Dave Emory’s entire lifetime of work is available on a flash drive that can be obtained HERE. The new drive is a 32-gigabyte drive that is current as of the programs and articles posted by early winter of 2016. The new drive (available for a tax-deductible contribution of $65.00 or more.) (The previous flash drive was current through the end of May of 2012.)
WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.
You can subscribe to e‑mail alerts from Spitfirelist.com HERE.
You can subscribe to RSS feed from Spitfirelist.com HERE.
You can subscribe to the comments made on programs and posts–an excellent source of information in, and of, itself HERE.
This broadcast was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.
NB: This description contains material not included in the original program.
Introduction: Donald Trump’s pronouncements about Russia’s policy vis a vis Ukraine and Crimea, his relatively benign statements about Putin, Putin’s relatively benign statements about Trump, Trump’s comments that are critical of NATO and the relationship between former Trump campaign aide Paul Manafort and Victor Yanukovich (the pro-Russian former president of Ukraine) have led many to view Trump as a “Putin/Kremlin/Russian” “dupe/agent.”
In the next two broadcasts, we analyze Trump’s views and associations in this regard in the context of traditional German “Ostpolitik,” as manifested by the postwar Federal Republic of Germany and the Underground Reich in particular.
It is our considered opinion that Trump, far from being a “Putin/Kremlin/Russian” “dupe/pawn/agent” is an associate and operative of the Underground Reich and his attitudes toward Russia, Putin, Crimea and NATO reflect German “Ostpolitik.”
For centuries, German and Prussian leaders and strategists have sought practical alliances and non-aggression pacts with Russia as a vehicle for securing their Eastern frontier, enhancing their commercial trade infrastructure and furthering their European and global hegemonic goals.
In the Cold War and “New Cold War” eras, this Ostpolitik serves as a “good cop/bad cop” dynamic, giving Germany leverage with the U.S. and Russia/U.S.S.R. by creating ” . . . the heated atmosphere of an auction room where two eager opponents outbid each other. . . .”
First, the program presents a thumbnail synopsis of this traditional German “Ostpolitik.”
- 1762–Frederick the Great: Frederick’s secret pact with Czar Peter III disrupted the great European coalition which had almost crushed Prussia in the Seven Years War. This pact saved Prussia from total defeat and led to the first partition of Poland.
- 1887–Chancellor von Bismarck: The “Iron Chancellor” made a secret pact (“re-insurance treaty”) with Russia which secured Germany’s Eastern frontier. He made Germany the strongest military power on the continent, and German “Weltpolitik” set out to intimidate France and to undermine the Anglo-Saxon world.
- 1922–General Hans von Seeckt: General von Seeckt created a new army after Germany’s defeat in World War I. His secret deals with Moscow culminated in the Rapallo Treaty, which rocked the Western world on Easter Sunday, 1922.
- 1926–Gustav Streseman: Sresemann, a “good European,” signed a neutrality pact with the Soviets which, in effect, was a return to Bismarck’s policy of securing the Eastern frontier. While Stresemann feigned friendship for the West, the Wehrmacht Chief, General von Seeckt, contemplated “war against the West in alliance with the East.”
- 1939–Von Ribbentrop & Stalin: Hitler’s Foreign Minister, after months of secret negotiations with the Soviets, signed on August 23, 1939, a so-called “Non-aggression” Pact in Moscow. A week later Hitler launched his war against Poland, the opening move of World War II.
Next, we highlight “An Open Letter to Stalin” published in the Buerger Zeitung, a leading German-language paper in the United States. Noteworthy for our purposes here is the fact that the paper is the de-facto outlet for the Steuben Society, the top pan-German organization in the United States. As will be seen below, the Steuben Society was part of the Nazi Fifth Column in the U.S. before World War II and part of the Underground Reich infrastructure in this country after the war. In the latter capacity, it advocated for the release and rehabilitation of Nazis, including war criminals.
Also of significance is the fact that the author, Bruno Fricke, was an associate of Otto Strasser. Strasser, along with his brother Gregor, was part of Ernst Rohm’s SA. Rohm was liquidated in the Night of the Long Knives, along with Gregor Strasser. Otto escaped to Czechoslavakia.
We should also underscore that the Buerger Zeitung was very anti-Communist and strongly supportive of Joseph McCarthy’s witch hunts. Donald Trump’s lawyer for years was Roy Cohn, McCarthy’s top aide.
Three years after that letter was published in the Buerger Zeitung, the Soviet Union responded with its Soviet Note of 3/10/1952. One of the most important aspect of the analysis of this event is the German plan to achieve a united Europe under German domination, which has, of course, been achieved. ” . . . In the pro-Adenauer press, including the The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Christ und Welt, The Deutsche Zeitung of Stuttgart, editorials have been written assuring the Russians that Dr. Adenauer’s policy aims to create the security necessary for both the Germans and the Russians, and that this can only be brought about after Germany had become a third power factor which could employ its influence in such a way as to deter the United States “from starting a preventive war.” [The aggressive U.S./NATO stance toward Ukraine and Russia are impressing many around the world in a fashion that would be familiar to those in the early 1950’s–D.E.] Thus, while, in the short run, the Bonn Government aims to create a United Europe, it hopes ultimately to reach a solid understanding with the Soviets at the expense of the United States. . . .”
This “Europa Germanica”–the EU in the event–was, in turn, to become a Third Force. In exchange for moving away from the push for a Third World War and pulling Europe out of NATO, this Third Force would gain concessions from the Soviets. Also of note is the fact that a major feature of this United Europe would be an all-European army, also under German domination.
” . . . The German Chancellor’s plan is that the U.S.A. is now so deeply committed to her European defense pledge that she will readily sacrifice dozens of billions of dollars in the strengthening and the rearming of a German-dominated Europe. After is this accomplished, Dr. Adenauer’s grandiose concept envisions negotiations with Russia with the prospect of getting substantial territorial concessions from the Kremlin in Eastern Europe for which Germany in return will break away, with the whole of Western Europe, from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. . . .” Trump’s pronouncements about NATO are to be seen in this context.
As we shall see later, a major push is underway to establish a “Euro-corps”–precisely the sort of German-dominated European army that was envisioned in the early 1950s.
” . . . . The reaction of the German strategists to the Soviet Note of March 10, 1952, however, exposes their true designs. German geo-political journals speak of it as “the highest trump card in the hands of the Chancellor” which will enable him to mow down the resistance of France against Germany’s concept of a united Europe. The pro-Adenauer press interpreted the Russian Note as a tremendous asset in speeding up the timetable for the creation of a European army under German domination. . . .”
What we are seeing with Trump’s positive words about Russia and negative stance toward NATO is precisely the ideological and geopolitical posture advocated by Adenauer, the pan-Germanists and the Underground Reich in the early 1950s.
Developing analysis of the Steuben society, we note its role as part of the Nazi fifth column in this country prior to World War II:
“. . . Aristocrat in its class, the Steuben Society hated the Bund because of its difference in tactics, shunned wild Nazi talk and avoided in recent years the public heiling of Hitler, while the Bund continued as before. . . . It goes back to his [Steuben Society President Theodore H. Hoffman] trip to Germany and his reception by Hitler. Hoffman told the story in a by-lined article in the December 20, 1934 issue of the Deutscher Beobachter published in New York: ‘Whoever thinks that National-Socialism rules by oppression, is mistaken. . . . My personal impressions of Hitler were that he is an idealist, an unusual organizer and a man of tremendous energy. It is my conviction that he is honest and sincere in his endeavors not only to unite the German people, but also in his determination to break the chains of slavery. . . . He is the one man who filled the life of the German nation. . . . with new hope of the future. . . .’”
After the war, the Steuben Society served as part of the ODESSA/Underground Reich milieu.
” . . . Effective schemes had been developed by the Nazis and militarists to obstruct law and justice. After they had reached success, after thousands of Nazi criminals had fled to Spain and Egypt, after other thousands had been freed from Allied prisons, there appeared accounts in some Rightist newspapers, congratulating a group of Nazi ringleaders on accomplishing an almost impossible task. The Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung aune 1958) published a full-page account of a farreaching secret organization which had been founded in 1948 in violation of Allied rules.
The purpose of the organization was to free the war criminals in defiance of law and justice. The author of this remarkable report, Major General Hans Korte, describes how a kind of General Staff, or “steering committee,” was set up in Munich to direct all the anti-warguilt propaganda in occupied Germany and throughout the entire world. . . . The common characteristic of all these groups was their dual activity; first, they solicited financial aid for Nazi prisoners, and second, they stirred propaganda against the “warguilt lie,” climaxing it with a demand for speedy release of all war criminals. Working in cooperation with the Christian Aid center in Munich were such notorious Nazi organizations as the SS HIAG, the Society of Late Homecomers, the Stahlhelm, the Federation of German Soldiers, and the various expellee groups. Among the organizations abroad we find the Kameraden Hilfe in Spain, headed by the SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, a similar group working in Latin America under the leadership of the Luftwaffe ace Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel,· and various German “relief” and propaganda organizations in the United States under the political guidance of the Steuben Society. . . .”
One of Trump’s top national security advisers is Joseph E. Schmitz, the former inspector general for the Pentagon. In addition to covering up for apparent malefactors while serving in that capacity for George W. Bush, Schmitz was deeply connected to the milieu of the von Steuben family and “fascinated with all things German.”
Schmitz may well have been the source for some of Trump’s attitudes and statements resonating with German and Underground Reich Ostpolitik.
“. . . . Some of the more unusual complaints regarding Schmitz deal with what senior officials called an “obsession” with Von Steuben, the Revolutionary War hero who worked with George Washington to instill discipline in the military. Von Steuben reportedly fled Germany after learning that he was going to be tried for homosexual activities.Shortly after taking office, Schmitz made Von Steuben’s legacy a focus. He spent three months personally redesigning the inspector general’s seal to include the Von Steuben family motto, “Always under the protection of the Almighty.” . . .
. . . . In July 2004, he escorted Henning Von Steuben, a German journalist and head of the Von Steuben Family Assn., to a U.S. Marine Corps event. He also feted Von Steuben at an $800 meal allegedly paid for by public funds, according to Grassley, and hired Von Steuben’s son to work as an unpaid intern in the inspector general’s office, a former Defense official said.
He also called off a $200,000 trip to attend a ceremony at a Von Steuben statue earlier this year in Germany after Grassley questioned it.
Finally, Schmitz’s son, Phillip J. Schmitz, has a business relationship with a group tied to Von Steuben. Schmitz, who runs a technology firm, provides web-hosting services for the World Security Network, a nonprofit news service focused on peace and conflict issues. Von Steuben serves on the network’s advisory board.
Hubertus Hoffmann, a German businessman who founded the network, said Von Steuben played no role in assigning the contract to Phillip Schmitz, who is paid a “modest sum” for his work. Schmitz said he first made contact with Hoffmann through his father but that he had never met Von Steuben.
The relationships troubled many at the Pentagon.
‘He was consumed with all things German and all things Von Steuben,’ said the former Defense official, who did not want to be identified because of the ongoing inquiries. ‘He was obsessed.’ . . . .”
The program concludes with a brief look at contemporary German policy that manifests the Ostpolitik pursued by Adenauer:
- German corporations and think tanks are not only lobbying against continued sanctions against Russia due to lost profits and contracts with that country, but are discussing the possibility of drawing closer to the Eurasian Economic Union. Popular sentiment in Germany, though supportive of the U.S., NATO and German right-wing policies against Russia over Ukraine, see Russia as a better long-term partner for Germany than the U.S. This is a manifestation of the “bidding war” Adenauer referred to in 1952, in item #3.
- In another manifestation of the dualistic, good-cop/bad-cop “bidding war” Adenauer referred to, Germany is propelling the EU’s creation of a European army. That army will be dominated by Germany. This, too, will be analyzed at greater length in the next broadcast.
Program Highlights Include:
- John P. Schmitz’s work on behalf of German corporations.
- John P. Schmitz’s close association with Matthias Wissman, who worked for a law firm that worked for Swiss and German interests being sued by Holocaust victims.
- Joseph Schmitz’s work covering up apparent malefactors in the Pentagon.
1. The program begins with a thumbnail synopsis of traditional German “Ostpolitik” from the back cover of Germany Plots with the Kremlin:
Germany Plots with the Kremlin by T.H. Tetens; Henry Schuman [HC]; 1953; Back Cover Text.
- 1762–Frederick the Great: Frederick’s secret pact with Czar Peter III disrupted the great European coalition which had almost crushed Prussia in the Seven Years War. This pact saved Prussia from total defeat and led to the first partition of Poland.
- 1887–Chancellor von Bismarck: The “Iron Chancellor” made a secret pact (“re-insurance treaty”) with Russia which secured Germany’s Eastern frontier. He made Germany the strongest military power on the continent, and German “Weltpolitik” set out to intimidate France and to undermine the Anglo-Saxon world.
- 1922–General Hans von Seeckt: General von Seeckt created a new army after Germany’s defeat in World War I. His secret deals with Moscow culminated in the Rapallo Treaty, which rocked the Western world on Easter Sunday, 1922.
- 1926–Gustav Streseman: Sresemann, a “good European,” signed a neutrality pact with the Soviets which, in effect, was a return to Bismarck’s policy of securing the Eastern frontier. While Stresemann feigned friendship for the West, the Wehrmacht Chief, General von Seeckt, contemplated “war against the West in alliance with the East.”
- 1939–Von Ribbentrop & Stalin: Hitler’s Foreign Minister, after months of secret negotiations with the Soviets, signed on August 23, 1939, a so-called “Non-aggression” Pact in Moscow. A week later Hitler launched his war against Poland, the opening move of World War II.
2a. Next, we highlight “An Open Letter to Stalin” published in the Buerger Zeitung, a leading German-language paper in the United States. Noteworthy for our purposes here is the fact that the paper is the de-facto outlet for the Steuben Society, the top pan-German organization in the United States. As will be seen below, the Steuben Society was part of the Nazi Fifth Column in the U.S. before World War II and part of the Underground Reich infrastructure in this country after the war. In the latter capacity, it advocated for the release and rehabilitation of Nazis, including war criminals.
Also of significance is the fact that the author, Bruno Fricke, was an associate of Otto Strasser. Strasser, along with his brother Gregor, was part of Ernst Rohm’s SA. Rohm was liquidated in the Night of the Long Knives, along with Gregor Strasser. Otto escaped to Czechoslavakia.
We should also underscore that the Buerger Zeitung was very anti-Communist and strongly supportive of Joseph McCarthy’s witch hunts. Donald Trump’s lawyer for years was Roy Cohn, McCarthy’s top aide.
Three years after that letter was published in the Buerger Zeitung, the Soviet Union responded with its Soviet Note of 3/10/1952. Of note in the passage that follows is the German plan to achieve a united Europe under German domination, which has, of course, been achieved.
This “Europa Germanica”–the EU in the event–was, in turn, to become a Third Force. In exchange for moving away from the push for a Third World War and pulling Europe out of NATO, this Third Force would gain concessions from the Soviets. Also of note is the fact that a major feature of this United Europe would be an all-European army, also under German domination.
As we shall see later, a major push is underway to establish a “Euro-corps”–precisely the sort of German-dominated European army that was envisioned in the early 1950s.
What we are seeing with Trump’s positive words about Russia and negative stance toward NATO is precisely the ideological and geopolitical posture advocated by Adenauer, the pan-Germanists and the Underground Reich in the early 1950s.
Germany Plots with the Kremlin by T.H. Tetens; Henry Schuman [HC]; 1953; pp. 61–64.
. . . . Since 1947, many German-language papers in North and South America have endeavored to pressure the United States with the veiled threat that if Germany were not fully restored to her former position of power, the German people would ally themselves with Russia. In 1949, the German-language paper Buerger Zeitung of Chicago published on its front page under a six-column headline “An Open Letter to Stalin.” It was a most brazen example of how ruthless German “Realpolitik” can be. The author, Herr Bruno Fricke, is a former Nazi and Black Front Leader, and a political collaborator of Dr. Otto Strasser.
The Buerger Zeitung is an old and respected German language weekly that carries on its masthead the notice that it is the “Official Organ of the German-American Citizens’ League of Illinois.” The paper boasts that it is the mouthpiece for the sentiments of 500,000 German-Americans in Chicago. It speaks for the German-American Citizens League and for the German Day Association, which includes 91 German-American Societies in Chicago.
The Steuben Society, the leading pan-German organization in the US for years, uses the Buerger Zeitung for its announcements. Thus, in a respected German-American publication, which has its place on the extreme right politically, and has whole-heartedly given support to Senator McCarthy’s anti-Communist campaign, the “Open Letter to Stalin” was splashed over the whole front page. And what did the letter say? It proposed nothing less than that Germany and Russia should form an alliance and smash the coalition of Western Powers. Addressing Stalin, the author writes:
“Your intelligence service will tell you who I am. . . . Essential and important and interesting for you is only that I am speaking here as a representative of a great part of my Volksgenossen and that it would be good for you to know what millions of battle-trained men think today. This sector of the German people, namely the national sector which not only comprises former Nazis but everyone who feels for the Fatherland, is quantitatively quite noteworthy and qualitatively of decisive importance. Its components are the frontline-soldiers of both of world wars and the overwhelming majority of our youth. Thus, its importance from the purely military point of view becomes clear, and this is one of the reasons why the opinions of these circles must be worthy of your consideration.
“In view of the imminent third world war, as well as in view of principle considerations, you are naturally very much interested in us Germans. We may be down materially, morally and ethically, nevertheless, and despite the dismemberment of our Fatherland, we remain with eighty million–the strongest people on the European continent. Whatever one will tell you, we consider ourselves absolutely as a unity and nobody will drive these ideas from our heads–not for generations to come.”
Stressing the importance of Germany’s industrial capacity and the intellectual potentialities of the Germans, the writer explains that, after Truman’s announcement about a Russian atomic explosion, “Europe’s decisive role in a pending showdown” has become greater than ever before. Having obviously in mind a German-dominated Europe, the writer continues:
“You, Generalissimo Stalin, are probably much more conscious of the fact than the civilian governments in Washington, London and Paris, that the Western Union as well as the Atlantic Pact are nothing but an organization of military zeros around an Anglo-Saxon one.”
Continuing, the writer comes to the key point of his letter by suggesting that if Stalin would restore German sovereignty, he could “win back the German peoples” fist:
“We Germans do not want to have anything to do with the West, with the Yankees, with their capitalistic exploitation and their political arrogance. We Prussians have always been closely associated with the Russians; we Germans return gladly to the traditions of Bismarck, Freiher von Stein and Maria Theresa, and we as a politically trained people have never forgotten Lenin’s intelligent words about the desire of cooperation between Germany and Russia. We are actually predestined for an alliance with Moscow, all the more so since mutual cooperation with the integrated bloc of the Soviet states has attracted millions of Germans, educated under strict discipline. Who could resist us if both our Reichs were united? What Napoleon did not succeed in doing, Truman will not succeed in either: the subjugation of the earth! Socialist Germany and Communist Russia together are invincible and thus our alliance secures the peace of the world.”
This and subsequent articles which propagated a German-Russo alliance published in an outspoken anti-Communist paper in the U.S. neatly illustrates the essence of German “Realpolitik.”
The authors, Bruno Fricke and Dr. Otto Strasser, are known as daring political plotters. In addition to their regular writings for the Chicago Buerger Zeitung, their articles have been published frequently in the German-language press in North and South America.
Some people say that the views of Dr. Strasser, Herr Fricke and others of the same stripes represent only the thinking of a minority. The fact is, however, that there were no articulate voices of protest among the 500,000 German-Americans in Chicago against this “Open Letter to Stalin.” The Buerger Zeitung is read in the editorial rooms of dozens of other German-language papers in the USA, but there is no evidence that any other German-language newspaper, or any of the numerous German-American societies in Chicago, for whom the Buerger Zeitung serves as an official mouthpiece, protested against this dangerous and open plotting. A sensational front-page feature like this “Open Letter to Stalin” could not have been overlooked by anybody, not even State Senator Charles Weber, the political bigwig among the German-Americans in Illinois, who utilizes the Buerger Zeitung as his political instrument.
The fact that the Buerger Zeitung could carry on a blackmail campaign in favor of Germany for years and even promote a Russo-German alliance against the West, without encountering any criticism from patriotic stalwarts, is proof of the extraordinary strong position of leading German-American circles in American political life. It is easy to imagine what would have happened if this “Open Letter to Stalin” would have appeared in The Daily Worker, or in a Hungarian, Polish or a French language paper in the USA. The “Open Letter to Stalin” would have been exposed under screaming headlines. Congressional investigation would have been going on for months under klieg lights, and our FBI would have gone into immediate action. But nothing like this happens when German-American groups are engaged in promoting this kind of “Realpolitik.” . . . .
3. Three years after that letter was published in the Buerger Zeitung, the Soviet Union responded with its Soviet Note of 3/10/1952. Of note in the passage that follows is the German plan to achieve a united Europe under German domination, which has, of course, been achieved.
This “Europa Germanica”–the EU in the event–was, in turn, to become a Third Force. In exchange for moving away from the push for a Third World War and pulling Europe out of NATO, this Third Force would gain concessions from the Soviets. Also of note is the fact that a major feature of this United Europe would be an all-European army, also under German domination.
As we shall see later, a major push is underway to establish a “Euro-corps”–precisely the sort of German-dominated European army that was envisioned in the early 1950s.
What we are seeing with Trump’s positive words about Russia and negative stance toward NATO is precisely the ideological and geopolitical posture advocated by Adenauer, the pan-Germanists and the Underground Reich in the early 1950s.
Germany Plots with the Kremlin by T.H. Tetens; Henry Schuman [HC]; 1953; pp. 5–8.
. . . . The world caught a glimpse of how the Bonn diplomacy works on the occasion of the Soviet Note of March 1952, addressed to the Three Western Powers and suggesting a new solution for the German problem. The Russians–who, for almost seven years, pretended to defend the principles of the Potsdam agreement–made a 180 degree turnabout by offering German unification on the basis of free elections, a new German Wehrmacht, fully rearmed, the decontrolling of Germany’s industrial war potential, and the return of former Nazis and Wehrmacht officers to public life. It is no exaggeration to say that the Soviet Note had an electrifying effect on the German people regardless of class or political persuasion. The Soviet Note was the German dream come true. It opened up new perspectives for Germany’s ambitions to establish a Fourth Reich, free from the controls of the Allies.
At first, Dr. Adenauer bushed the Soviet Note aside as inconsequential, but when he encountered growing opposition even among his most faithful party followers, Dr. Adenauer was forced to lift slightly the veil that hides the strategy of German diplomacy. Unquestionably, the Chancellor did not think the time was ripe for candor, but the opposition had forced his hand. It was his task to “explain” the basic principles of the Bonn Government’s foreign policy without making embarrassing disclosures.
It should be pointed out that the “explanation” of Bonn’s foreign policy came not only from the lips of Adenauer, but from inspired stories and leaks which appeared in the pro-Adenauer press.
In leading German newspapers, it was stated that Dr. Adenauer’s policy “runs on two tracks.” There is first the European concept–a short-term policy which aims at the creation of a united Europe, or to use the expression of one German editorial “to fulfill the goal for which Germans were dreaming for decades.”
In confidential talks with some members of the Federal Parliament, Dr. Adenauer declared that negotiations with the Russians would have to wait until Germany had regained a strong and dominant position in European affairs. He assured his listeners that Russia’s conciliatory attitude was most helpful to Germany’s aspirations and that other Russian offers were to be expected in which even greater concessions would be made to Germany, especially on the territorial question of the Oder-Neisse Line. The Chancellor hinted in his talks that the Soviet Note had created the heated atmosphere of an auction room where two eager opponents outbid each other. Therefore he assured his listeners that the rejection of the First Soviet Note would not prevent an agreement with the Russians at a more favorable moment. The essence of Dr. Adenauer’s views was outlined on April 3, 1952, in one of Germany’s leading newspapers, the Frankfurther Allgemeine Zeitung, which is often employed as the mouthpiece of the Bonn foreign Office. In a front page editorial this newspaper stated:
“The Chancellor follows a tremendously bold plan: First rearmament, followed later on by talks with the Russians in order to persuade them to remove their armies behind the Bug River. For this goal the Chancellor has been working tenaciously for some time. And because he sticks to his timetable, he is presently opposed to the Russian Note.”
Dr. Adenauer’s “tremendous bold plan” was prepared by the Ribbentrop diplomats as a time-bomb which one day will blast asunder everything U.S. foreign policy has built up since 1945. The German Chancellor’s plan is that the U.S.A. is now so deeply committed to her European defense pledge that she will readily sacrifice dozens of billions of dollars in the strengthening and the rearming of a German-dominated Europe. After is this accomplished, Dr. Adenauer’s grandiose concept envisions negotiations with Russia with the prospect of getting substantial territorial concessions from the Kremlin in Eastern Europe for which Germany in return will break away, with the whole of Western Europe, from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
In the pro-Adenauer press, including the The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Christ und Welt, The Deutsche Zeitung of Stuttgart, editorials have been written assuring the Russians that Dr. Adenauer’s policy aims to create the security necessary for both the Germans and the Russians, and that this can only be brought about after Germany had become a third power factor which could employ its influence in such a way as to deter the United States “from starting a preventive war.” Thus, while, in the short run, the Bonn Government aims to create a United Europe, it hopes ultimately to reach a solid understanding with the Soviets at the expense of the United States.
It is true, of course, that in the person of Dr. Adenauer, the West has been led to believe that the Bonn Government is deeply devoted to the furtherance of the common welfare of the West. But these estimates of Dr. Adenauer and his diplomacy are based on superficial evidence and ignore the fact that Dr. Adenauer was in the past a fanatical believer in the pan-German gospel that the Fatherland should rule Europe and the world. It is, therefore, no accident that the Ribbentrop diplomats and the Haushofer geo-politicians should be his chief advisors. They are prepared to create the Third Power Bloc under German domination through the financial help of the United States, and then turn around and make their final bargain with Moscow.
Trained in the school of Realpolitik, Dr. Adenauer is not one who acts like a bull in a china shop. Even before he became Chancellor, he admonished his German compatriots: “We must move very cautiously. We ought not to give the impression either in Germany or in the United States that we shall collaborate in any way with the Russians.”
The reaction of the German strategists to the Soviet Note of March 10, 1952, however, exposes their true designs. German geo-political journals speak of it as “the highest trump card in the hands of the Chancellor” which will enable him to mow down the resistance of France against Germany’s concept of a united Europe. The pro-Adenauer press interpreted the Russian Note as a tremendous asset in speeding up the timetable for the creation of a European army under German domination. . . .
4. In FTR#476, we viewed the politics of Joseph Schmitz, former Inspector General of the Pentagon and now head of the parent company of the Blackwater security firm. Son of domestic fascist John G. Schmitz, Joseph was described after his resignation in disgrace from the Pentagon, as we have seen. Is it possible that he was an admirer of the Steuben Society, a branch of the Third Reich Fifth Column in the United States? Carlson describes the Steuben Society–is this what Joseph E. Schmitz thinks today?
. . . Aristocrat in its class, the Steuben Society hated the Bund because of its difference in tactics, shunned wild Nazi talk and avoided in recent years the public heiling of Hitler, while the Bund continued as before. . . . It goes back to his [Steuben Society President Theodore H. Hoffman] trip to Germany and his reception by Hitler. Hoffman told the story in a by-lined article in the December 20, 1934 issue of the Deutscher Beobachter published in New York: ‘Whoever thinks that National-Socialism rules by oppression, is mistaken. . . . My personal impressions of Hitler were that he is an idealist, an unusual organizer and a man of tremendous energy. It is my conviction that he is honest and sincere in his endeavors not only to unite the German people, but also in his determination to break the chains of slavery. . . . He is the one man who filled the life of the German nation. . . . with new hope of the future. . . .’
5. After the war, the Steuben Society worked on behalf of Nazi war criminals, that done in tandem with German organizations and individuals. In effect, it served as a branch of the ODESSA.
Effective schemes had been developed by the Nazis and militarists to obstruct law and justice. After they had reached success, after thousands of Nazi criminals had fled to Spain and Egypt, after other thousands had been freed from Allied prisons, there appeared accounts in some Rightist newspapers, congratulating a group of Nazi ringleaders on accomplishing an almost impossible task. The Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung aune 1958) published a full-page account of a farreaching secret organization which had been founded in 1948 in violation of Allied rules.
The purpose of the organization was to free the war criminals in defiance of law and justice. The author of this remarkable report, Major General Hans Korte, describes how a kind of General Staff, or “steering committee,” was set up in Munich to direct all the anti-warguilt propaganda in occupied Germany and throughout the entire world. A group of Nazi jurists who had served in Nuremberg as counsels for major war criminals formed the nucleus of the directing body. Prominent among them were Dr. Rudolf Aschenauer of Munich and Ernst Achenbach (of the Naumann circle) of Essen, the latter having excellent financial connections on Rhine and Ruhr.
In order to conceal certain activities from the occupying powers, a number of fronts or subagencies were created to serve as special task forces. To furnish the press with propaganda on the war-guilt question, an “independent” monthly newsletter, Die Andere Seite (The Other Side), was issued, in which material about the “so-called war criminals” was cleverly introduced among other news items. This distorted and slanted news was reprinted not only in the provincial press but in such leading papers as the Frankfurter Allgemeine) the Stuttgarter Nachrichten) and Die Welt. In addition, a circular letter was mailed periodically to organizations and influential personalities in Germany and abroad in order to gain their support for the release of all war criminals. . . .
. . . The organization had a mysterious bank account (“Konto Gustav”), to which more than sixty unnamed industrial and financial tycoons regularly contributed large sums. According to the report in the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung this group was closely affiliated with a propaganda center in Switzerland, the Centro Europa, which carried on a world-wide campaign to bring quick freedom to Hitler’s professional mass murderers. Two other organizations were working toward the same goal, but they extended their activities into the exclusive circles of high society and among aristocrats in Germany and abroad. One was the Stille Hilfe (Silent Help), headed by Princess Helene von Isenburg, and the other was called Helfende Haende (Helping Hands), and was directed by Princess Stephany zu Schaumberg-Lippe.
The common characteristic of all these groups was their dual activity; first, they solicited financial aid for Nazi prisoners, and second, they stirred propaganda against the “warguilt lie,” climaxing it with a demand for speedy release of all war criminals. Working in cooperation with the Christian Aid center in Munich were such notorious Nazi organizations as the SS HIAG, the Society of Late Homecomers, the Stahlhelm, the Federation of German Soldiers, and the various expellee groups. Among the organizations abroad we find the Kameraden Hilfe in Spain, headed by the SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, a similar group working in Latin America under the leadership of the Luftwaffe ace Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel,· and various German “relief” and propaganda organizations in the United States under the political guidance of the Steuben Society. . . .
6a. We learned something more about Donald Trump’s intended foreign policy goals: he appears to be considering a US pull out of NATO. We ruminate about one of his foreign policy advisors, Joseph E. Schmitz, former inspector general of the Department of Defense.
. . . . These are the minds advising Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump on foreign policy and national security.Trump, who has been pressed for months to name his council of advisers, revealed five in a meeting with the Washington Post editorial board on Tuesday: Keith Kellogg, Carter Page, George Papadopoulos, Walid Phares, and Joseph E. Schmitz. . . .
. . . . Trump revealed little about what specific advice they’d given so far, or how any of them may have shaped Trump’s surprising new position that the U.S. should rethink whether it needs to remain in the seven-decades-old NATO alliance with Europe.
Sounding more like a CFO than a commander-in-chief, Trump said of the alliance, “We certainly can’t afford to do this anymore,” adding, “NATO is costing us a fortune and yes, we’re protecting Europe with NATO, but we’re spending a lot of money.”
U.S. officials, including former Defense Secretary Robert Gates, have said that European allies have to shoulder a bigger burden of NATO’s cost. But calling for the possible U.S. withdrawal from the treaty is a radical departure for a presidential candidate—even a candidate who has been endorsed by Russian President Vladimir Putin.
It also wasn’t clear how Trump’s arguably anti-interventionist position on the alliance squared with his choice of advisers.
Another Trump adviser, Schmitz, has served in government, as the Defense Department inspector general. Schmitz was brought in during the first term of President George W. Bush with a mandate to reform the watchdog office, but he eventually found himself the subject of scrutiny.
“Schmitz slowed or blocked investigations of senior Bush administration officials, spent taxpayer money on pet projects and accepted gifts that may have violated ethics guidelines,” according to an investigation by the Los Angeles Times in 2005. Current and former colleagues described him as “an intelligent but easily distracted leader who seemed to obsess over details,” including the hiring of a speechwriter and designs for a bathroom.
Schmitz also raised eyebrows for what the paper’s sources described as his “unusual” fascination with Baron Friedrich Von Steuben, a Revolutionary War hero who’s regarded as the military’s first inspector general. Schmitz reportedly replaced the Defense Department IG’s seal in its office across the country with a new one bearing the Von Steuben family motto, Sub Tutela Altissimi Semper, “under the protection of the Almighty always.”. . . .
6b. It’s also worth noting that Joseph’s brother, John P. Schmitz, is a lawyer who specializes in US/German regulatory issues who’s clients include Bayer AG, Bertelsmann, Bosch GmbH, Deutsche Welle.
Major German corporations might well benefit if the Schmitz’s once again return to influential positions in a US administration. Especially of Joseph ends up overseeing more investigations, since, as this 2005 LA Times article notes, Joseph didn’t just exhibit an obsession Baron Von Steuben while serving as the Defense Department’s Inspector General. He also had an obsession with preventing politically sensitive investigations:
. . . . Schmitz slowed or blocked investigations of senior Bush administration officials, spent taxpayer money on pet projects and accepted gifts that may have violated ethics guidelines, according to interviews with current and former senior officials in the inspector general’s office, congressional investigators and a review of internal e‑mail and other documents.Schmitz also drew scrutiny for his unusual fascination with Baron Friedrich Von Steuben, a Revolutionary War hero who is considered the military’s first true inspector general. Schmitz even replaced the official inspector general’s seal in offices nationwide with a new one bearing the Von Steuben family motto, according to the documents and interviews. . . .
. . . . His father was the ultraconservative Orange County congressman John G. Schmitz, who once ran for president but whose political career ended after he admitted having an affair with a German immigrant suspected of child abuse. Schmitz’s sister is Mary Kay Letourneau, the Washington state teacher who served more than seven years in prison after a 1997 conviction for rape after having sex with a sixth-grade pupil with whom she had two children. After Letourneau’s release from prison, she and the former pupil, now an adult, married each other.
Schmitz, who resigned on Sept. 10 to take a job with the parent company of defense contractor Blackwater USA, is now the target of a congressional inquiry and a review by the President’s Council on Integrity and Efficiency, the oversight body responsible for investigating inspectors general, according to the documents and interviews. . . .
. . . . Schmitz’s allies said he was being persecuted. One senior Pentagon official defended Schmitz by saying that he was concerned about protecting the reputation of senior officials in Washington, where political enemies can cause trouble with an anonymous hotline tip. . . .
. . . . He paid close attention, however, to the investigations of senior Bush administration appointees. At one point, investigators even stopped telling Schmitz who was under investigation, substituting letter codes for the names of individuals during weekly briefings for fear that Schmitz would leak the information to Pentagon superiors, according to a senior Pentagon official. “He became very involved in political investigations that he had no business getting involved in,” said another senior official in the inspector general’s office. . . .
. . . . Instead, the official said that Schmitz created a new policy that made it more difficult to get information by subpoena by requiring additional bureaucratic steps. During his tenure, Schmitz also made it harder to initiate an investigation of a political appointee, requiring high-ranking approval before investigators could proceed. . . .
. . . . Some of the more unusual complaints regarding Schmitz deal with what senior officials called an “obsession” with Von Steuben, the Revolutionary War hero who worked with George Washington to instill discipline in the military. Von Steuben reportedly fled Germany after learning that he was going to be tried for homosexual activities.Shortly after taking office, Schmitz made Von Steuben’s legacy a focus. He spent three months personally redesigning the inspector general’s seal to include the Von Steuben family motto, “Always under the protection of the Almighty.”
He dictated the number of stars, laurel leaves and colors of the seal. He also asked for a new eagle, saying that the one featured on the old seal “looked like a chicken,” current and former officials said.
In July 2004, he escorted Henning Von Steuben, a German journalist and head of the Von Steuben Family Assn., to a U.S. Marine Corps event. He also feted Von Steuben at an $800 meal allegedly paid for by public funds, according to Grassley, and hired Von Steuben’s son to work as an unpaid intern in the inspector general’s office, a former Defense official said.
He also called off a $200,000 trip to attend a ceremony at a Von Steuben statue earlier this year in Germany after Grassley questioned it.
Finally, Schmitz’s son, Phillip J. Schmitz, has a business relationship with a group tied to Von Steuben. Schmitz, who runs a technology firm, provides web-hosting services for the World Security Network, a nonprofit news service focused on peace and conflict issues. Von Steuben serves on the network’s advisory board.
Hubertus Hoffmann, a German businessman who founded the network, said Von Steuben played no role in assigning the contract to Phillip Schmitz, who is paid a “modest sum” for his work. Schmitz said he first made contact with Hoffmann through his father but that he had never met Von Steuben.
The relationships troubled many at the Pentagon.
“He was consumed with all things German and all things Von Steuben,” said the former Defense official, who did not want to be identified because of the ongoing inquiries. “He was obsessed.” . . . .
6c. Trump, himself, is no stranger to the milieu of the Steuben Society:
. . . . Trump has said that he is proud of his German heritage; he served as grand marshal of the 1999 German-American Steuben Parade in New York City.[12][nb 1]. . . . .
7. It’s also worth noting that Joseph’s brother, John P. Schmitz, is a lawyer who specializes in US/German regulatory issues who’s clients include Bayer AG, Bertelsmann, Bosch GmbH, Deutsche Welle. As we discussed in FTR #476, Schmitz has worked with Matthias Wissman. Wissman was the first German partner at Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering, a law firm that took cases on behalf of Swiss and German firms being sued by Holocaust deniers. This subject will be taken up at greater length in the next program.
“John P. Schmitz; Schmitz Global Partners LLP.
John Schmitz represents US and European companies in complex international transactions and regulatory matters, with a focus on antitrust, media and telecommunications, energy and environmental issues. He has special emphasis on US and German political regulatory concerns, and has experience with numerous high-profile business and regulatory matters involving both American and German public policy and legal activities. John’s clients have included the US Chamber of Commerce, General Electric, Bayer AG, Bertelsmann, Bosch GmbH, Deutsche Welle, Gillette, Pfizer, Microsoft, Verizon, Eli Lilly Co., Ford Motor Co., and Arkema., among others.
In September 2009, together with former Ambassador C. Boyden Gray, John established Gray & Schmitz LLP in September 2009 (renamed Schmitz Global Partners LLP in 2011). In 1993, John joined Mayer Brown as a partner to open its first German office in Berlin. From 1993 to 2009, John helped lead and develop a prominent and thriving German practice at Mayer Brown. Before joining Mayer Brown in 1993, John held a wide range of significant public policy positions. Between 1985 and 1993, he served as Deputy Counsel to George H. W. Bush in both the White House and the Office of the Vice President. . . .
. . . . John has also held a number of high-profile fellowships. In Germany, under a Robert Bosch Foundation Fellowship, he served at the Office of Bundestag Member Matthias Wissmann (Bonn), and the Office of General Counsel, Robert Bosch, GmbH (Stuttgart). . . .
8. Next, the program briefly presents material that will be examined more thoroughly in the next program in this series. German corporations and think tanks are not only lobbying against continued sanctions against Russia due to lost profits and contracts with that country, but are discussing the possibility of drawing closer to the Eurasian Economic Union.
Popular sentiment in Germany, though supportive of the U.S., NATO and German right-wing policies against Russia over Ukraine, see Russia as a better long-term partner for Germany than the U.S.
This is a manifestation of the “bidding war” Adenauer referred to in 1952, in item #3.
“Dispute over Sanctions on Russia (II);” german-foreign-policy.com; 5/03/2016.
German business circles and proxy foreign policy organizations are campaigning to have the sanctions against Russia lifted. More than two-thirds of the people in Germany are in favor of lifting sanctions, reports Koerber Foundation (Hamburg) based on a current opinion poll. More than four-fifths want close cooperation with Russia, and 95 percent consider a rapprochement in the next few years to either be “important” or “very important.” The Koerber Foundation, an influential organization in the field of foreign policy, has, for years, been engaged in developing cooperation between Germany and Russia. The hope of an early lifting of sanctions was also the subject of the 4th East Forum Berlin, an economic forum with top-rank participants, held in mid-April, at which a state secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs spoke in favor of new contacts between the EU and the Moscow-initiated Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The objective is the creation of a common “economic space from Lisbon to Vladivostok.” The initiatives taken in Germany are being met with approval in several EU countries, including Italy and Austria.
Growing Discontent
Demands to abandon the sanctions policy against Moscow have been growing louder in various EU member countries, such as Italy, for which Russia is one of its most important business partners. Already in mid-March, the foreign ministers of Italy and Hungary had opposed an automatic prolongation of the sanctions without a debate. Following talks in Moscow in early April, the President of Austria, Heinz Fischer, announced he was also working toward halting the punitive measures.[1] Last week, France’s National Assembly passed a plea to end the sanctions.[2] Anger is also apparent in Greece. Moreover, resistance is growing within German business circles, who, if the sanctions are soon lifted, hope for a new start of their business with Eastern Europe. Exports to Russia have plummeted from an annual volume of 39 billion Euros to less that 22 billion, since 2012 alone. If sanctions are lifted, German companies are counting on being able to redeem at least part of these losses.
From Lisbon to Vladivostok
Similar views were recently expressed at the “East Forum Berlin,” convened by the German Committee on Eastern European Economic Relations (OA) together with the Metro Group and Italy’s UniCredit, for the fourth time in the German capital. More than 400 participants — including the recently fired Ukrainian Minister of Finances, Natalie Jaresko, and Russia’s First Deputy Minister of Economic Development, Alexey Likhachev — discussed the development of an “economic space extending from Lisbon to Vladivostok.” In a survey of 180 participants of this top-rank forum, more than 80 percent clearly favored negotiations between the EU and the Moscow-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) on the establishment of a common “economic space.”[3] They found sympathetic listeners. In his “East Forum,” opening speech, State Secretary in Germany’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Stephan Steinlein, confirmed that the German government supports “contacts between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union.” “Technical standards, trade rules, cross-border infrastructure and simplified exchange procedures” should be discussed.[4] Sanctions against Russia was another important issue discussed at the East Forum. Thirty five percent of those surveyed predicted an end to the sanctions in the course of this year, while 27 percent predicted 2017. Only slightly more than a third thought the sanctions would last longer than 2017.
A New Start Required
Last week, Hamburg’s Koerber Foundation, one of Germany’s foreign policy organizations, which has promoted closer cooperation between Germany and Russia for years, took a stand. “Dialogue and understanding” between the two countries have, “for decades, been an important element of our work,” declared the foundation. Currently, “with its focus on ‘Russia in Europe,’ the Koerber Foundation devotes itself to the rejuvenation of an open, critical, and constructive dialogue between Russia and its European neighbors.”[5] Within this framework, the organization convokes a “German-Russian International Dialogue” twice annually, in which experts and politicians of the two countries can discuss “questions of European security and EU-Russia relations in a confidential atmosphere” in Moscow or Berlin.”[6] The Koerber Foundation reached the conclusion after its most recent meeting, which took place December 5, 2015 in Moscow, that “the EU-Russian relations require a new start.” In this sense, “future dialogue should focus on interests and explore against this backdrop the possibilities for cooperation.” “Economic issues” are “an area of common interests that provide specific opportunities for cooperation.”
Desired Rapprochement
To underline its quest, the Koerber Foundation has just recently published the results of a representative survey conducted on its behalf in both Germany and Russia by TNS Infratest in late February and early March. The survey shows that two years after escalation of the Ukrainian conflict, a significant estrangement between the populations of the two countries can be noticed. 48% of the Germans perceive Russia as a “threat,” only 50% believe — emphatically — that Russia belongs to “Europe.” More than half of the German population considers the EU’s policy toward Russia as “appropriate.” However, when asked which country Germany should work more closely with, 81% of those 1000 Germans, participating in the survey, opted for Russia — in second place behind France (89%) and far ahead of the USA (59%). In Russia, 62% of the respondents chose Germany as their favorite cooperation partner (ahead of China and France with 61% each). 69% of the Germans favor lifting the sanctions on Russia. And lastly, 95% believe that it is “important” or “very important” that Germany and Russia develop closer relations over the next few years.[7]
The Benefit of Cooperation
A first step toward rapprochement was actually accomplished on April 20, with the NATO-Russia Council’s first meeting in two years — promoted particularly by the German government. After the meeting, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg spoke of “profound and persistent disagreements.” But he also confirmed that the dialog would be continued.[8] Berlin therefore succeeded in reviving the dialog between Moscow and the western war alliance. At the same time, the German chancellor has announced a de facto permanent deployment of German soldiers — as part of a NATO battalion — in Lithuania. This would be a breach of the NATO-Russia Founding Act and would further escalate the conflict between the West and Russia.[9] Russian protests against this deployment would, more than likely, be easier to placate within a NATO-Russia Council than in the absence of an established framework for dialog — a tactical advantage for a highly profitable economic cooperation.
For more information on the subject of sanctions against Russian see: Dispute over Sanctions on Russia (I).
[1] Russland-Sanktionen: Fischer “loyal” zu EU-Linie. diepresse.com 06.04.2016.
[2] L’Assemblée nationale demande la levée des sanctions contre la Russie. www.latribune.fr 28.04.2016.
[3] 4. east forum Berlin mit Rekordbeteiligung. www.ost-ausschuss.de 19.04.2016.
[4] Keynote von Staatssekretär Stephan Steinlein bei der Eröffnung des 4. east forum Berlin am 18.04.2016.
[5] Annäherung oder Abschottung? Ergebnisse einer repräsentativen Umfrage von TNS Infratest. Hamburg 2016.
[6] Russland und die EU: Zusammenarbeit in Zeiten der Krise. Körber-Stiftung Internationale Politik, März 2016.
[7] Annäherung oder Abschottung? Ergebnisse einer repräsentativen Umfrage von TNS Infratest. Hamburg 2016.
[8] “Tiefgreifende und andauernde Differenzen”. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 21.04.2016.
[9] See Dispute over Sanctions on Russia (I).
9. In another manifestation of the dualistic, good-cop/bad-cop “bidding war” Adenauer referred to, Germany is propelling the EU’s creation of a European army. That army will be dominated by Germany. This, too, will be analyzed at greater length in the next broadcast.
“The European War Union;” german-foreign-policy.com; 6/28/2016.
Together with his French counterpart, the German foreign minister has announced the EU’s transformation to become a “political union” and its resolute militarization for global military operations. In a joint position paper, Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD) and Jean-Marc Ayrault (PS) are calling for the EU’s comprehensive military buildup, based on a division of labor, to enable future global military operations. Following the Brexit, the EU should, step-by-step, become an “independent” and “global” actor. All forces must be mobilized and all “of the EU’s political instruments” must be consolidated into an “integrated” EU foreign and military policy. Steinmeier and Ayrault are therefore pushing for a “European Security Compact,” which calls for maintaining “employable high-readiness forces” and establishing “standing maritime forces.” The European Council should meet once a year as “European Security Council.” Before this paper was made public, Germany’s foreign minister and chancellor had made comments also promoting a German global policy and massive rearmament, possibly also with EU-support.
The EU’s Global Mission
In a joint position paper propagated by the German foreign ministry yesterday, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD) along with his French counterpart, Jean-Marc Ayrault (PS) announced steps toward a political union. They noted that Britain’s withdrawal from the EU has created “a new situation” with consequences “for the entire EU.”[1] Berlin and Paris “firmly believe” that the EU provides “a historically unique and indispensable framework” not only for “the pursuit of freedom, prosperity, and security in Europe,” but also “for contributing to peace and stability in the world.” Therefore, further steps will be made “towards a political union in Europe” and “other European states” are invited “to join us in this endeavor.” The EU should become “more coherent and more assertive on the world stage.” It is not only an actor “in its direct neighborhood” but also on “a global scale.” In their paper, Steinmeier and Ayrault wrote, “on a more contested and competitive international scene, France and Germany will promote the EU as an independent [!] and global [!] actor.”
European Security Compact
To implement the EU policies of global power, Steinmeier and his French counterpart drew up elements for a “European Security Compact.” “External crises” have become “more numerous” and have moved geographically “closer to Europe both east and south of its borders.” There is no mention that the EU and its major powers have significantly contributed to the fomenting war and civil war — euphemized by Steinmeier and Ayrault as “crises”: In Ukraine, by seeking, through the Association Agreement, to fully integrate the country into its sphere of hegemony;[2] in Libya, through its aggression, ousting the Gaddafi government;[3] or in Syria, through its political and low-intensity military support of an increasingly jihadist-controlled insurgency.[4] Nevertheless, the German foreign minister and his French counterpart announce that they not only support “the emerging government of national accord in Libya,” but that they are also “convinced that Africa needs a continuous commitment, being a continent of great challenges and opportunities.”
Maximum of Insecurity
According to Steinmeier and Ayrault, the “European Security Compact” will be comprehensive and include “all aspects of security and defense dealt with at the European level.” The foreign ministers write that the EU must “ensure the security of our citizens.” However, the concrete demands indicate that the “European Security Compact” will, of course, not bring greater security, but rather the contrary, a maximum of insecurity — an increase in EU-provoked wars and the inevitable effects, they will have on the centers of European prosperity.[5]
Everything for Policies of Global Power
As a first step, the paper written by France and Germany’s foreign ministers proposes that “a common analysis of our strategic environment” be made. These reviews will be regularly prepared “by an independent situation assessment capability, based on the EU intelligence and situation centre” and submitted and discussed at the “Foreign Affairs Council and at the European Council.” On the basis of this common “understanding,” the EU should “establish agreed strategic priorities for its foreign and security policy.” It is political experience that reaching an “understanding” in the process of foreign and military policy standardization, the standpoint of the strongest member-state — Germany — will be taken particularly into consideration. The results should then be “more effectively” than ever, implemented “as real policy,” according to the paper. The objective is an “integrated EU foreign and security policy bringing together all [!] EU policy instruments.”
Arms, Arms, Arms
Steinmeier and Ayrault write in detail that to “plan and conduct civil and military operations more effectively,” the EU should institute a “permanent civil-military chain of command.” In addition, it must “be able to rely on employable high-readiness forces.” In order to “live up to the growing security challenges,” Europeans need “to step up their defense efforts.” For this, the European member states should “reaffirm and abide by the commitments made collectively on defense budgets and the portion of spending dedicated to the procurement of equipment and to research and technology (R and T).” A few days ago, Chancellor Angela Merkel had already taken the first step in this direction, when she declared that Germany’s defense budget should now begin to converge with that of the United States, in terms of their respective GDP percentages — Germany spends 1.2 percent of its GDP on military, while the US spends 3.4 percent.[6] Next, Steinmeier and Ayrault explain that a “European semester” should support the coordination of the individual member countries’ future military planning. “Synergism” is the objective. Throughout the EU, an arms buildup must be as coordinated and efficient as possible. The EU should provide common financing for its operations. “Member states” could establish permanent structured cooperation in the field of defense “or push ahead to launch operations.” Particularly important is “establishing standing maritime forces” or acquiring “EU-owned capabilities in other key areas.”
More Domestic Repression
The Social Democrat Steinmeier and the Socialist Ayrault write that to ensure “internal security,” the “operational capacity” must be enhanced at the EU level. This includes making the best use of “retention of flight passenger data (PNR)” — the “data exchange within the EU” must be “improved” — but also “making the best use of Europol and its counterterrorism centre.” “In the medium term,” there should otherwise be the “creation of a European platform for intelligence cooperation.” Last weekend, SPD Chair, Sigmar Gabriel and the President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz (SPD) called for the extension of domestic repression as well as the creation of a “European FBI.”[7]
Seize the Opportunity
Just a few days ago, Foreign Minister Steinmeier declared in the US journal “Foreign Affairs” that Germany has become “a major power” and will “try its best” on the world stage “to hold as much ground as possible.”[8] With Britain, which had always adamantly opposed an integrated EU military policy, leaving the EU, Berlin sees an opportunity for reviving its efforts at restructuring the EU’s military and mobilizing as many member countries as possible for the EU’s future wars.
[1] This and the following quotes are taken from “A strong Europe in a World of Uncertainties” — Joint contribution by the French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault and Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. www.auswaertiges-amt.de.
[2] See Expansive Ambitions and Die Verantwortung Berlins.
[3] See Vom Westen befreit (II).
[4] See Forced to Flee (I).
[5] Zu den Rückwirkungen der von europäischen Staaten geführten Kriege s. etwa Der Krieg kehrt heim, Der Krieg kehrt heim (II) and Der Krieg kehrt heim (III).
[6] See Auf Weltmachtniveau.
[7] See Flexible Union with a European FBI.
[8] See Auf Weltmachtniveau.
10. More about the establishment of the “Third Power Bloc” Adenauer referred to in line item #3:
“Flexible Union with a European FBI”; german-foreign-policy.com; 6/27/2016.
Berlin is applying intense pressure in the aftermath of the Brexit, to reorganize the EU. Under the slogan, “flexible Union,” initial steps are being taken to establish a “core Europe.” This would mean an EU, led by a small, tight-knit core of countries, with the rest of the EU member countries being subordinated to second-class status. At the same time, the President of the European Parliament and Germany’s Minister of the Economy (both SPD) are calling for the communitarization of the EU’s foreign policy, reinforcement of its external borders, the enhancement of domestic repression and the creation of a “European FBI.” The German chancellor has invited France’s president and Italy’s prime minister to Berlin on Monday to stipulate in advance, measures to be taken at the EU-summit on Tuesday. German media commentators are speaking in terms of the EU’s “new directorate” under Berlin’s leadership. At the same time, Berlin is intensifying pressure on London. The chair of the Bundestag’s EU Commission predicts a new Scottish referendum on secession and calls for Scotland’s rapid integration into the EU. German politicians in the European Parliament are exerting pressure for rapidly implementing the Brexit and reorganizing the EU. Chancellor Merkel has reiterated her veiled threat that “reconciliation and peace” in Europe are “anything but self-evident,” should European countries choose to no longer be integrated in the EU.
Core Europe
Already earlier this year, Berlin had initiated preparations for transforming the EU into a “flexible Union” and creating a “core Europe.” On February 9, the foreign ministers of the six founding EU countries [1] held an exclusive meeting in Rome to discuss the EU’s various current crises. This unusual meeting format was also considered to be a counterpoint to the Visegrád-Group [2], which had been particularly critical of Berlin’s refugee policy. The discussion in Rome was focused not only on the refugee policy, but also included a possible Brexit.[3] In their Joint Communiqué, the six foreign ministers underlined the “different paths of integration,” provided for by the Lisbon Treaty — a hint at the option of a “flexible Union.”[4] The foreign ministers of the six founding countries again met on Mai 20, at the Val Duchesse Castle south of Brussels, this time explicitly to discuss the EU’s development in case of a Brexit. They met again last Saturday to discuss a paper jointly presented by the German and French foreign ministers, literally demanding a “flexible Union.”[5] The common declaration, agreed upon by the six ministers on Saturday, does not mention that polarizing term, while paraphrasing their aspired core Europe. There is a need to “recognize” that among the member countries there are “different levels of ambition towards European integration.”[6]
The Strong Man behind Juncker
Using this format of the founding countries, Berlin is pushing for a “flexible Union” that is particularly rejected by those member countries, to be relegated to second-class status. At the same time, Berlin is exerting pressure at other levels. Already on May 23, an initial official meeting within the framework of the EU Commission, was held, to make arrangements for a possible Brexit.[7] The invitation had been extended by the German jurist, Martin Selmayr, Chef de Cabinet of Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission. From 2001 to 2004, Selmayr managed the Bertelsman AG office in Brussels. He subsequently became spokesperson and then Chef de Cabinet for EU Commissioner Viviane Reding (Luxembourg). Observers, referring to his influence, noted that some considered Reding to be the “dummy of the ventriloquist, Selmayr.”[8] According to German media, Selmayr, the strong man behind Juncker,[9] had extended the invitation for the May 23 strategy meeting, not only to representatives of Slovakia and Malta — the two countries to assume EU presidency in July and January, respectively, but also to Uwe Corsepius, Merkel’s European policy advisor. Corsepius is considered one of Berlin’s most important European policy strategists.[10]
The New Directorate
Beyond such long-term agreements, Chancellor Angela Merkel has invited France’s President, François Hollande, Italy’s Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi and EU Council President Donald Tusk to Berlin, Monday to discuss the EU’s future, after Great Britain’s withdrawal. The objective is to agree upon important stipulations prior to the EU’s Tuesday summit — which is similar to the 2010 — 2011 meetings she had held with the French president at the time, Nicolas Sarkozy (“Merkozy”), to set the guidelines for the EU’s handling of the Euro crisis. Observes point to the fact that Merkel’s inviting Renzi along with Hollande has ostentatiously demoted France’s status. Simultaneously, German media are speaking in terms of the EU’s “new directorate.” Of course, there is no doubt that “Germany remains the most important EU nation, both politically as well as economically.”[11] In practice, the “directorate” serves the function — as in the previous cases of Merkel’s Sarkozy meetings — primarily of transmission of German specifications to the EU’s other member countries.
The Central Role
Berlin’s predominance within the EU is being, more or less, officially confirmed by the President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker. Also in the future, Germany will “continue to play a central role, if not an even more significant role, in the European Union,” Juncker declared.[12]
Supranational Repression
Parallel to preparations for the transformation of the European Union, leading German Social Democrats are calling for supplementary steps for the political-economic streamlining the EU or its core.[13] For example, in their position paper entitled “Re-Found Europe,” Germany’s Minister of the Economy, Sigmar Gabriel, and the President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, are calling for an expansion of the EU’s single market, under the topic an “economic Schengen.” In the process, across the board “central” job market reforms must be implemented. The masses in the French population are currently up in arms fighting the imposition of these job market reforms.[14] In addition, Gabriel and Schulz are calling on the EU to “more than ever” “act as a unified governing force,” which would signify that the “communitarization” of the EU’s foreign policy. The implementation of this communitarization, would mean Germany’s global interests being pursued via institutions in Brussels due, to a large extent, to Berlin’s predominance within the EU. Finally, the German social democrats are calling for the systematic creation and expansion of supra-national structures of repression. For example, institutions warding off refugees from the EU must be systematically reinforced (“effectively securing European external borders”) and cooperation between domestic repressive authorities intensified. The creation, for example, of a “European FBI” should be an objective.
Project Deterrence
To deter other EU countries from holding referendums, Berlin is massively intensifying pressure on London. To avoid needless dissention, the British government seeks to conscientiously prepare and carry out the negotiations. President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, declared in the form of an ultimatum, that he “expects” the British government to present its withdrawal application at the EU summit on Tuesday. Chair of the EPP parliamentary caucus, Manfred Weber (CSU) called on Britain to withdraw “within the planned two-year delay, and even better, within a year.”[15] Brussels has already created a “Brexit Task Force” and an “Article 50 Task Force” — the latter named after the respective article of the Lisbon Treaty regulating a member state’s withdrawal from the EU. Above all, leading German politicians are fanning Scottish secessionist plans. “The EU will continue to consist of 28 member countries,” declared Gunther Krichbaum (CDU), Chair of the EU Affairs Committee in the German Bundestag, “because I expect a renewed independence referendum in Scotland, which will be successful this time.” Krichbaum says, “we should promptly reply to this pro-EU country’s membership application.”[16] The German media is also energetically firing on Scottish separatism. Since 1945, the Federal Republic of Germany has possibly never engaged in such unabashed encouragement of the disintegration of a West European country.
War in Europe
In Berlin, this is all being flanked by statements that cannot be otherwise interpreted as oblique war threats. “Although it is difficult for us to imagine,” one should “never forget” that “the idea of a united Europe, had been an idea of peace,” claims the German Chancellor.[17] The allegation corresponds less to historical reality,[18] than to the EU’s self-promotion. Yet, Merkel declares that in Europe, “reconciliation and peace” are both currently and in the future “anything other than self-evident.” The chancellor has expressed this point of view in various EU crisis situations. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[19]) According to this view, the potential of European countries settling their disputes militarily remains essentially unaltered and can be unleashed, should they no longer choose integration in a German-dominated EU.
For more on this theme: The First Exit.
[1] Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Frankreich, Italien, Belgien, Niederlande, Luxemburg.
[2] Der Visegrád-Gruppe gehören Polen, Tschechien, die Slowakei und Ungarn an.
[3] EU-Gründerstaaten: “Europäische Dreifachkrise” und “Herausfordernde Zeiten”. de.euronews.com 10.02.2016.
[4] Joint Communiqué. Charting the way ahead. An EU Founding Members’ initiative on strengthening Cohesion in the European Union. www.esteri.it 09.02.2016.
[5] Berlin und Paris schlagen “flexible EU” vor. www.handelsblatt.com 24.06.2016.
[6] Gemeinsame Erklärung der Außenminister Belgiens, Deutschlands, Frankreichs, Italiens, Luxemburgs und der Niederlande am 25. Juni 2016.
[7] EU rüstet sich für Brexit-Ernstfall. www.spiegel.de 27.05.2016.
[8] Hendrick Kafsack, Werner Mussler: Die EU spricht deutsch. www.faz.net 26.06.2014. See Particularly Close to Germany.
[9] Hendrick Kafsack: Der starke Mann hinter Juncker. www.faz.net 10.09.2014.
[10] See Under the German Whip (I).
[11] Nikolas Busse: Das neue Direktorium. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 25.06.2016.
[12] Juncker sieht starke Rolle für Deutschland. www.handelsblatt.com 25.06.2016.
[13] Sigmar Gabriel, Martin Schulz: Europa neu gründen. www.spd.de.
[14] See The Price of Deregulation.
[15] EU-Parlamentspräsident Schulz fordert Austrittsantrag der Briten bis Dienstag. www.sueddeutsche.de 25.06.2016.
[16] Jacques Schuster, Daniel Friedrich Sturm: Und zurück bleiben die verwirrten Staaten von Europa. www.welt.de 26.06.2016.
[17] Pressestatement von Bundeskanzlerin Merkel zum Ausgang des Referendums über den Verbleib Großbritanniens in der Europäischen Union am 24. Juni 2016 in Berlin.
[18] Die “Einigung” des europäischen Kontinents unter deutscher Dominanz gehörte bereits zu den deutschen Kriegszielen im Ersten Weltkrieg; damals sprach beispielsweise Reichskanzler Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg von der Gründung eines “mitteleuropäischen Wirtschaftsverbands”. Auch im NS-Staat wurden entsprechende “Einigungs”-Strategien vertreten. Mehr dazu: Europas Einiger.
[19] See A Question of Peace or War in Europe, Management with a Crowbar and Vom Krieg in Europa.
Quite interestingly, Hubertus Hoffmann wrote a book about Pentagon strategist, Fritz Kraemer, which received strong endorsements from the likes of Nixon, Haig, Kissinger, Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld among other right wing luminaries. It’s entitled, Fritz Kramer: The True Keeper of the Holy Flame. Norman Mailer’s comment is interesting though: “A fantastic book. Hubertus Hoffmann knows how to describe the genius of a man who has influenced the thinking of the Pentagon for several decades more than anyone before him. Only history will tell what the consequences of his ominous presence have been.
Coming on the heels of the Trump campaign’s latest public embrace of the “Alt Right”, news that one of Trump’s advisors has been accused of enthusiastically firing Jews and Holocaust denialism while he was the DoD’s Inspector General almost qualifies as ‘dog bites man’ news at this point. Still, it’s news. Very ominous ‘dog bites man’ news:
““In his final days, he allegedly lectured Mr. Crane on the details of concentration camps and how the ovens were too small to kill 6 million Jews,” wrote Meyer, whose complaint is before the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB).”
Holocaust denialism. Yeah, that sounds about right for the Trump campaign. Like father, like son. Unfortunately for everyone.
In reference to a Goebbels quote cited in a News & Supplemental story on Germany and North Korea from 4/25/13 and Frances Parker Yockey’s aim for a European Imperium, the following story is quite interesting.
It appears the EU Chief Juncker is calling for eradication of borders within the EU. Pretty sloppy reporting across the board on Juncker’s position, but that’s typical of today’s press.
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3752939/Borders-worst-invention-EU-chief-Jean-Claude-Juncker-widens-rift-European-leaders-calls-borders-opened.html
One of the more interesting tensions in US politics that emerges whenever there’s been some sort of tension between the US and Russia in recent years is the fact that the a large chunk of the GOP base and conservative pundits really do seem to have a crush on Vladimir Putin and his brand of authoritarian leadership but there’s also never a shortage of American enthusiasm for Russia-bashing. And yes, while the Russia-bashing almost always wins out at least for a period of time, that doesn’t mean the love is lost.
That tension between loving Putin and loving to hate Putin got a lot weirder when Donald Trump become the GOP’s nominee for a number of obvious reasons. But here’s an article that points out one of the less-discussed, and really quite ironic, intra-GOP tensions that have recent arisen: Thanks to Donald Trump and the perceptions of his close ties to Russia, a number of Ukrainian-American who have spent years working for the GOP aren’t so sure they want to support the party anymore. That’s right, after the GOP spent decades developing Eastern European “ethnic outreach” organizations that were originally staffed with Eastern European Nazi collaborators (who just happened to have very useful propaganda skills for targeting Eastern European communities in in key swing-states), those very same demographics are now getting turned off from the party over its nomination of Donald Trump, the candidate who has done more to mainstream neo-Nazi memes than any other major US candidate in modern memory. It’s kind of ironic:
“But if it’s close...I’ll do it. It’ll hurt, but I’ll do it.”
Ouch. That the kind of sentiment from someone the GOP has spent a long time courting that has got to hurt. But don’t forget that it’s not just Ukrainian-American GOP voters who might be having second thoughts about their party’s nominee. There are all sorts of other Eastern European communities, especially in states like Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan, that probably aren’t super enthusiastic about a candidate who questioned whether or not the US should defend the Baltic NATO members if they were invaded.
It’s a reminder that the failures of the Trump campaign’s “ethnic outreach” tactics might not be exclusively limited to virtually every non-white voting demographic. Surprisingly and surprisingly ironically.
Here’s a pair of articles about Francois Fillon, the recent winner of France’s center-right party presidential primary, that raises a number of fascinating questions about the nature of global rebalancing and shifting of alliances, in particular shifts related to Russia, that’s likely to take under a Trump administration:
First, here’s an article from July about Fillon’s attitudes to military spending. To summarize, Fillon is for increased military spending, increased investments in Frances nuclear forces, citing Russia’s investments as a reason to do so, and he advocates France pushing Germany to create a European Army. At the same time, Fillon suggests that NATO’s enlargement to include Russia’s neighbors was a major mistake and that France should be working more closely with Russia on areas like terrorism and Syria. So back in July, Fillon was issuing some rather confusing signals about his vision for France’s future relationship with Russia...but he definitely wants more military spending:
“France should persuade Germany to set up a European army, according to Fillon. Berlin could not rely wholly on NATO, as the alliance was unable to meet the threat from the Islamic State, he argued.”
Yeah, somehow it doesn’t seem like selling Germany on a European Army is going to be a tough sell.
But when you consider that the perceived military threat from Russia has been one of the key selling points for something like a European Army, combined with Donald Trump’s past comments about NATO that don’t exactly inspired confidence, there’s still a question of what external threat Fillon will be using to justify that new army since Fillon is advocating a significant European shift towards Russia, along with a growing number of European leaders and voters:
“In the cold-eyed view of international relations scholars, who tend to measure history in epochs rather than election cycles, what Mr. Fillon says or believes is almost irrelevant. Europe’s balance of power is rapidly shifting east, pulling nations like France with it.”
The end of an epoch. So that’s happening. Probably. And it’s the kind of development that could make a significant weakening of NATO much more likely. After all, NATO was basically created to counter the Soviet military threat and Russia’s ongoing military power is still one of the main justifications we hear for the alliance to this day. So if a Trump administration destroys Europe’s faith in the US’s commitment to NATO and at the same time the EU builds itself a shiny new army and there’s a significant popular shift towards Russia, what are the odds of NATO surviving? Especially when you read something like:
As we can see, Donald Trump casual dismissal of NATO’s commitments has plenty of support. In core European countries. So we have this bizarre scenario where the idea of NATO appears to be weakening on all sides while, at the same time, both prospects of an EU army grows and the likelihood of an European shift towards Russia simultaneously grow too.
Strange times. Ends of epochs are like that.
It looks like the European Union is about to face a very strange test: will Donald Trump’s public trash talking of the NATO and the EU, including a reference to the EU as a “vehicle for Germany”, and his predictions that the EU might break up soon end up actually weaken the EU and make another “-exit” more likely? Or could he act as a negative unifier and the catalyst for even deeper integration and the start of an EU army? Or will there be no real impact at all on the EU during this fragile time for the union? We’re going to find out:
“Mr Trump told Mr Gove: “You look at the European Union and it’s Germany. Basically a vehicle for Germany. That’s why I thought the UK was so smart in getting out.””
Those are some surprisingly frank comments. And considering how Germany’s exports have performed throughout the entire eurozone crisis, it’s hard to disagree with that sentiment (German exports for 2016 are set for another record high). So if Trump keeps hammering away on that particular point about German domination — a point that’s very hard to argue with given the empirical evidence of what’s transpired in the EU since the beginning of the eurozone crisis — that could be an indication that he’s serious about making his administration an EU “-exit” champion which could certainly add the EU turbulence for the next four years.
But also keep in mind that publicly calling the EU a vehicle for Germany could have the opposite effect in one particular EU member that’s experiencing no shortage of “-exit” angst of its own: Germany. That argument may not be something the German government wants others to be making in general, but when there’s a surging far-right populist political movement like the AfD threatening the political establishment and gains based on the argument that the EU and eurozone are a drain on Germany, maybe in that case having Trump publicly declare the EU a vehicle for Germany isn’t so bad for Germany’s government.
And then there’s the fact that having Trump trash-talk NATO and the EU is a dream come true for those pushing to form an EU army, a project that’s solds as a means of simultaneously bolstering Europe’s security while deepening integrating and warding of the forces of “-exit”.
So, all in all, with with three critical elections with significant far-right “populist” movements slated to make major gains coming up in the EU in 2017 (France in April-May, Denmark in June, and Germany in October), it’s going to be interesting to watch the nature of Trump’s public comments regarding Europe and how they could change over the course of the year. For instance, do Trump’s comments about Germany as a vehicle for the EU surge right before France’s elections earlier in the year or Germany’s elections in the fall? That will be something to watch.
It’s also worth noting that Trump’s trash talk against NATO took place days after François Fillon — France’s pro-austerity center-right presidential candidate in the upcoming elections who is the current favorite to win and a big champion of an EU Army, deeper European integration, and closer ties to Russia as part of a general European rebalancing towards the east — declared that pacifism is no longer an option for Germany, citing the election of Donald Trump as one of the main reasons:
“The election of Donald Trump and the tragedy in Berlin have been a game-changer,” he told journalists in a New Year’s address at his new campaign headquarters at the Porte de Versailles, western Paris.
The current front-runner for President of France wants Germany to abandon its pacifism. Yes, the world is a rapidly changing place. And Trump, simply be being reliably unreliable, is helping to catalyze that change. What particular change he catalyzes remains to be seen.
But note the enduring and deep unpopularity of of Fillon’s pro-austerity agenda: 81 percent of French voters want him to drop that austerity, which he refuses to do:
And with Marine Le Pen’s success at that polls driven, in part, by the National Front’s anti-austerity positions, that raises one of the most fascinating weird divides for someone like Donald Trump to straddle as is rhetorically messes with the EU: will Trump take a pro or anti-austerity stance? Because some of the far-right movements, like the AfD in Germany, charge that the eurozone is too generous to weaker members and want to kick countries like France out of the eurozone because they haven’t embraced austerity enough.
So, for someone like Trump who presumably would like to appeal to both the National Front and the AfD and use his international notoriety to influence both elections if possible, he can appeal to the anti-austerity far-right parties like the National Front or the pro-austerity far-right parties like the AfD on the austerity debate, but he can’t appeal to both. At least not at the same time. But Trump is also perfectly capable of changing his views seamlessly and flip-flopping so he can take both sides overall. And that’s part of why it’s going to be so interesting to see which side of the European austerity debate he ends up on over the course of 2017. Will it be anti-austerity rhetoric for the first half of 2017 and the French elections and then pro-extreme-austerity rhetoric for the latter half? The opposite? That’s something to watch. He’ll probably just focus on bashing the refugees which should appeal to both the pro and anti-austerity far-right (humanity isn’t in a good place right now).
It’s also worth noting that the biggest influence Trump could end up having on Europe would be through example: if the Trump and the GOP-controlled congress really do implement a big infrastructure stimulus plan, the kind the GOP wouldn’t have allowed in a million years under a Democratic presidency, and if that results in a significant uptick in US economic growth, that alone could end up tipping the scales in Europe’s austerity debates. Of course, since that big infrastructure plan is probably a giant Trumpian scam, we probably won’t see that example play out. Maybe that EU army that Trump is making inevitable will end up providing that stimulus. Oh goodie.
The EU is reportedly taking the first step in a joint French/German-backed plan to create an EU military training headquarters. And while EU leaders explicitly say this is not a step towards replacing NATO with an EU Army, it’s worth keeping in mind that this is the Age of Trump, so it’s definitely a step towards replacing NATO with an EU Army. Otherwise there wouldn’t also be talk of turning France’s nukes into the EU’s new nuclear deterrent:
“Under such a plan, France’s arsenal would be repurposed to protect the rest of Europe and would be put under a common European command, funding plan, defense doctrine, or some combination of the three. It would be enacted only if the Continent could no longer count on American protection.”
Is France willing to extend its nuclear umbrella to the rest of the EU if Trump ends up scaring the Europeans into “going it alone”? That’s going to be a pretty big “going it alone” question for the EU in general but especially for France and Germany which have been the two biggest proponents of creating an EU Army in the first place. And it sounds like there could be quite a bit of resistance in France to either giving up control of its nukes or agreeing to some other arrangement that makes France the nuclear-umbrella for the rest of the EU. But if not France, who? Well, Germany, of course:
““If Trump sticks to his line, America will leave Europe’s defense to the Europeans to an extent that it hasn’t known since 1945,” Berthold Kohler, publisher of Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, wrote in a recent opinion piece. That could mean “higher defense spending, the revival of the draft, the drawing of red lines and the utterly unthinkable for German brains — the question of one’s own nuclear defense capability.””
As we can see, as the EU’s only remaining nuclear power after the UK leaves, France might be seen as the default provider of a nuclear ‘Plan B’ for Europe, but that doesn’t mean Germany isn’t thinking about taking this opportunity to go down the nuclear route. And that could give Berlin the perfect excuse to do it if France doesn’t agree to become the new EU nuclear deterrent, especially if Germany gets to develop that bomb under the declared intent of protecting the rest of Europe.
Yep, Berlin could be on the verge of getting a nuclear moral high ground freebie to build the bomb. It’s another gift for the future from the Age of Trump.
some interesting family background on Martin Selmayr here
His paternal grandfather, Josef, served as a Lieutenant Colonel on Hitler’s General Staff in the Balkans and and was later served four years for war crimes. He became one of the founders of the West German military secret service.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/05/02/revealed-jean-claude-junckers-monster-plotting-punish-britain/
another link on Selmayr — including this snippet
Selmayr flirted with the private sector at Bertelsmann, which was then becoming Germany’s biggest media conglomerate.
http://www.standpointmag.co.uk/node/7014/full
Martin Selmayr has always dreamed of being known beyond the Brussels bubble. His wish has now been granted, albeit in not quite the way he might have hoped. It has arrived in the form of a brilliantly executed coup that has handed this 47-year-old German bureaucrat near-total control of the EU machine.
The coup began at 9.39 a.m. on 21 February, when 1,000 journalists were sent an email summoning them to a 10.30 a.m. audience with Jean-Claude Juncker. The short notice suggested urgency — and for such a meeting to be happening at all was unusual in itself. Since becoming President of the European Commission, Juncker has held hardly any press conferences.
His news was the surprise promotion of Selmayr, his Chief of Staff, to the position of Secretary-General, in charge of the Commission’s 33,000 staff. The reaction from the journalists present was astonishment. No one had been aware of a vacancy. There was no sign that the 61-year-old Alexander Italianer had been thinking of retiring. But as Juncker announced other appointments, it quickly became clear what had happened. Selmayr had taken control, and anyone who resisted him had been unceremoniously fired. Juncker had handed the keys of the European house to his favourite Eurocrat.
Selmayr had served Juncker well — or was it the other way around? Rather than being a regular chief of staff, Selmayr acted like a de facto deputy president. Juncker, who looks increasingly tired and worn out, had been the perfect glove puppet for Selmayr. Juncker was happy to let his Chief of Staff do the work, and happy to thank him by giving him a job of even greater power.
https://www.spectator.co.uk/2018/03/a‑very-eu-coup-martin-selmayrs-astonishing-power-grab/