi­cle for gain­ing dom­i­nance over Spain. After arrang­ing the assas­si­na­tion of Gen­er­al Jose San­jur­jo [30] (a roy­al­ist rival for the lead­er­ship of Spain after the over­throw of the Repub­li­can gov­ern­ment), the Ger­mans and their Ital­ian allies installed Fran­co as head of the fas­cist Falange.

” . . . Gen­er­al Jose San­jur­jo, wear­ing a pea­cock­’s dream of a
uni­form-the Lon­don-made gift of Adolf Hitler-board­ed
a Junkers plane in Lis­bon and ordered his pilot, Cap­tain
Ansal­do, to take off for a secret land­ing field in Spain. But
on July 17 the old gen­er­al was actu­al­ly head­ed for anoth­er
land­ing field his Nazi com­rades had cho­sen with­out his

A few remarks he had let slip to inti­mate friends in Esto­ril
ear­li­er that year had, unknown to San­jur­jo, reached cer­tain
Berlin ears. On April I 3, 1936, for instance, San­jur­jo had
com­plained, “They want me to start a rev­o­lu­tion to serve
the bankers and the spec­u­la­tors, but I won’t do it.” Two
weeks after say­ing this, he made anoth­er trip to Berlin. He
remained in Ger­many for only a few days, and on his return
he went to work in earnest on his plans for the pend­ing
revolt. What hap­pened in Berlin while San­jur­jo con­ferred
with von Fau­pel is of lit­tle moment now. His fate had already
been sealed before the vis­it.

Very short­ly after San­jur­jo’s plane took off from Lis­bon,
a Ger­man time bomb plant­ed in the bag­gage com­part­ment
explod­ed. The blaz­ing frag­ments of the Junkers mono­plane
became the pyre of the Anoint­ed Chief of the Span­ish Rev­o­lu­tion.
Jose San­jur­jo had the dubi­ous hon­or of being the
first of the Nazis’ mil­lion vic­tims of the Span­ish War. . . .”

Falange; pp.20–21.

Von Fau­pel then pro­ceed­ed to direct the con­struc­tion of the “Falange Exte­ri­or” as the fas­cist Fifth Col­umn move­ment through­out the Span­ish-speak­ing world (includ­ing the Philip­pines).

Author Chase describes the Falange Exte­ri­or on page 31 of Falange:

“. . . . On the sur­face, von Fau­pel had—in the Falange Exterior—delivered to the Third Reich a remark­able net­work, extend­ing from Havana to Buenos Aires, from Lima to Mani­la. This net­work, accord­ing to its cre­ator, was capa­ble of con­cert­ed espi­onage, polit­i­cal diver­sion, arms smug­gling, and any­thing that any oth­er Fifth Col­umn in his­to­ry had accom­plished. It remained only for the Wehrma­cht to give von Faupel’s instru­ment the tests which would deter­mine whether the Aus­lands Falange had been worth all the trou­ble its orga­ni­za­tion had entailed. The answer was soon pro­vid­ed by a num­ber of Falangists—among them one Jose del Cas­tano. . . .”

12. The pro­found rela­tion­ship between the post­war Nazi under­ground and the Span­ish intel­li­gence ser­vices is exem­pli­fied by the influ­ence of ODESSA king­pin Otto Sko­rzeny [31] on the DGS. It is in this con­text that one should view Siaisa’s rela­tion­ship with Span­ish intel­li­gence. (For more about Sko­rzeny, his rela­tion­ship with the Rein­hard Gehlen spy out­fit and the post­war Nazi under­ground, see—among oth­er programs—FTR#558 [32].)

The Great Hero­in Coup: Drugs, Intel­li­gence and Inter­na­tion­al Fas­cism; by Hen­rik Kruger; South End Press [SC]; Copy­right 1980 by South End Press; ISBN 0–89608-031–5 [paper]; p. 205. [33]

“ . . . Gehlen sang to the tune of more than one piper, hav­ing remained in touch with the old Nazi hier­ar­chy, relo­cat­ed in Latin Amer­i­ca, whose coor­di­na­tor, Otto Sko­rzeny, was in Spain. Sko­rzeny had infil­trat­ed the Span­ish intel­li­gence agency DGS, and effec­tive­ly con­trolled it sin­gle hand­ed­ly. . . .”