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For The Record  

FTR #840 Interview (#3) with Peter Levenda about “The Hitler Legacy”

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained here. The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by 12/19/2014. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more) con­tains FTR #827.  (The pre­vi­ous flash dri­ve was cur­rent through the end of May of 2012 and con­tained FTR #748.)

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Lis­ten: MP3

This pro­gram was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment

Mar­tin Bor­mann (right) with Himm­ler

Intro­duc­tion: The third of sev­er­al inter­views with Peter Lev­en­da, this pro­gram sets forth the his­tor­i­cal and ide­o­log­i­cal foun­da­tion for the post­war per­pet­u­a­tion and oper­a­tion of Nazism–“The Hitler Lega­cy.”

The the­sis of this remark­able book might be summed up in an excerpt from page 307:

. . . . After World War II, the Amer­i­can peo­ple thought that Nazi Ger­many had been defeat­ed and the “war” was over; this book demon­strates that it nev­er was. Instead, we were told that Com­mu­nism was the new threat and we had to pull out all the stops to pre­vent a Com­mu­nist takeover of the coun­try. And so our mil­i­tary and our intel­li­gence agen­cies col­lab­o­rat­ed with sur­viv­ing Nazis to go after Com­mu­nists. We refused to pur­sue world­wide right wing ter­ror groups and assas­sins. After all, they were killing Com­mu­nists and left­ists; they were doing us a ser­vice. Like Hoover and the Mafia, the CIA refused to believe a Nazi Under­ground exist­ed even as they col­lab­o­rat­ed with it (via the Gehlen Orga­ni­za­tion and the like).

The whole thrust of this book has been that Amer­i­can lead­ers in busi­ness, finance, media, and pol­i­tics col­lab­o­rat­ed with Nazis before, dur­ing, and after the war. The West­’s share in the ‘blame” for Al-Qae­da, et al, goes back a long way–before Eisenhower–to a cabal of extrem­ist US Army gen­er­als and emi­gre East­ern Euro­peans who did­n’t have much of a prob­lem with Nazism since they feared Com­mu­nism more. The Church, the Tibetans, the Japan­ese, the Ger­mans, the Croatians–and the Americans–all felt that Com­mu­nism was the greater dan­ger, long before WWII. We enlist­ed war crim­i­nals to fight on our side. We appro­pri­at­ed the idea of glob­al jihad from the Nazis and their WW I pre­de­ces­sors. We amped up their plan to weaponize reli­gion and con­vinced Mus­lims, who hat­ed each oth­er, to band togeth­er to fight Com­mu­nism. And when Afghanistan was lib­er­at­ed and the Sovi­et Union was defeat­ed?

Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001. . . .

Fun­da­men­tal to grasp­ing The Hitler Lega­cy is an under­stand­ing of what Peter calls “Exit Strat­e­gy.” As mil­i­tary defeat became inevitable, the Third Reich under­took a delib­er­ate dias­po­ra, uti­liz­ing liaisons with indi­vid­u­als and insti­tu­tions who were sym­pa­thet­ic to their cause.

Allen Dulles

Rein­hard Gehlen: Nazi head of post­war Ger­man intel­li­gence

In addi­tion to the SS, the financiers and indus­tri­al­ists of the Reich engi­neered an eco­nom­ic dias­po­ra. Dis­cussing the Red House Doc­u­ment, Peter sets forth the fun­da­men­tals of the Third Reich’s flight cap­i­tal net­work.

Fun­da­men­tal to an under­stand­ing of the for­ma­tion of what might well be termed an “Under­ground Reich” is the intent of the assem­bled lumi­nar­ies to pro­vide for the post­war financ­ing of the Nazi par­ty and the place­ment of Nazi war crim­i­nals in key Nazi indus­tri­al con­cerns abroad.

The dis­cus­sion high­lights crit­i­cal and over­lap­ping ele­ments that fig­ured promi­nent­ly in the coa­les­cence of this “Under­ground Reich.”

The polit­i­cal ele­ments around the world that were high­light­ed in the first two of our inter­views were the manure with which the Nazi dias­po­ra seeds were fer­til­ized and from which the “Under­ground Reich” grew.

Briefly con­clud­ing with a point of dis­cus­sion that will be devel­oped at greater length in our next inter­view. Build­ing on the strat­e­gy formed by Max von Oppen­heim in the First World War and on resent­ment on the Arab street about the betray­al of the Arab revolt by Britain and France, Haj Amin al-Hus­sei­ni mobi­lized Arab sen­ti­ment on behalf of the Third Reich.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: 

  • The Vat­i­can’s “Rat­lines,” assem­bled by cler­ics such as Alois Hudal, Father Draganovic and Car­di­nal Mon­ti­ni (lat­er Pope Paul VI).
  • The pro­found rela­tion­ships between Ger­man indus­try and finance and coun­ter­parts abroad, espe­cial­ly Amer­i­can cor­po­ra­tions, exec­u­tives and allied legal inter­ests, such as the Dulles broth­ers and Sul­li­van and Cromwell.
  • The cit­ing by SS Dr. Scheid of the util­i­ty of the Ham­burg-Ameri­ka Line for Ger­many in the past. (Although not men­tioned in The Hitler Lega­cy, this is one of the Bush fam­i­ly busi­ness­es that worked with the Reich.)
  • Oper­a­tion Safe­haven and the abortive attempt by U.S. intel­li­gence to inter­dict “Aktion Adler­flug” (“Oper­a­tion Eagle’s Flight”), the flight cap­i­tal pro­gram.
  • The Bank of Inter­na­tion­al Set­tle­ments and its promi­nent role in Nazi finance before, dur­ing and after World War II.
  • The right­ward shift of the polit­i­cal cli­mate in the post-World War II peri­od, favor­ing the use of Nazis as use­ful “anti-Com­mu­nists” and mar­gin­al­iz­ing or polit­i­cal­ly destroy­ing anti-Nazis as “Com­mu­nist sym­pa­thiz­ers.”
  • The for­ma­tion of the Rein­hard Gehlen spy net­work and the close­ly-allied Anti-Bol­she­vik Bloc of Nations (a key ele­ment of the World Anti-Com­mu­nist League.)
  • A brief exam­i­na­tion of Nazism as a spir­i­tu­al move­ment.

1. Fun­da­men­tal to grasp­ing The Hitler Lega­cy is an under­stand­ing of what Peter calls “Exit Strat­e­gy.” As mil­i­tary defeat became inevitable, the Third Reich under­took a delib­er­ate dias­po­ra, uti­liz­ing liaisons with indi­vid­u­als and insti­tu­tions who were sym­pa­thet­ic to their cause. Encap­su­lat­ing this dynam­ic, Peter writes on pages 112–113:

. . . . The men who had financed and sup­port­ed the Reich from its sal­ad days in the 1920’s and 1930’s now real­ized that oth­er arrange­ments had to be made. Indus­tri­al­ists, bankers, engi­neers and sci­en­tists had to find a way to oil their resources and hide as much mon­ey, infor­ma­tion, and tech­nol­o­gy as pos­si­ble from the Allied forces so that Ger­many could be rebuilt quick­ly. At the same time, the SS knew that it had been declared a crim­i­nal orga­ni­za­tion by the Allies and that the days of its mem­bers were num­bered. It had, how­ev­er, an exten­sive net­work of spies, infor­mants, and sym­pa­thiz­ers all over the world, some of whom had begun to engage in anti-colo­nial move­ments against the British, the French, and the Dutch. These would become use­ful in the months and years to come.

Imag­ine that the Sicil­ian mafia had begun as the legit­i­mate gov­ern­ment of Sici­ly, but that Paler­mo was being over­run by anoth­er army; the Mafia would sim­ply go under­ground and form a gov­ern­ment-in-exile, wait­ing for the day its mem­ber­ship could qui­et­ly return to Paler­mo to retake pow­er. that was the SS in 1944 and 1945; what had start­ed as an offi­cial Ger­man gov­ern­ment agency and para­mil­i­tary and mil­i­tary force was sud­den­ly declared a kind of mafia, an orga­nized crime syn­di­cate whose mem­bers would be hat­ed to the ends of the earth and pros­e­cut­ed to the fullest extent of the (new­ly cre­at­ed) law: the Nazis would be charged with cremes against human­i­ty and all SS-men would be declared crim­i­nals by virtue of their mem­ber­ship. . . .

. . . . A new par­a­digm was tak­ing place, some­thing far in world his­to­ry. A defeat­ed nation had been occu­pied by its ene­mies, but a defeat­ed ide­ol­o­gy sur­vived the mil­i­tary defeat and reor­ga­nized and rebrand­ed itself. What the Allies did not real­ize at the time was that Nazism could not be erad­i­cat­ed with guns and bombs. What the Nazis knew was that they could car­ry on their ide­o­log­i­cal strug­gle from any­where on earth, and they did. The war was not over for them; they had sim­ply moved the the­ater of oper­a­tions: to the Mid­dle East, the Amer­i­c­as, Cen­tral Asia, and to South and South­east Asia. And they did all of that with assis­tance from the very gov­ern­ments that had defeat­ed them. This would be absurd if it was­n’t true. . . .

2. In addi­tion to the SS, the financiers and indus­tri­al­ists of the Reich engi­neered an eco­nom­ic dias­po­ra. Dis­cussing the Red House Doc­u­ment, Peter sets forth the fun­da­men­tals of the Third Reich’s flight cap­i­tal net­work. On pages 114–115, Peter writes:

. . . . In oth­er words, as the rest of the SS was prepar­ing escape routes for per­son­nel and gold, the SS chief in Stras­bourg was prepar­ing for a dif­fer­ent kind of escape route. The mon­ey, the indus­tri­al base, and the per­son­nel would go togeth­er; it was noth­ing less than the recre­ation of the Reich some­where else, out of reach of the each of the vic­tors. The plan was to arrange for the res­ur­rec­tion of the Reich and the recon­sti­tu­tion of the Ger­man econ­o­my as soon as the Allies gave them the oppor­tu­ni­ty. . . .

Fun­da­men­tal to an under­stand­ing of the for­ma­tion of what might well be termed an “Under­ground Reich” is the intent of the assem­bled lumi­nar­ies to pro­vide for the post­war financ­ing of the Nazi par­ty and the place­ment of Nazi war crim­i­nals in key Nazi indus­tri­al con­cerns abroad.

The dis­cus­sion high­lights crit­i­cal and over­lap­ping ele­ments that fig­ured promi­nent­ly in the coa­les­cence of this “Under­ground Reich,” as well as points of analy­sis rel­e­vant to this, includ­ing:

  • The Vat­i­can’s “Rat­lines,” assem­bled by cler­ics such as Alois Hudal, Father Draganovic and Car­di­nal Mon­ti­ni (lat­er Pope Paul VI).
  • The pro­found rela­tion­ships between Ger­man indus­try and finance and coun­ter­parts abroad, espe­cial­ly Amer­i­can cor­po­ra­tions, exec­u­tives and allied legal inter­ests, such as the Dulles broth­ers and Sul­li­van and Cromwell.
  • The cit­ing by SS Dr. Scheid of the util­i­ty of the Ham­burg-Ameri­ka Line for Ger­many in the past. (Although not men­tioned in The Hitler Lega­cy, this is one of the Bush fam­i­ly busi­ness­es that worked with the Reich.)
  • Oper­a­tion Safe­haven and the abortive attempt by U.S. intel­li­gence to inter­dict “Aktion Adler­flug” (“Oper­a­tion Eagle’s Flight”), the flight cap­i­tal pro­gram.
  • Brief men­tion of Paul Man­ning and his work on the Bor­mann flight cap­i­tal net­work.
  • The Bank of Inter­na­tion­al Set­tle­ments and its promi­nent role in Nazi finance before, dur­ing and after World War II.
  • The right­ward shift of the polit­i­cal cli­mate in the post-World War II peri­od, favor­ing the use of Nazis as use­ful “anti-Com­mu­nists” and mar­gin­al­iz­ing or polit­i­cal­ly destroy­ing anti-Nazis as “Com­mu­nist sym­pa­thiz­ers.”
  • The for­ma­tion of the Rein­hard Gehlen spy net­work and the close­ly-allied Anti-Bol­she­vik Bloc of Nations (a key ele­ment of the World Anti-Com­mu­nist League.)
  • Analy­sis of Nazism as a “spir­i­tu­al move­ment.”

3. The glob­al jihad strat­a­gem hatched by Max von Oppen­heim and the view on the Arab street that they were the vic­tim of a glob­al inter­na­tion­al con­spir­a­cy were uti­lized by the Third Reich and Haj Amin al-Hus­sei­ni, who recruit­ed Mus­lims to serve in Waf­fen SS for­ma­tions for Hitler. Dis­cus­sion points include:

  • The Han­jar Divi­sion-13th Waf­fen SS, among oth­er Mus­lim Waf­fen SS for­ma­tions, was formed by the Grand Mufti.

 

 

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