Dave Emory’s entire lifetime of work is available on a flash drive that can be obtained here. The new drive is a 32-gigabyte drive that is current as of the programs and articles posted by 12/19/2014. The new drive (available for a tax-deductible contribution of $65.00 or more) contains FTR #827. (The previous flash drive was current through the end of May of 2012 and contained FTR #748.)
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Listen: MP3
This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.
Introduction: With the recent shooting death of Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman, the complex events woven in, and around, the 7/18/1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish cultural center in Buenos Aires has come back into public view. Initially described as a “suicide,” Nisman’s death came after he was moving to indict Argentina’s president Kirchner for covering-up the attack.
In this program, we detail some of the deep politics surrounding the AMIA attack, preparatory to a discussion of developments in the investigation of Nisman’s death in FTR #836.
The dizzying melange of individuals, institutions and events connected to the AMIA bombing involves: several people linked to former Argentinian president Carlos Menem; individuals linked to the Iran-Contra scandal; neo-Nazi elements in Argentina; investigations into fugitive Nazi war criminals; the resignations of two justice ministers involved in the AMIA investigation; the suspicious deaths of numerous individuals linked to one or another of the elements figuring in several related investigations; evidentiary tributaries linking the AMIA bombing to the Oklahoma City Bombing, the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland and the Achille Lauro hijacking in 1985.
Recapping material from FTR #5 (recorded in August of 1996), the program examines the possible role of Syrian terrorist, weapons dealer and drug smuggler Monzer Al-Kassar in the AMIA bombing, as well as the bombing of the Israeli embassy in Argentina two years earlier. Al-Kassar was a primary operative functioning on behalf of George Bush, Oliver North and company in the Iran-Contra Scandal. In addition to Al Kassar’s possible role in the bombings, the broadcast touches on the probable involvement of Argentine security forces in the attacks, as well as possible retribution against investigators pursuing leads in the case.
Next, the program reprises information from FTR #109 (recorded on 9/2/1998). At the time that Oliver North had him on the White House payroll and was using him to ship weapons to the Contra guerillas in Nicaragua as well as to the Iranians, Al-Kassar was importing 20 % of the heroin that came to the United States (according to the DEA). Al-Kassar has apparently figured prominently in numerous terrorist incidents, some as he was working for North’s “counter-terror” operations for the Reagan White House. The discussion highlights his connections to the late Alfredo Yabran, a Mafia-like wheeler dealer who (like Al-Kassar) had strong connections to the government of Argentina. Argentine president Carlos Menem, Yabran and Al-Kassar are all from the same town in Syria. In addition, the program contains information about international connections to the AMIA bombing (one of the bombings Al-Kassar was allegedly involved with), as well as the mysterious “suicide” of Yabran.
Program Highlights Include: Review of the fact that AMIA housed records of Nazi war criminals who fled to Argentina; the suspicious deaths of two witnesses against Al-Kassar in the Achille Lauro hijacking; the kidnapping of the family of another of the witnesses against Al-Kassar in the Achille Lauro affair; links of Alfredo Yabran to the explosives Al-Kassar allegedly brought into Argentina for the AMIA bombing; the role of former Syrian intelligence officer Ibrahim al Ibrahim to the AMIA affair; Ibrahim al Ibrahim’s marriage to Carlos Menem’s former sister-in-law; the resignations of two different Argentinian justice ministers during the course of the AMIA investigation (read: “cover-up”); participation by Argentine security officers in a stolen vehicle ring (one of the vehicles was apparently used in the AMIA bombing); the affiliation of Argentine security personnel involved at the operational level in the bombing with Tom Metzger’s White Aryan Resistance; the death of Menem’s son in a helicopter crash (the day after Menem agreed to extradite SS officer Erich Priebke to Italy); an attack on Menem’s brother as the Al-Kassar/AMIA controversy was brewing; review of Al-Kassar’s operations for Oliver North, including his use of arms firms linked to the ODESSA network.
1. Reprising information from FTR #5 (recorded in August of 1996), we note Swiss allegations that Al-Kassar may have brought the explosives used in the AMIA bombing into Argentina. (“Syrian Linked to Bombings” [Jewish Telegraphic Agency]; Northern California Jewish Bulletin; 6/21/1996.)
2. Next, we note the resignation of the Argentine Justice Minister Rodolfo Barra. During the course of the AMIA “investigation,” he was discovered to have worked for a neo-Nazi organization in Argentina. (Argentine Quits: Neo-Nazi Past” [Los Angeles Times]; San Francisco Chronicle; 7/12/1996.)
3. The day after Barra’s resignation was announced, Menem’s brother was attacked. Menem’s son was killed in the crash of a helicopter the day after Menem agreed to extradite SS officer Erich Priebke to Italy to stand trial in the Adreatine Caves massacre. (“Attack on President’s Brother Confounds Uneasy Argentina” by Sebastian Rotella; The Los Angeles Times; 7/13/1996.)
4. Members of the Argentine police were arrested for involvement in a stolen vehicle ring. One of the vehicles was apparently used in the AMIA bombing. (“Argentine Police Held in Bombing” [Reuters]; San Francisco Examiner; 7/14/1996.)
5. Reprising information from FTR #109 (recorded on 9/2/1998), the program notes Al-Kassar’s role as an Argentine government weapons trafficker. (“Al-Kassar to Come to Argentina in August”; Clarin; 7/19/1998.)
6. Reviewing the cover-up of Al-Kassar’s involvement in the Achille Lauro hijacking, the program notes the murder of Moustapha Nassini, a witness against Al-Kassar, this after Nassini’s family was kidnapped. Another witness against Al-Kassar–Ismail Jalil–allegedly “committed suicide.” Yet another witness Abu Mershed, changed his testimony after his family was kidnapped. Alfredo Yabran–in charge of the warehouses where Al-Kassar’s explosives for the AMIA bombing were allegedly stored–“committed suicide,” as well. Another Justice Minister–Elias Jassan–resigned after it was discovered that he had logged 102 phone calls to Monzer Al-Kassar. It should be noted that Al-Kassar obtained his Argentine passport in record time, with the assistance of Amira Yoma–the sister of Carlos Menem’s ex-wife (who was married to Ibrahim al Ibrahim.) (“Witness Against Al-Kassar Assassinated”; Clarin; 6/21/1998.)
7. Recall that Yabran controlled the warehouses in which Al-Kassar’s explosives were stored, preparatory to the AMIA bombing. An associate of Al-Kassar’s–Srian intelligence officer Ibrahim al Ibrahim–was a key customs officer at the Argentine airport at which Yabran operated and through which the explosives for the AMIA bombing allegedly transited. Ibrahim was married to Amira Yoma, the sister of Menem’s ex-wife. Amira Yoma, her sister Zulema (Menem’s wife), Menem himself and Al-Kassar were all from the tiny city of Yabrud, Syria. (“Government Worried About Visit of Al-Kassar;” Clarin; 8/2/1998.)
8. Another figure involved with the Iran-Contra scandal–former Argentinian intelligence officer Leonardo Sanchez-Reisse–gave testimony about the AMIA bombing. Sanchez-Reisse allegedly trained the Contra guerillas and was also deeply involved with the anti-Castro Cuban milieu that figured in the Iran-Contra affair, as well as figuring in the milieu of the World Anti-Communist League. Sanchez-Reisse also claimed to have links to both the CIA and DEA. (“Former Spy Released from Jail After 34 Days;” Clarin; 8/9/1998.)
9. Fleshing out information about Sanchez-Reisse, the program features information from Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall.
10. The discussion concludes with the FBI’s finding that Argentinian police implicated in the operational phase of the AMIA bombing belonged to Tom Metzger’s White Aryan Resistance, to which Timothery McVeigh allegedly belonged. (“AMIA Bomb Plotters’ Connection;” La Nacion; 7/27/1997.)
Uncle Sam and The Swastika
Interesting how Imad Mughniyeh was assassinated just one month after the Interpol red notice was finally issued for this AMIA bombing.
http://information.iran911case.com/Exhibit_10.pdf
This Monzer al-Kasser lived in Marbella where this Adnan Khashoggi owned a mountain. If i am right in that, might we infer some connection? If true that would be the third suspicious tie-in I know of between Khashoggi and Hizbullah.
Javier Milei is obviously a nutty characters. That’s not a smear. It’s a core part of his political brand, and probably a non-insignificant element to his electoral victory during a year when the Argentinian public apparently wanted to ‘turn over the apple cart’. And as we’ve seen, that nutty persona also serves as a kind of happy face covering up the reality that Milei represents a far right movement with serious plans to reengineer Argentinian society. A reality that Milei didn’t really try very hard to hide. He picked a running mate, Victoria Villaruel, who openly supports Argentina’s military dictatorship, after all. Milei was basically running as a ‘far right, but nutty and fun far right’ candidate. And won.
And that brings us to another alarmingly nutty aspect of Milei’s political persona: he’s such a massive self-proclaimed Judeophile that he was openly talking about converting to Judaism during the campaign. He also claims to be a huge supporter of the state of Israel. And since winning, he’s already attended two Jewish themed events, including a trip to Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson’s grave in New York City as part of his first trip abroad as Argentina’s president-elect. This is a good time to recall how the movement Schneerson founded, Chabad Lubavitch, has a number of prominent figures who ended up as part of the whole #TrumpRussia intrigue, including Felix Sater and Lev Leviev.
This week’s trip wasn’t Milei’s first trip to Schneerson’s burial site. He also visited the site in July while campaigning. Notably, that was the same month that Milei and Villaruel were the only two Argentine lawmakers to vote against a bill that would make July 18, the date of the 1994 AMIA Jewish center bombing, a national day of mourning. It was such an outrage to Argentina’s Jewish community that there was an angry incident involving Milei and a group of families of the AMIA victims. Milei later attempted to change his vote.
So Argentina’s new self-proclaimed far right Judeophile president elect and his dictatorship-loving vice president elect were the ONLY two lawmakers who refused to honor the memories of the AMIA bombing. But that didn’t stop Milei from his trips to Schneerson’s grave or talk of religious conversion. Which is why we have to ask: is this some sort of elaborate political trolling on display? What are we to make of Argentina’s new far right wannabe Jewish president:
“The site is a frequent pilgrimage location for Jews and others who believe there is special spiritual significance to prayers made at the burial place of Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, the last leader of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement.”
The burial site of Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson: It’s quite a somewhat bizarre choice for the non-Jewish Milei’s first trip abroad since his election. All the more bizarre given his professed interest in converting to Judaism. Nor is it his first trip to Schneerson’s burial site this year. Bizarre Judeophile displays are clearly part of Milei’s public political branding:
A trip to Schneerson’s grave in July and then against as his first trip abroad as President-elect. Is this all like some sort of elaborate political trolling going on? It doesn’t appear to be received as trolling by the Jewish community. And yet, as the following article points out, July wasn’t just the month of he visited Schneerson’s burial as a candidate. July was also the month when Milei and his running mate, Victoria Villaruel, were the only two Argentine lawmakers to vote against a bill that would make July 18, the date of the 1994 AMIA Jewish center bombing, a national day of mourning. It was such an outrage to Argentina’s Jewish community that there was an incident involving Milei and a group of families of the AMIA victims:
“In an interview with Spain’s El Pais last month, Milei said he is considering conversion. One of the obstacles getting in the way: observing Shabbat.”
Converting to Judaism was literally part of his political campaign antics. Antics that worked. Is this some sort of deadpanned political comedy? Or is he serious? He’s such a goofy character it’s hard to assess his seriousness:
And yet, despite his professed love of Israel and the Jewish people, Milei and his running mate, Victoria Villaruel, were the only two Argentine lawmakers to vote against a bill that would make July 18, the date of the 1994 AMIA Jewish center bombing, a national day of mourning. Keep in mind that July was the same month he made his first trip to Schneerson’s burial site. Again, is this trolling?
So will Milei eventually go through with a conversion? It’s not hard to imagine at this point. Converting to Judaism would synergize quite well with the nutty antics that seem to define his political brand of being silly and over-the-top to please the rabble. Because boy would that be silly if Argentina’s new fascist president actually went through with it. It would be darkly ominous too, especially for Argentina’s Jewish community. But also silly, and that’s apparently what counts, politically speaking. For now. At least until the consequences of all this fascist trolling silliness can no longer be ignored. Or, many cases, reversed. An incredibly dark joke is unfolding in Argentina. Don’t cry for Argentina. But don’t laugh either.
One of the most depressing aspects of the contemporary history of economic “shock doctrine” has long been how non-shocking it now is to discover these discredited economic theories embraced over and over by the most powerful institutions on the planet. It’s despair inducing. Kind of like how bashing one’s head against a brick wall repeatedly in the hopes of bashing it down would be despair inducing. Painfully and harmfully so. But it keeps happening.
This time it’s Argentina. Again. The new ‘anarchocapitalist’ government of Javier Milei is already executing its plan for stabilizing Argentina’s economy. It’s exactly the kind of insane doomed plan we should expect by now: austerity for the masses and bailouts for the wealthy and large corporations.
But it isn’t just the ill-advised policies that should sound familiar. It turns out the figure Milei tapped to execute this plan, Economy Minister Luis Caputo, is arguably more culpable for Argentina’s current fiscal woes than anyone else. How so? Well, it was Caputo who served in multiple key role in the administration of conservative president Mauricia Macro from 2015–2019. First, Macro appointed Caputo, a friend since childhood, to the role of secretary of finance. Then finance minister. And finally as central bank governor. Caputo had more influence over Argentina’s economy during this period than virtually anyone else. And it happens to have been the period when the seeds for today’s inflation crisis was sown. Between 2016 and 2018, Argentina’s foreign debt grew from 17.7% of GDP to 41.8%, with gross debt in foreign currency almost doubling, from 36.3% of GDP to 65.8%. In 2018, as Caputo was serving as central bank governor, the Macri government requested and received the largest IMF ‘bailout’ in the fund’s history. With no capital controls in place, the ‘bailout’ money effectively subsidized the flight of capital out of Argentina by the nation’s elites. By the end of Macri’s term, inflation, which was around 15% in late 2015, was over 50%. And here’s Caputo, back as the new Economy Minister.
Another Macri administration alum ended up as Milei’s choice to be the new head of Argentina’s Central Bank — which isn’t being dissolved, after all, despite Milei’s campaign pledges. Santiago Bausili served as Macri’s under secretary of finance and later as secretary of finance. Bausili was, until recently, a partner in Caputo’s investment fund.
But there’s another rather noteworthy shared tie between Caputo and Bausili: bot spent years working at JP Morgan and than Deutsch Bank. Controversially, Bausili actually received a share package with $170,000 from Deutsch Bank at the same time he was working as a public servant for Macri. Public duties that included helping the government issue debt denominated in foreign currencies. It turns up Deutsche Bank played a role in helping to bring the foreign debt bonds to market in 2016 and 2017. Deutsche Bank charges the second highest fees among the banks playing these roles. In 2021, Bausili was accused of conflicts of interest over these dealings with Deutsche Bank. Bausili was charged, but successfully appealed. The official investigation continued, with the case against Bausili being reopened in September of 2022. But one day before being sworn in as the hew head of the central bank, the Buenos Aires Federal Chamber (the lower house of the parliament) blocked the prosecution.
It’s like a darker sequel to a dark comedy, except the only ones laughing are the elites about to pull off the same giant scam on the public once again:
“Predictably, the package of measures places the lion’s share of the burden on the already buckling shoulders of Argentina’s middle and working classes while the so-called political and economic caste — whom Milei vowed to eliminate during his election campaign — will emerge either largely unscathed or even wealthier. In fact, as I will explain later, Argentina’s central bank, also under new (and old) management, has prepared what many are calling a generous bailout of some of the country’s largest importing companies.”
Welcome to Argentina’s grand new experiment in anarchocapitalism. A new experiment that is turning out to have an awfully large number of parallels to the same IMF-led bailouts that got Argentina into this position in the first place. Starting with Luis Caputo, the childhood friend of former conservative president Mauricio Macri who ended up Macri’s central bank governor during the 2016–2018 period when Argentina’s foreign debt blew up from 17.7% of GDP to 41.8%, gross debt in foreign currency almost doubled from 36.3% of GDP to 65.8%, and inflation jumped from 15% to over 50%, sowing the seeds of the current crisis:
But it wasn’t just the deterioration of Argentina’s finances under Caputo’s term as central bank governor that ended up dooming Argentina’s economy. There was also the resulting IMF ‘bailout’. It was the largest in the IMF’s history. And effectively a subsidy for flight capital. A cynical bailout for Argentina’s elites at the long-term cost of the rest of the populace:
Flash forward to today, and we have a new IMF ‘bailout’ being arranged by Caputo that appears to be a repeat of all the previous mistakes. In other words, don’t be shocked if Argentina ends up needing another bailout in a few years thanks to this new ‘bailout’. Like before:
Finally, note the very interesting financial pedigree of both Caputo and person tapped to fill Caputo’s old role as the head of the central bank, Santiago Bausili: Both Caputo and Bausili spent years working at JP Morgan and then Deutsche Bank. Interesting details given the historic context of the major roles played by both banks in South America, made all the more interesting by Bausili’s questionable interactions with Deutsche Bank during his time in government:
We can’t say Argentina hasn’t been warned. But this is the choice voters made, damn the consequences. Austerity for the masses and bailouts for the well connected. Time will tell as to what kind of extra special deals Caputo’s friends in finance manage to secure as the chaos plays out. But it’s pretty clear that Argentina is in store for a repeat of the kind of gross mismanagement that landed the country into this situation in the first place. Except presumably worse this time. Worse for the masses, at least. Probably better for Deutsche Bank.