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This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment .
Introduction: Political comedian Mort Sahl (who worked for New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison) asked in his autobiography ; “How many lies can you allow yourself to believe before you belong to the lie?” With RFK assassination patsy Sirhan Sirhan having been denied parole for the fifteenth time, the truth of Mort Sahl’s words resonates.
The violent misfortunes that the Kennedy family has experienced have been characterized by our media establishment as “the Kennedy Curse,” as though some sort of witchcraft or sorcery were responsible for the skullduggery, rather than lethal conspiratorial process on the part of key federal agencies and their associated political and corporate elites in, and outside of, the United States.
Beginning with analysis  of the aftermath of Sirhan Sirhan’s latest parole hearing, we note RFK associate Paul Schrade’s testimony and his attempts at getting the case re-opened. (We have covered Schrade’s testimony in numerous past programs, including AFA #9 . For more about the RFK assassination, see, among other programs: FTR #‘s 582 , 789 , 809 .) Schrade opined that the shot that hit him was fired by Sirhan, but that Sirhan could not have fired the fatal shot that killed RFK.
“The truth is in the prosecution’s own records and the autopsy, . . . . It says Sirhan couldn’t have shot Robert Kennedy and didn’t. He was out of position. . . . The LAPD and LA DA knew two hours after the fatal shooting of Robert Kennedy that he was shot by a second gunman and they had conclusive evidence that Sirhan Bishara Sirhan could not and did not do it,” the statement said. “The official record shows that [the prosecution at Sirhan’s trial] never had one witness – and had no physical nor ballistic evidence – to prove Sirhan shot Robert Kennedy. . . Evidence locked up for 20 years shows that the LAPD destroyed physical evidence and hid ballistic evidence exonerating Sirhan, and covered up conclusive evidence that a second gunman fatally wounded Robert Kennedy.” . . .
After reviewing some key aspects of the physical evidence in the RFK assassination case, we highlight an illuminating incident  that took place shortly before President Kennedy’s assassination. The co-owner of an aviation firm, Wayne January  sold a DC‑3 to an Air Force colonel, who effected the transaction on behalf of a CIA front company. A pilot and former Cuban air force officer worked with him on the aircraft, preparing it for flight on the afternoon of Friday, November 22nd of 1963. During the course of their efforts, the pilot disclosed to January that:
- He worked for the CIA on the Bay of Pigs project.
- That his employers blamed the Kennedys for the failure of the project.
- That they planed to kill JFK to punish him for what they perceived as his betrayal.
- That they also planned to kill Robert Kennedy and “any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”
Events bore out the Cuban pilot’s prediction.
As we have discussed in numerous past programs, Robert Kennedy was going to reopen the investigation  into his brother’s murder after he became President. His assassination, of course, prevented that.
The program concludes with a recap of FTR #175 , highlighting the death of JFK’s son.
Apparently fulfilling the prophecy of Wayne January’s Cuban associate, JFK, jr.‘s death in the crash of a private plane may well have been an assassination, designed to prevent him from being nominated as a possible Vice-Presidential candidate on the 2000 Democratic ticket.
Program Highlights Include:
- Review of the case of Thane Eugene Cesar, suspected by many of being the actual assassin of RFK.
- Review of the CIA/intelligence backgrounds of Manuel “Manny” Pena and Enrique “Hank“Hernandez, who were in charge of Special Unit Senator, the LAPD’s “investigative” unit overseeing the RFK assassination case.
- Discussion of discrepancies in the “official” version of JFK, jr.‘s death and the facts as reported by John Bryan: JFK, jr. was an experienced pilot, the weather was not overcast when he went down, his plane was cleared for landing and witnesses saw an apparent explosion as the aircraft approached Martha’s Vineyard.
- Discussion of Wayne January’s disclosure of his experience to British author Matthew Smith.
1. Beginning with analysis of the aftermath of Sirhan Sirhan’s latest parole hearing, we note RFK associate Paul Schrade’s testimony and his attempts at getting the case re-opened. (We have covered Schrade’s testimony in numerous past programs, including AFA #9 .)
Schrade, RFK’s campaign labor chairman who was shot by Sirhan, testified that, yes, Sirhan did shoot Schrade, but he couldn’t have shot Kennedy too and should be released. It’s the kind of testimony that may be of limited use at a parole hearing (“he shot me, but didn’t shoot the other guy”), but at least Schrade got to once again raise questions about lone-assassin conclusion. Not that Schrade’s testimony helped Sirhan at his parole hearing, but for the sake of providing key witness testimony to important events in American history that future generations will use to assess the likely truth of what happened, it was quite helpful: 
After decades of investigation, Paul Schrade has no doubt about the identity of the man who shot him in the head shortly after midnight on June 5, 1968, in the kitchen of the Ambassador Hotel:
It was Sirhan Sirhan, the same gunman convicted of assassinating Robert F. Kennedy.
And yet, when Schrade came face to face with Sirhan for the first time in nearly 50 years, at a parole hearing in San Diego on Wednesday, he argued that the notorious gunman wasn’t Kennedy’s killer.
But the panel wasn’t swayed and Sirhan was denied parole for the 15th time, according to the Associated Press, which noted:
Commissioners concluded after more than three hours of intense testimony at the Richard J. Donovan Correctional Center that Sirhan did not show adequate remorse or understand the enormity of his crime.
Still, the AP reported, Schrade forgave his shooter during the hearing and apologized to Sirhan not doing more to win his release.
“I should have been here long ago and that’s why I feel guilty for not being here to help you and to help me,” Schrade said.
The AP noted that “Schrade’s voice cracked with emotion during an hour of testimony on his efforts to untangle mysteries about the events of June 5, 1968.” He said he believed Sirhan shot him, the AP noted, but that a second unidentified shooter killed Kennedy.
The 91-year-old Schrade, a Kennedy family friend, was working as the labor chairman of the senator’s presidential campaign in 1968. He was walking behind Kennedy when the Democratic candidate was shot four times.
In part because Kennedy was struck from behind, Schrade has long advanced the argument that Sirhan fired shots that night — but not the ones that killed Kennedy.
The fatal bullets, Schrade argued, were fired from a different shooter’s gun.
The AP reported Wednesday that Schrade “provided much of the drama” during Wednesday’s parole hearing.
He angrily ignored the commissioner’s admonishment to avoid directly addressing Sirhan and chastised the prosecution for a “venomous” statement advocating that Sirhan stay in prison.
Schrade, who long advocated the second-gunman theory, recalled how he became depressed and upset after the shooting and vividly described his extensive efforts to find answers. He stopped occasionally to apologize for being nervous and emotional.
The commissioner asked Schrade to wrap up after about an hour, saying, “Quite frankly, you’re losing us.”
“I think you’ve been lost for a long time,” Schrade shot back.
At one point, the commissioner asked if anyone wanted a break.
“No, I want to get this over,” Schrade answered from the audience. “I find it very abusive.”
It was the first time the shooter and Schrade had faced each since he testified at Sirhan’s 1969 trial, according to the AP, and Schrade apologized for not going to any of Sirhan’s 14 previous parole hearings.
Schrade told the Saratogian  last year that even all these decades later, each anniversary of Kennedy’s death renews his stubborn resolve to seek justice.
“The truth is in the prosecution’s own records and the autopsy,” Schrade told the New York newspaper. “It says Sirhan couldn’t have shot Robert Kennedy and didn’t. He was out of position.”
In a statement to Shane O’Sullivan , author of “Who Killed Bobby? The Unsolved Murder of Robert F. Kennedy,” ahead of Wednesday’s parole hearing, Schrade outlined the scope of his argument.
“The LAPD and LA DA knew two hours after the fatal shooting of Robert Kennedy that he was shot by a second gunman and they had conclusive evidence that Sirhan Bishara Sirhan could not and did not do it,” the statement said. “The official record shows that [the prosecution at Sirhan’s trial] never had one witness – and had no physical nor ballistic evidence – to prove Sirhan shot Robert Kennedy.
“Evidence locked up for 20 years shows that the LAPD destroyed physical evidence and hid ballistic evidence exonerating Sirhan, and covered up conclusive evidence that a second gunman fatally wounded Robert Kennedy.”
Sirhan was sentenced to death in 1969, but his sentence was commuted after the California Supreme Court temporarily outlawed capital punishment in 1972.
Now 71, Sirhan has steadfastly maintained that he has no memory of the 1968 shooting, while various parole boards have asserted that he has not shown remorse for his crime or acknowledged the historic gravity of his actions.
“I don’t remember pulling a gun from my body,” he told board officials in 2011. “I don’t remember aiming it at any human being. Everything was always hazy in my head. I don’t remember anything very clearly.”
He added: “I’m not trying to evade anything.”
On Wednesday, according to the AP, Sirhan said yet again that he didn’t remember the shooting at the Ambassador Hotel.
Sirhan recalled events before the shooting in some detail — going to a shooting range that day, visiting the hotel in search of a party and returning after realizing he drank too many Tom Collins’ to drive. He drank coffee in a hotel pantry with a woman to whom he was attracted.
The next thing he said he remembered was being choked and unable to breathe.
“It’s all vague now,” he said. “I’m sure you all have it in your records, I can’t deny it or confirm it. I just wish this whole thing had never taken place.”
Sirhan may not remember what happened that night, but Schrade says he does, in exquisite detail.
Before the shooting began, he recalls walking six to eight feet behind Kennedy through a hotel kitchen as the senator stopped to shake hands with several busboys, according to O’Sullivan.
As Kennedy turned to continue walking, Schrade saw more than one flash and heard “a crackling sound like electricity,” according to O’Sullivan’s book, “Who Killed Bobby? ”
“I got hit with the first shot,” Schrade told the Saratogian. “I was right behind Bob. It was meant for him and got me. I thought I had been electrocuted. I was shaking violently on the floor and saw flashes.”
Writing for the Huffington Post in 2013, Schrade described his final moments with Kennedy and noted how close he came to death:
Bob knew I was hit first because he asked “Is everybody OK? Is Paul all right?” as he lay fatally wounded — always more concerned about others than himself.
I was lucky. If the bullet that hit me in the forehead had been a fraction of an inch lower, I would have been killed instantly. Instead, I survived and, after several years of recovery, I was asked to take part in legal efforts to discover all the facts about the shootings — specifically serious questions about whether Sirhan Sirhan had acted alone that night. As painful as it was for me to pursue, I knew that Americans deserved to know the truth about what really happened to Robert Kennedy, whose death — like the death of President Kennedy — changed the course of American history forever.
For those skeptical of Sirhan’s guilt, the crux of the argument rests on the number of shots fired that night.
According to O’Sullivan, Kennedy’s autopsy revealed that the senator was hit four times and that five others at the scene were wounded. If nine shots were fired, conspiracy theorists maintain, one must have been fired by someone other than Sirhan, who was carrying an eight-shot revolver.
Sirhan’s lawyers have also argued that their client was not in the right physical position to fire the shot that killed Kennedy, according to Reuters.
Schrade told the Saratogian that while no live television footage captured the shooting, he believes that a second gunman could have used the chaos to conceal a weapon and fire from close range.
The newspaper noted that skeptics’ arguments were seemingly bolstered by a 2007 analysis of an audio recording of the shooting. The analysis, the newspaper noted, “indicates a total of 13 shots fired, further strengthening the argument of those who believe a second gunman was involved, Kennedy’s true assassin.”
“No witness saw Sirhan’s gun close to Robert Kennedy or behind him,” Schrade told the Saratogian. “He was three feet in front of Kennedy. We need to take the evidence we have in the files and try to find out who the second gunman was and if there was a connection with Sirhan. If all else fails, I’m going to have to go public and accuse the justice establishment of not bringing justice to RFK. He deserves it and the family deserves it.”
Sirhan will be eligible for parole again in five years.
2. Wayne January , a Dallas flight technician who prepared a DC3 for a flight out of Dallas on 11/22/1963, heard assertions that JFK would be killed, and that his brother Robert and any other Kennedy who aspired to the Presidency would be eliminated. The prediction about JFK came true, as did his foreshadowing of RFK’s killing five years later.
. . . . The extent to which our national security state was systematically marshaled for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy remains incomprehensible to us. When we live in a system, we absorb a system and think in a system. We lack the independence needed to judge the system around us. Yet the evidence we have seen points toward our national security state, the systemic bubble in which we all live, as the source of Kennedy’s murder and immediate cover-up.
Intelligence agencies in that state have advantages over us ordinary citizens in controlling our government. The CIA, FBI, and their intelligence affiliates in the armed forces have resources and aspirations, as revealed by the president’s assassination, that go far beyond our moral imagination. In his increasingly isolated presidency, John Kennedy had a diminishing power over them. Partly because of our naivete as citizens, he was killed by covert-action agencies and the conspiracy covered up by them, with relative ease and legal impunity. It was the beginning of a deadly process. Even before his assassination took place, there was evidence that those in command of our security agencies may have already been thinking about whom they might have to kill next for the sake of the nation.
A prime candidate was the president’s brother–his possible successor in the White House in the years to come, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.
On Thursday, November 21, as John and Jacqueline Kennedy were arriving on Air Force One in Houston to begin their Texas tour, Wayne January was at Red Bird Air Field in Dallas preparing a DC‑3 aircraft for flight. In this narrative, we have already encountered January, who the day before had refused to charter a flight for November 22 to a suspicious young couple, accompanied by a man January later identified as Lee Harvey Oswald.
Wayne January was working on the DC‑3 all day Thursday with the pilot who was scheduled to fly it out of Dallas on Friday afternoon. It was their third day on the job. Working together on a project they both enjoyed—preparing an extraordinary machine for flight—the two men had become friends. Wayne had also become curious about the background of his friend, who said he had been born in Cuba, though Wayne could detect no trace of an accent. The man said he had been in the Cuban Air Force, where he achieved a high rank.
Except for his work with January, the pilot kept totally to himself, refusing Wayne’s invitations to eat out with him. The pilot confined himself to eating sandwiches with Wayne by the plane.
Wayne became more curious. He asked the pilot about the well-dressed man who had bought the plane from a company January co-owned. The man had carried out the transaction with January’s partner by phone. The buyer had made only one appearance at the airfield, when he came with the pilot on Monday.
The pilot described his boss as “an Air Force colonel who deals with planes of this category.” The colonel had bought the plane on behalf of a company known as the “Houston Air Center.” January would learn later that the Houston Air Center was a front for the CIA. As revealed by the plane’s archived papers, the aircraft had originally been a troop transport version of the DC‑3, also known as a C‑47, made in the Second World War and sold by the government to a private airline after the war. It was now being sold back to the government for use as a covert CIA aircraft.
As Wayne and the pilot continued talking during their lunch break Thursday, Wayne suddenly found himself in a twilight zone, learning more about secret government operations than he ever wanted to know. The moment of transition came after a pause in the conversation. The other man sat leaning against a wheel of the plane, eating his sandwich. He was silent for a time, mulling over something in his mind.
Then he looked up and said, “Wayne, they are going to kill your president.”
As Wayne January described this scene three decades later in a remarkable faxed letter to British author Matthew Smith, he tried to convey his utter incomprehension of the man’s words. When Wayne asked the pilot what he meant, the man repeated, “They are going to kill your president.”
Wayne stared at him.
“You mean President Kennedy?”
The man said yes.
While Wayne kept trying to make sense of his words, his co-worker revealed that he had been a pilot for the CIA. He was with the CIA in the planning of the Bay of Pigs. When many of his friends died there, the planners and survivors of the operation bitterly blamed John and Robert Kennedy for not providing the air cover the CIA claimed they had promised.
Wayne asked if that was why he thought they were going to kill the president.
The man said, “They are not only going to kill the President, they are going to kill Robert Kennedy and any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”
Wayne thought he was beginning to catch on. His friend had gone off the deep end. Wayne tried to say so in a polite, circumspect way.
The pilot looked at him. “You will see,” he said.
The two men went back to work. They were behind schedule, with less than twenty-four hours left to complete the task. “My boss wants to return to Florida,” the pilot said. There was room in the plane for more passengers than his boss. Wayne and the pilot were reinstalling twenty-five seats in it.
The DC‑3 had to be ready to take off from Dallas by early afternoon the next day, Friday, November 22.
In the course of their work, the pilot made another memorable remark. “They want Robert Kennedy real bad,” he said.
“But what for?” Wayne asked.
“Never mind,” the man said, “You don’t need to know.” Thanks to the two men’s joint efforts, they succeeded in having the plane ready to go early Friday afternoon. By 12:30 p.m., all the DC‑3 lacked was fuel—and whoever would soon get aboard it to depart from Dallas.
As they finished their work, there was a commotion by the terminal. A police car took off at high speed. Wondering what was up, Wayne walked back to the terminal building. The driver of a passing car slowed down and shouted at him, “The President has been shot!”
Wayne went into the building. He listened to a radio until he heard the announcement that President John F. Kennedy was dead.
He walked back to the DC‑3. It had received its fuel. The pilot was putting luggage on the plane. Wayne asked him if he had heard what had happened. Without pausing from his loading, the pilot said he had, the man on the fuel truck had told him.
Then he said, “It’s all going to happen just like I told you.”
Wayne said goodbye to the pilot. With a sense of profound sickness, he left work to find a television set where he could watch news of the president’s assassination unfold.
Until 1992, Wayne January lived alone with the nightmare of what the pilot had told him. Because of what he knew, he feared for his life and the lives of his wife and family. When the FBI and a few researchers asked him questions related to the assassination, he told them only about the couple with Oswald whom he had turned down when they tried to charter a plane for Friday the 22nd. Without his knowledge, the FBI then discredited him by dating the incident four months earlier, minimizing its importance and making a more delayed Oswald identification seem less plausible.
However, Wayne remained silent about the CIA pilot who knew the president was going to be killed, the colonel representing “Houston Air Center,” and the newly purchased CIA plane that took off from Red Bird Air Field the afternoon of November 22. He also kept secret the pilot’s prediction of what would happen to Robert Kennedy, as fulfilled by his murder in June 1968, “and any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”
In 1992, Wayne January broke his silence about the pilot’s revelation. As we have seen, author Matthew Smith had already interviewed him the year before about the couple with Oswald. After Smith showed him the FBI report that claimed falsely the incident occurred the previous July, the two men became good friends. January realized he had finally found someone he could trust with his long-held secret. He faxed to Smith at his home in Sheffield, England, a complete account of what the CIA pilot had said to him. Smith had been puzzled in Dallas at how January could be so sure in saying the CIA was behind the Kennedy assassination. Now he knew.
January told Smith that sending his faxed statement after thirty years of silence “seems to be a release of some kind that I don’t understand,” “a relief that seems to make me more relaxed.” He gave the British author permission to publish the story on the condition that he not be identified because “he still feared for his life and for that of his wife.” Smith agreed. He used a pseudonym for January’s name and changed a few details to avoid identifying him.
The story of “Hank Gordon’s” experience with the CIA pilot at Red Bird Air Field subsequently appeared in Matthew Smith’s books Vendetta: The Kennedys (1993) and Say to Goodbye to America (2001). After Wayne January died in 2002, Smith obtained permission from his widow to reveal his name. He did so at a November 2003 conference in Dallas and in his book, Conspiracy–the Plot to Stop the Kennedys (2005.)
Thanks to Wayne January’s friendship with a CIA pilot who risked confiding in him, and to January’s deeper friendship with Matthew Smith, in whom he risked confiding, we can now see more than we may want to see. We can see a possible commitment to a chain of covert-action murders that would extend from JFK to RFK and any other Kennedy liable to become president: “They are not only going to kill the President, they are going to kill Robert Kennedy and any other Kennedy who gets into that position.”
The Kennedy family has been well aware since John F. Kennedy’s murder as president, mirrored by Senator Robert F. Kennedy’s murder as a presidential candidate, how dangerous it is for one of them to aspire to the presidency. . . .
3. As we have discussed in numerous past programs, Robert Kennedy was going to reopen the investigation into his brother’s murder after he became President. His assassination, of course, prevented that.
The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government by David Talbot; Harper [HC]; 2015; Copyright 2015 by The Talbot Players LLC; ISBN 978–0‑06–227616‑2; p. 608. 
. . . . The Garrison camp implored Kennedy to speak out about the conspiracy, arguing that such a public stand might even protect his own life by putting the conspirators on notice. But RFK preferred to play such deeply crucial matters close to the chest. He would reopen the case on his own terms, Kennedy confided to his closest aides–suggesting that day would come only if he won the executive powers of the White House. . . .
4. The conclusion of the show is FTR #175 , about the death (and probable murder) of JFK, jr.
The description of the program:
When John F. Kennedy, Jr. died in the crash of a private plane in July of 1999, media pundits ruminated at length about the recklessness of the Kennedys and “the Kennedy curse”. This program explores the striking contradictions between the official version of JFK, Jr.‘s death and the facts concerning his demise. The available data suggest that JFK, Jr. may have been the victim of foul play.
The program consists of an interview with veteran journalist John Bryan , who worked for the San Francisco Examiner (among other papers). John’s experience with the Examiner led him to begin questioning the official version of the story. Familiar with the Examiner’s weekend publishing practices, John became convinced that the Examiner (for whatever reason) was deliberately withholding the story. (Kennedy’s plane crashed on a Friday evening.) Sensing a possible cover-up, Bryan religiously combed the print and electronic media for the truth about the deaths of Kennedy, his wife and sister-in-law.
Beginning with discussion of Kyle Brady (a veteran pilot who flew from the same airport Kennedy departed from), Bryan relates Brady’s observation that JFK, Jr.‘s preflight actions indicated that Kennedy seemed to feel that something was wrong with the plane.
Next, Bryan discusses the reality of the conditions around Martha’s Vineyard at the time of Kennedy’s disappearance. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a “Mayday” distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy’s plane approaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the “radar track” which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy’s plane beginning its “graveyard spiral” at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy’s death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.)
Mr. Bryan also reports eyewitness reports of seeing a “flash” or explosion over the water when Kennedy’s plane disappeared. Most importantly, John recounts numerous observations by media political pundits that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or, more likely, the Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the election of 2000. His death eliminated that possibility. In addition, Mr. Bryan discusses the extraordinary secrecy that surrounded the retrieval and disposal of the plane’s wreckage and the bodies of the deceased. Reporters were not allowed to view the wreckage or the autopsy. No autopsy photographs were taken, in direct contravention of Massachusetts law. The bodies were cremated within 10 hours of discovery and buried at sea. John points out that the Kennedys are Catholic and Catholics traditionally bury their dead. Cremation was completely forbidden by the Catholic Church until 1963, and since then only under certain extraordinary circumstances. Scattering ashes at sea is strictly forbidden. Bryan questions this extraordinary secrecy and departure from accepted procedure and points out that the tail section of the plane appears to have disappeared.
The discussion features several observations by Mr. Emory, including the fact that the Kennedy assassination was back on the political front burner after Boris Yeltsin publicly gave President Clinton the KGB files on Oswald (which demonstrated that they felt Oswald was probably an American agent). Mr. Emory also points out that the Kennedy assassination was part of a lawsuit that was proceeding through the courts in 1999.
The program concludes with a reading of the obituary of Anthony Stanislaus Radziwill, JFK, Jr.‘s best friend. (They were best men at each others weddings.) Radziwill died of cancer about three weeks after the death of Kennedy. (The intelligence community has been able to assassinate people via cancer for decades.) A broadcast journalist, Radziwill had covered the O.J. Simpson case and had received a Peabody award for his work on the emergence of “neo”-Nazism in America. (There are numerous evidentiary tributaries between the O.J. Simpson case and the intelligence community, including the Kennedy assassination. The killing of Ron Goldman and Nicole Brown Simpson appears to have been the work of Nazi elements.)