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This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: In the after­math of the ascen­sion of Don­ald Trump to the Pres­i­den­cy, we are doing some­thing unprece­dent­ed in the long his­to­ry of For The Record. Ear­li­er in 2016, award-win­ning jour­nal­ist David Cay John­ston pub­lished a very well-writ­ten and researched, yet rel­a­tive­ly short and com­pact biog­ra­phy of Don­ald Trump–The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump (Melville House [HC]; copy­right 2016 by David Cay John­ston; ISBN 978–1‑61219–632‑9.)

For some weeks, we have been–and will be–reading most of the book into the record, to pro­vide peo­ple with a mea­sure against which to eval­u­ate not just “The Don­ald,” as his first wife Ivana called him, but our soci­ety, its insti­tu­tions and its cit­i­zens. We can’t rec­om­mend strong­ly enough that lis­ten­ers buy this book, read it and use what­ev­er means avail­able to spread the word about it. (We note that nei­ther Mr. Emory nor any of the sta­tions that air this pro­gram get mon­ey from this book, its pub­lish­er or author.)

This sec­ond install­ment of the series com­mences with a review the sub­stance of an arti­cle that embod­ies the enor­mous and fun­da­men­tal flaw in our polit­i­cal and civic process: a poll short­ly before the elec­tion found that most of the prospec­tive vot­ers polled felt that Trump was more hon­est and trust­wor­thy than Hillary Clin­ton. As our read­ing of John­ston’s excel­lent book unfolds, the grotesque, spec­tac­u­lar­ly fal­la­cious char­ac­ter of this per­cep­tion will become uncom­fort­ably clear. “Don­ald Trump is cur­rent­ly track­ing as the more hon­est of the two pres­i­den­tial can­di­dates in a poll, although fact-check­ing of his state­ments dur­ing the cam­paign have shown he’s lied sev­er­al times. The lat­est ABC News/Washington Post track­ing poll reports that 46 per­cent of like­ly vot­ers believe he is the more hon­est and trust­wor­thy can­di­date, while 38 per­cent believed it was Hillary Clin­ton. This marks the biggest gap between the two can­di­dates in five ABC News/Washington Post polls that asked the ques­tion, begin­ning in May.”

In the first excerpt read into the record in this broad­cast, we fin­ish  a chap­ter in which David Cay John­ston relates the gen­e­sis of Trump’s rela­tion­ship with Sen­a­tor Joe McCarthy’s right-hand man Roy Cohn. Hav­ing been sued by the Jus­tice Depart­ment because of his dis­crim­i­na­tion against peo­ple of col­or when rent­ing apart­ments in his prop­er­ties, Trump turned to Cohn. It was the begin­ning of a long rela­tion­ship between the long-time red-baiter and orga­nized crime apol­o­gist and “The Don­ald.” Trump and Cohn lost the case. Note Trump’s plac­ing of loy­al­ty above all else, a pri­or­i­ti­za­tion that John­ston cor­rect­ly char­ac­ter­izes in the ital­i­cize excerpt that fol­lows: ” . . . Elyse Gold­we­ber, the novice Jus­tice Depart­ment lawyer, told the court that one employ­ee who spoke to inves­ti­ga­tors was not being named because ‘he was afraid that the Trumps would have him ‘knocked off,’ or words to that effect’ for reveal­ing the tech­niques used to deny blacks and oth­er minori­ties. . . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump said he told Cohn, ‘I’d rather fight than fold, because a soon as you fold once you get the rep­u­ta­tion’ of some­one who set­tles case. But faced with a case in which nei­ther facts nor the law were on his side, Trump fold­ed and set­tled. . . .Trump han­dled the adverse set­tle­ment the way he had leaned from his father: by spin­ning the news and offer­ing a sim­ple and quotable nar­ra­tive . . . Trump’s take­away from this ear­ly loss was not that times had changed and civ­il rights laws would be enforced. . . . He also learned to place loy­al­ty above all else. . . . That is, of course, the kind of per­spec­tive we expect from mob­sters, dic­ta­tors, and oth­ers whose pri­ma­ry regard is for unflinch­ing sup­port, not for alle­giance to truth or facts. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 37–39.)

As not­ed in the pro­gram, on the day this was record­ed, Trump Uni­ver­si­ty set­tled in a mas­sive law­suit by stu­dents who had been defraud­ed by the “school.” Trump played it in the fash­ion he learned from his father and that he applied in the hous­ing dis­crim­i­na­tion suit, high­light­ed above: “. . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump said he told Cohn, ‘I’d rather fight than fold, because a soon as you fold once you get the rep­u­ta­tion’ of some­one who set­tles case. But faced with a case in which nei­ther facts nor the law were on his side, Trump fold­ed and set­tled. . . .Trump han­dled the adverse set­tle­ment the way he had leaned from his father: by spin­ning the news and offer­ing a sim­ple and quotable nar­ra­tive . . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 38.)

John­ston notes at the end of chap­ter 5 that Trump learned that hav­ing Cohn as his attor­ney also had oth­er ben­e­fits: ” . . . . Hir­ing him [Cohn] could ensure that his Man­hat­tan con­struc­tion projects moved smooth­ly. Among Cohn’s oth­er clients were two of Amer­i­ca’s most pow­er­ful Mafia fig­ures who con­trolled key unions attached to demo­li­tion and con­struc­tion in New York City.. . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump boasts that when he applied for a casi­no own­er’s license in 1981, he per­suad­ed the New Jer­sey attor­ney gen­er­al to lim­it the inves­ti­ga­tion of his back­ground. It was per­haps the most lucra­tive nego­ti­a­tion of Trump’s life, one that would embar­rass state offi­cials a decade lat­er when Trump’s involve­ment with mob­sters, mob asso­ciates, and swindlers became clear. . . . ” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p9. 39–41.)

Against the back­ground of Cohn’s mob con­nec­tions, John­ston sets forth Trump’s uti­liza­tion of those assets to real­ize his New York City real estate under­tak­ings. Remark­ably, such asso­ci­a­tions did not inter­dict Trump’s Atlantic City [New Jer­sey] gam­ing projects, which nor­mal­ly would have been pre­clud­ed by such links. (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 42–49.)

Exem­pli­fy­ing Trump’s orga­nized crime asso­ciates and the ser­vices they provided–courtesy of Roy Cohn–were Antho­ny “Fat Tony” Saler­no and Paul Castel­lano. ” . . . Trump bought his Man­hat­tan ready-mix [con­crete] from a com­pa­ny called S & A Con­crete. Mafia chief­tains Antho­ny “Fat Tony” Saler­no and Paul Castel­lano secret­ly owned the firm. S & A charged the inflat­ed prices that the LeFrak and Resnik fam­i­lies com­plained about, LeFrak to both laws enforce­ment and The New York Times. As [reporter Wayne] Bar­rett not­ed, by choos­ing to build with ready-mix con­crete rather than oth­er mate­ri­als, Trump put him­self ‘at the mer­cy of a legion of con­crete rack­e­teers.’ But hav­ing an ally in Roy Cohn mit­i­gat­ed Trump’s con­cerns. With Cohn as his fix­er, Trump had no wor­ries that the Mafia boss­es would have the unions stop work on Trump Tow­er; Saler­no and Castel­lano were Cohn’s clients. Indeed, when the cement work­ers struck in sum­mer 1982, the con­crete con­tin­ued to flow at Trump Tow­er. . . . Just as reveal­ing was Trump’s asso­ci­a­tion with John Cody, the cor­rupt head of Team­sters Local 282. Cody, under indict­ment when he ordered the city­wide strike in 1982, direct­ed that con­crete deliv­er­ies con­tin­ue to Trump Tow­er. Cody told Bar­rett, ‘Don­ald liked to deal with me through Roy Cohn. . . . ” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp.46–47.)

The excerpts read from John­ston’s remark­able tome con­clude with exam­i­na­tion of Trump’s rela­tion­ship with Joey Weich­sel­baum, a con­vict­ed drug traf­fick­er whose rela­tion­ship with Trump is high­ly unusu­al and opaque, even by “The Don­ald’s” stan­dards. “Among the assort­ed crim­i­nals with whom Trump did busi­ness over more than three decades, his most mys­te­ri­ous deal­ings involved a drug traf­fick­er named Joseph Weich­sel­baum. Trump did unusu­al favors for the three-time felon, repeat­ed­ly putting his lucra­tive casi­no license at risk to help a major cocaine and mar­i­jua­na traf­fick­er for rea­sons that remain unfath­omable. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 59.)

Where­as Trump had many oth­er places to turn to for the var­i­ous aero­nau­ti­cal, auto­mo­tive and sup­ple­men­tal ser­vices Weichels­baum and his broth­er pro­vid­ed, Trump con­tin­ued to use them and pro­vid­ed them and their asso­ciates with remark­able “perks.” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 59–65.)

With Trump poised to name a num­ber of Supreme Court jus­tices, we note that the venue of one of Weichels­baum’s cas­es was changed in a high­ly sus­pi­cious, reveal­ing and inaus­pi­cious man­ner. ” . . . When Weichels­baum made a deal with pros­e­cu­tors to plead guilty to one of the eigh­teen counts in the Cincin­nati case, some­thing very sus­pi­cious hap­pened. His case was trans­ferred out of Ohio for the guilty plea and the sen­tenc­ing. Log­i­cal­ly, the case might have gone to South Flori­da, where Brad­ford Motors [one of the Weich­sel­baum drug-traf­fick­ing fronts] was locat­ed, or to New York, where Weich­sel­baum lived. Indeed, that is exact­ly what Weich­sel­baum’s Ohio lawyer, Arnold Morel­li, sought in a Jan­u­ary 30, 1986 motion request­ing his case be trans­ferred to either Man­hat­tan or Mia­mi for ‘the con­ve­nience of human beings such as the defen­dant and wit­ness­es.’ Instead the Weichels­baum case was moved to New Jer­sey. There it was assigned to Judge Maryanne Trump Barry–Donald Trump’s old­er sis­ter.

Judge Bar­ry recused her­self three weeks lat­er, as judi­cial ethics required, but the mere act of remov­ing her­self from the case came with a pow­er­ful mes­sage: a sit­ting fed­er­al judge, as well as her hus­band (lawyer John Bar­ry) and fam­i­ly, repeat­ed­ly flew in heli­copters con­nect­ed to a major drug traf­fick­er. . . .When Judge Harold A. Ack­er­man replaced Trump’s sis­ter, Trump wrote him a let­ter seek­ing lenien­cy for Weich­sel­baum on the drug traf­fick­ing charge. Trump char­ac­ter­ize the defen­dant as ‘a cred­it to the com­mu­ni­ty’ and described Weich­sel­baum as ‘con­sci­en­tious, forth­right and dili­gent’ in his deal­ings with the Trump Plaza and Trump’s Cas­tle casi­nos. When asked about the let­ter under oath in a pri­vate 1990 meet­ing with New Jer­sey Divi­sion of Gam­ing Enforce­ment lawyers, Trump tes­ti­fied that he could not recall whether ‘he had writ­ten any let­ters of ref­er­ence to the fed­er­al judge who sen­tenced Weich­sel­baum.’ Sub­se­quent­ly, the divi­sion obtained such a let­ter, and Trump acknowl­edged that it bore his sig­na­ture. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 63–64.)

This pro­gram con­cludes with the read­ing of a poem by Robin­son Jef­fers, “Be Angry at the Sun,” which encom­pass­es Mr. Emory’s feel­ings about the recent elec­tion, as well as the peo­ple and insti­tu­tions that have pre­cip­i­tat­ed this event–one that fig­ures to be dev­as­tat­ing in its man­i­fes­ta­tions.

Pro­gram High­lights Include: 

• Rudy Giu­liani ‘s pros­e­cu­tion of a case involv­ing some of the mob-run unions asso­ci­at­ed with Trump’s enter­pris­es. Giu­liani is a close advis­er to Trump and may be named to a cab­i­net post. (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 46.)
• Anoth­er key Trump advis­er dur­ing the cam­paign was Michael Chertoff. He, too, was a pros­e­cu­tor who direct­ed a case against mob­sters involved with Trump’s oper­a­tions. (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 48.)

1. This sec­ond install­ment of the series com­mences with a review the sub­stance of an arti­cle that embod­ies the enor­mous and fun­da­men­tal flaw in our polit­i­cal and civic process: a poll short­ly before the elec­tion found that most of the prospec­tive vot­ers polled felt that Trump was more hon­est and trust­wor­thy than Hillary Clin­ton. As our read­ing of John­ston’s excel­lent book unfolds, the grotesque, spec­tac­u­lar­ly fal­la­cious char­ac­ter of this per­cep­tion will become uncom­fort­ably clear. “Don­ald Trump is cur­rent­ly track­ing as the more hon­est of the two pres­i­den­tial can­di­dates in a poll, although fact-check­ing of his state­ments dur­ing the cam­paign have shown he’s lied sev­er­al times. The lat­est ABC News/Washington Post track­ing poll reports that 46 per­cent of like­ly vot­ers believe he is the more hon­est and trust­wor­thy can­di­date, while 38 per­cent believed it was Hillary Clin­ton. This marks the biggest gap between the two can­di­dates in five ABC News/Washington Post polls that asked the ques­tion, begin­ning in May.”

2. In the first excerpt read into the record in this broad­cast, we fin­ish  a chap­ter in which David Cay John­ston relates the gen­e­sis of Trump’s rela­tion­ship with Sen­a­tor Joe McCarthy’s right-hand man Roy Cohn. Hav­ing been sued by the Jus­tice Depart­ment because of his dis­crim­i­na­tion against peo­ple of col­or when rent­ing apart­ments in his prop­er­ties, Trump turned to Cohn. It was the begin­ning of a long rela­tion­ship between the long-time red-baiter and orga­nized crime apol­o­gist and “The Don­ald.” Trump and Cohn lost the case. ” . . . Elyse Gold­we­ber, the novice Jus­tice Depart­ment lawyer, told the court that one employ­ee who spoke to inves­ti­ga­tors was not being named because ‘he was afraid that the Trumps would have him ‘knocked off,’ or words to that effect’ for reveal­ing the tech­niques used to deny blacks and oth­er minori­ties. . . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump said he told Cohn, ‘I’d rather fight than fold, because a soon as you fold once you get the rep­u­ta­tion’ of some­one who set­tles case. But faced with a case in which nei­ther facts nor the law were on his side, Trump fold­ed and set­tled. . . .Trump han­dled the adverse set­tle­ment the way he had leaned from his father: by spin­ning the news and offer­ing a sim­ple and quotable nar­ra­tive . . . Trump’s take­away from this ear­ly loss was not that times had changed and civ­il rights laws would be enforced. . . . He also learned to place loy­al­ty above all else. . . . That is, of course, the kind of per­spec­tive we expect from mob­sters, dic­ta­tors, and oth­ers whose pri­ma­ry regard is for unflinch­ing sup­port, not for alle­giance to truth or facts. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 37–39.)

3. As not­ed in the pro­gram, on the day this was record­ed, Trump Uni­ver­si­ty set­tled in a mas­sive law­suit by stu­dents who had been defraud­ed by the “school.” Trump played it in the fash­ion he learned from his father and that he applied in the hous­ing dis­crim­i­na­tion suit, high­light­ed above: “. . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump said he told Cohn, ‘I’d rather fight than fold, because a soon as you fold once you get the rep­u­ta­tion’ of some­one who set­tles case. But faced with a case in which nei­ther facts nor the law were on his side, Trump fold­ed and set­tled. . . .Trump han­dled the adverse set­tle­ment the way he had leaned from his father: by spin­ning the news and offer­ing a sim­ple and quotable nar­ra­tive . . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 38.)

4. John­ston notes at the end of chap­ter 5 that Trump learned that hav­ing Cohn as his attor­ney also had oth­er ben­e­fits: ” . . . . Hir­ing him [Cohn] could ensure that his Man­hat­tan con­struc­tion projects moved smooth­ly. Among Cohn’s oth­er clients were two of Amer­i­ca’s most pow­er­ful Mafia fig­ures who con­trolled key unions attached to demo­li­tion and con­struc­tion in New York City.” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 39.)

5. Against the back­ground of Cohn’s mob con­nec­tions, John­ston sets forth Trump’s uti­liza­tion of those assets to real­ize his New York City real estate under­tak­ings. Remark­ably, such asso­ci­a­tions did not inter­dict Trump’s Atlantic City [New Jer­sey] gam­ing projects, which nor­mal­ly would have been pre­clud­ed by such links. (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 41–49.)

6. About Trump, his busi­ness projects and the Mob:  ” . . . In The Art of the Deal, Trump boasts that when he applied for a casi­no own­er’s license in 1981, he per­suad­ed the New Jer­sey attor­ney gen­er­al to lim­it the inves­ti­ga­tion of his back­ground. It was per­haps the most lucra­tive nego­ti­a­tion of Trump’s life, one that would embar­rass state offi­cials a decade lat­er when Trump’s involve­ment with mob­sters, mob asso­ciates, and swindlers became clear. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 41.)

7. Exem­pli­fy­ing Trump’s orga­nized crime asso­ciates and the ser­vices they provided–courtesy of Roy Cohn–were Antho­ny “Fat Tony” Saler­no and Paul Castel­lano. ” . . . Trump bought his Man­hat­tan ready-mix [con­crete] from a com­pa­ny called S & A Con­crete. Mafia chief­tains Antho­ny “Fat Tony” Saler­no and Paul Castel­lano secret­ly owned the firm. S & A charged the inflat­ed prices that the LeFrak and Resnik fam­i­lies com­plained about, LeFrak to both laws enforce­ment and The New York Times.

As [reporter Wayne] Bar­rett not­ed, by choos­ing to build with ready-mix con­crete rather than oth­er mate­ri­als, Trump put him­self ‘at the mer­cy of a legion of con­crete rack­e­teers.’ But hav­ing an ally in Roy Cohn mit­i­gat­ed Trump’s con­cerns. With Cohn as his fix­er, Trump had no wor­ries that the Mafia boss­es would have the unions stop work on Trump Tow­er; Saler­no and Castel­lano were Cohn’s clients. Indeed, when the cement work­ers struck in sum­mer 1982, the con­crete con­tin­ued to flow at Trump Tow­er. . . .

. . .  Just as reveal­ing was Trump’s asso­ci­a­tion with John Cody, the cor­rupt head of Team­sters Local 282. Cody, under indict­ment when he ordered the city­wide strike in 1982, direct­ed that con­crete deliv­er­ies con­tin­ue to Trump Tow­er. Cody told Bar­rett, ‘Don­ald liked to deal with me through Roy Cohn. . . . ” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp.46–47.)

8. The excerpts read from John­ston’s remark­able tome con­clude with exam­i­na­tion of Trump’s rela­tion­ship with Joey Weich­sel­baum, a con­vict­ed drug traf­fick­er whose rela­tion­ship with Trump is high­ly unusu­al and opaque, even by “The Don­ald’s” stan­dards. “Among the assort­ed crim­i­nals with whom Trump did busi­ness over more than three decades, his most mys­te­ri­ous deal­ings involved a drug traf­fick­er named Joseph Weich­sel­baum. Trump did unusu­al favors for the three-time felon, repeat­ed­ly putting his lucra­tive casi­no license at risk to help a major cocaine and mar­i­jua­na traf­fick­er for rea­sons that remain unfath­omable. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; p. 59.)

9. Where­as Trump had many oth­er places to turn to for the var­i­ous aero­nau­ti­cal, auto­mo­tive and sup­ple­men­tal ser­vices Weichels­baum and his broth­er pro­vid­ed, Trump con­tin­ued to use them and pro­vid­ed them and their asso­ciates with remark­able “perks.” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 59–65.)

10. With Trump poised to name a num­ber of Supreme Court jus­tices, we note that the venue of one of Weichels­baum’s cas­es was changed in a high­ly sus­pi­cious, reveal­ing and inaus­pi­cious man­ner. ” . . . When Weichels­baum made a deal with pros­e­cu­tors to plead guilty to one of the eigh­teen counts in the Cincin­nati case, some­thing very sus­pi­cious hap­pened. His case was trans­ferred out of Ohio for the guilty plea and the sen­tenc­ing. Log­i­cal­ly, the case might have gone to South Flori­da, where Brad­ford Motors [one of the Weich­sel­baum drug-traf­fick­ing fronts] was locat­ed, or to New York, where Weich­sel­baum lived. Indeed, that is exact­ly what Weich­sel­baum’s Ohio lawyer, Arnold Morel­li, sought in a Jan­u­ary 30, 1986 motion request­ing his case be trans­ferred to either Man­hat­tan or Mia­mi for ‘the con­ve­nience of human beings such as the defen­dant and wit­ness­es.’ Instead the Weichels­baum case was moved to New Jer­sey. There it was assigned to Judge Maryanne Trump Barry–Donald Trump’s old­er sis­ter.

Judge Bar­ry recused her­self three weeks lat­er, as judi­cial ethics required, but the mere act of remov­ing her­self from the case came with a pow­er­ful mes­sage: a sit­ting fed­er­al judge, as well as her hus­band (lawyer John Bar­ry) and fam­i­ly, repeat­ed­ly flew in heli­copters con­nect­ed to a major drug traf­fick­er. . . .When Judge Harold A. Ack­er­man replaced Trump’s sis­ter, Trump wrote him a let­ter seek­ing lenien­cy for Weich­sel­baum on the drug traf­fick­ing charge. Trump char­ac­ter­ize the defen­dant as ‘a cred­it to the com­mu­ni­ty’ and described Weich­sel­baum as ‘con­sci­en­tious, forth­right and dili­gent’ in his deal­ings with the Trump Plaza and Trump’s Cas­tle casi­nos. When asked about the let­ter under oath in a pri­vate 1990 meet­ing with New Jer­sey Divi­sion of Gam­ing Enforce­ment lawyers, Trump tes­ti­fied that he could not recall whether ‘he had writ­ten any let­ters of ref­er­ence to the fed­er­al judge who sen­tenced Weich­sel­baum.’ Sub­se­quent­ly, the divi­sion obtained such a let­ter, and Trump acknowl­edged that it bore his sig­na­ture. . . .” (The Mak­ing of Don­ald Trump; pp. 63–64.)

11. This pro­gram con­cludes with the read­ing of a poem by Robin­son Jef­fers, “Be Angry at the Sun,” which encom­pass­es Mr. Emory’s feel­ings about the recent elec­tion, as well as the peo­ple and insti­tu­tions that have pre­cip­i­tat­ed this event–one that fig­ures to be dev­as­tat­ing in its man­i­fes­ta­tions.

“Be Angry at the Sun” by Robin­son Jef­fers

That pub­lic men pub­lish false­hoods
Is noth­ing new. That Amer­i­ca must accept
Like the his­tor­i­cal republics cor­rup­tion and empire
Has been known for years.

Be angry at the sun for set­ting
If these things anger you. Watch the wheel slope and turn,
They are all bound on the wheel, these peo­ple, those war­riors.
This repub­lic, Europe, Asia.

Observe them ges­tic­u­lat­ing,
Observe them going down. The gang serves lies, the pas­sion­ate
Man plays his part; the cold pas­sion for truth
Hunts in no pack.

You are not Cat­ul­lus, you know,
To lam­poon these crude sketch­es of Cae­sar. You are far
From Dan­te’s feet, but even far­ther from his dirty
Polit­i­cal hatreds.

Let boys want plea­sure, and men
Strug­gle for pow­er, and women per­haps for fame,
And the servile to serve a Leader and the dupes to be duped.
Yours is not theirs.