Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #941 Who Is Tulsi Gabbard? (Part 1)

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This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Intro­duc­tion: The first of two pro­grams high­light­ing Tul­si Gab­bard, a Demo­c­ra­t­ic con­gres­sion­al rep­re­sen­ta­tive from Hawaii, this broad­cast notes her high-pro­file role in pro­mot­ing Bernie Sanders for Pres­i­dent, her inco­her­ent stance on Muslims/Islam, her net­work­ing with the Hin­du nationalist/fascist gov­ern­ment of Naren­dra Modi, the favor­able view of Gab­bard held by the Trumpenkampfver­bande, and Gab­bard’s pro­found links to a branch of the Hare Krish­na cult run by a fel­low named Chris But­ler aka Jagad Guru Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa.

A major focal point of the pro­gram is the occult fas­cist nature of the views of Hare Krish­na sect founder Abhay Cha­ra­nar­avin­da Bhak­tivedan­ta Swa­mi Prab­hu­pa­da, whom we shall refer to as Prabuha­da. Cen­tral to our exam­i­na­tion of Gab­bard is the ques­tion of whether or not she might be a “ringer” inside the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty and–possibly–a mind-con­trol job?

We begin with dis­cus­sion of Tul­si Gab­bard’s high-pro­file sup­port for Bernie Sanders” . . . . Sanders has been sur­pris­ing­ly low-key in his response to this lat­est wave of pop­ulist delu­sion. Time is short. He must force­ful­ly tell his sup­port­ers to aban­don their mis­guid­ed write-in mis­sion, and soon. Every minute he keeps qui­et, spoil­er cam­paigns such as Op Deny 270 and BernieVote.com recruit more vot­ers from Face­book and Twit­ter to write in Sanders. In Cal­i­for­nia, 55 peo­ple man­aged to reg­is­ter as “elec­tors” to get Sanders approved as an offi­cial write-in can­di­date, with Hawaii Demo­c­ra­t­ic Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard as vice pres­i­dent. The Sandernistas spent last week argu­ing that Clin­ton is just as “evil” as Trump, based on rumors – whipped up dis­grace­ful­ly by rogue pro-Trump FBI agents, then quashed Sun­day with a big ‘nev­er mind’ by FBI Direc­tor James Comey – that fresh­ly unearthed emails might yet get her indict­ed. .[We won­der if “Op Deny 270 and BernieVote.com might be some of the vot­er sup­pres­sion oper­a­tions Trump dirty tricks maven Roger Stone boast­ed of dur­ing the campaign?–D.E.] . .”

Of con­sid­er­able inter­est are Gab­bard’s inco­her­ent views on Muslims/Islam and how they relate to her sup­port for Sanders:

  • She has beeen crit­i­cal of Oba­ma because his stance on ISIS does­n’t label the group as rep­re­sen­ta­tive of Islam: “ . . . . ‘Meet the Demo­c­rat Who’s Not Afraid to Crit­i­cize Pres­i­dent Oba­ma on ISIS,’ intones a recent ABC News head­line. The sto­ry describes remarks by Hawaii Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard (D), who has for the past month been all over the media slam­ming Oba­ma’s refusal to direct­ly asso­ciate ISIS and oth­er ter­ror­ists with the Islam­ic faith. She’s par­tic­u­lar­ly a favorite of right-wing media. . . .”
  • Gab­bard’s sup­port for Sanders is osten­si­bly due to her oppo­si­tion to wars of regime change (a stance with which we agree, BTW.) This con­trasts with her anti-Islam mil­i­tan­cy: ” . . . . The news­pa­per char­ac­ter­ized her sup­port as ‘tem­pered’ and wrote that she reit­er­at­ed her con­cerns over the for­mer sec­re­tary of State’s Mid­dle East poli­cies. . . . Gab­bard, a vet­er­an of two Mid­dle East deploy­ments, resigned her post as vice chair­woman of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee in Feb­ru­ary to endorse Sanders, a Ver­mont sen­a­tor. She said then, in a video, that Amer­i­ca could elect ‘a pres­i­dent who will lead us into more inter­ven­tion­ist wars of regime change or we can elect a pres­i­dent who will ush­er in a new era of peace and pros­per­i­ty.’ . . .”
  • Curi­ous­ly, Gab­bard has joined Sanders in sup­port­ing African-Amer­i­can Mus­lim Kei­th Elli­son for chair of the DNC. We feel that IF that were to hap­pen, it would play right into the hands of Roger Stone/Trump/Steve Ban­non et al. Is that the real goal of Gab­bard’s stance?
  • Elli­son has net­worked with Mus­lim Broth­er­hood front orga­ni­za­tions in the U.S., some­thing that will work to the ben­e­fit of Roger Stone/Trump/Steve Ban­non et al.

Next, the pro­gram recaps net­work­ing between the milieux of Don­ald Trump, Tul­si Gab­bard and Naren­dra Modi:

  • Trump’s Indi­an part­ners in his real estate projects over­lap the milieu of Mod­i’s BJP (a cat’s paw for the Hin­du nation­al­ist and fas­cist par­ty the RSS.) ” . . . . Mr. Trump’s part­ner in the Trump Tow­er Mum­bai is the Lod­ha Group, found­ed by Man­gal Prab­hat Lod­ha, vice pres­i­dent of the Bharatiya Jana­ta Par­ty — cur­rent­ly the gov­ern­ing par­ty in Par­lia­ment — in Maha­rash­tra State. The Lod­ha Group has already nego­ti­at­ed with the Unit­ed States gov­ern­ment; it announced a land­mark pur­chase of a prop­er­ty, known as the Wash­ing­ton House, on tony Alta­mount Road, from the Amer­i­can gov­ern­ment for 3.75 bil­lion rupees, almost $70 mil­lion. His part­ner in an office com­plex in Gur­gaon, near New Del­hi, is IREO, whose man­ag­ing direc­tor, Lalit Goy­al, is the broth­er-in-law of a Bharatiya Jana­ta mem­ber of Par­lia­ment, Sud­han­shu Mit­tal. Mr. Mit­tal, in an inter­view, has denied hav­ing any con­nec­tion with the real estate com­pa­ny. . . .”
  • Trump inter­viewed Gab­bard for a cab­i­net posi­tion: “. . . . Demo­c­ra­t­ic Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard, a high-pro­file Bernie Sanders sup­port­er dur­ing the Demo­c­ra­t­ic pri­maries, is “under seri­ous con­sid­er­a­tion” for var­i­ous Cab­i­net posi­tions in Pres­i­dent-elect Don­ald Trump’s admin­is­tra­tion, accord­ing to a senior offi­cial on the tran­si­tion team.A ccord­ing to the offi­cial, the 35-year-old Hawaii con­gress­woman is being looked as a can­di­date for sec­re­tary of state, sec­re­tary of defense or Unit­ed Nations ambas­sador. If select­ed, Gab­bard will be the first woman as well as the youngest pick for Trump’s Cab­i­net. . . .”
  • Trump’s “alt-right” advi­sor Steve Ban­non is a fan of Gab­bard’s: ” . . . .  Stephen Ban­non, Trump’s chief strate­gist, report­ed­ly likes Gab­bard because of her stance on guns, refugees and Islam­ic extrem­ism along with her abil­i­ty to invoke strong anti-estab­lish­ment pop­ulist sen­ti­ment on the left. . . .”
  • Ban­non is also a fan of Naren­dra Modi and has fol­lowed his polit­i­cal rise close­ly: ” . . . . Mr. Trump may be large­ly indif­fer­ent to the rea­sons behind his Hin­du loy­al­ists’ fer­vor, but his most senior advis­ers are not. The campaign’s chief exec­u­tive, Stephen K. Ban­non, is a stu­dent of nation­al­ist move­ments. Mr. Ban­non is close to Nigel Farage, a cen­tral fig­ure in Britain’s move­ment to leave the Euro­pean Union, and he is an admir­er of India’s prime min­is­ter, Naren­dra Modi, a Hin­du nation­al­ist Mr. Ban­non has called ‘the Rea­gan of India.’ It may be pure coin­ci­dence that some of Mr. Trump’s words chan­nel the nation­al­is­tic and, some argue, anti-Mus­lim sen­ti­ments that Mr. Modi stoked as he rose to pow­er. But it is cer­tain­ly not coin­ci­den­tal that many of Mr. Trump’s biggest Hin­du sup­port­ers are also some of Mr. Modi’s most ardent back­ers. . . .”
  • Gab­bard is also a big fan of Naren­dra Modi, hav­ing been involved with the plan­ning of Mod­i’s U.S. vis­it and net­work­ing with BJP mem­bers: ” . . . . Gab­bard, a strong sup­port­er of Modi, is a Demo­c­rat Con­gress­woman from Hawaii. . . . She had spo­ken to Modi after his vic­to­ry in the Indi­an gen­er­al elec­tions and con­grat­u­lat­ed him and the Bharatiya Jana­ta Par­ty (BJP). She has also been involved in the plan­ning of Modi’s US vis­it and had last month met two BJP lead­ers Vijay Jol­ly and MP Rajyavard­han Rathore in that con­nec­tion. . . .”
  • On a trip to India, Gab­bard net­worked with both the BJP and the RSS, the Hin­du nationalist/fascist par­ty for which Mod­i’s BJP is a cat’s paw. (All of Mod­i’s cab­i­net appoint­ments were drawn from the RSS. Mod­eled on the Ger­man Nazi Par­ty and Mus­solin­i’s black­shirts, the RSS killed Gand­hi.): “. . . . Speak­ing at a fundrais­ing event for the BJP in August 2014 . . . Gab­bard said that Modi’s elec­tion vic­to­ry was only pos­si­ble because ‘peo­ple stood up, one by one by one by one, and said we will demand that this change occurs.’ . . . Gab­bard was treat­ed as roy­al­ty on her vis­it to India last year. As she hob­nobbed with the Indi­an prime min­is­ter and for­eign min­is­ter among oth­ers, The Tele­graph, a Kolkata-based news­pa­per, called her ‘the Sangh’s mas­cot’ in the US. The Sangh, a moniker for the Rashtriya Swayam­se­vak Sangh (RSS), is a right-wing hin­dut­va organ­i­sa­tion and the ide­o­log­i­cal guardian of the BJP par­ty that rules India now. . . .”

Mar­ket­ed as “the first Hin­du in Con­gress,” Gab­bard, her fam­i­ly, her in-laws and polit­i­cal milieu are deeply con­nect­ed to an off­shoot of the Hare Krish­na sect in Hawaii led by Chris But­ler aka Jagad Guru Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa:

  • Gab­bard’s Wash­ing­ton-based chief of staff, Kain­oa Penaroza, is the son of Bill Penaroza, linked to a polit­i­cal front for But­ler’s orga­ni­za­tion.  ” . . . . Kain­oa Penaroza, who was appoint­ed as Gabbard’s Wash­ing­ton, D.C.-based chief of staff last month despite his rel­a­tive lack of polit­i­cal expe­ri­ence, is the son of Bill Penaroza, who was among a slate of 14 can­di­dates run­ning for a vari­ety of offices in 1976 under an enig­mat­ic polit­i­cal par­ty called the Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment. The party’s con­nec­tion to But­ler was revealed in a three-part inves­tiga­tive series by the Hon­olu­lu Advertiser’s Water Wright in 1977. . . .”
  • Penaroza­’s wife works as Gab­bard’s Wash­ing­ton fundrais­er. Both lived at a prop­er­ty owned by a group that owned Healthy’s, a store con­trolled by But­ler’s group. ” . . . . Penaroza, 30, and his wife, Alana Leigh Penaroza, who now works as Gabbard’s D.C. fundrais­er, at one time lived in a Kailua prop­er­ty owned by Joseph Bis­mark, a Sin­ga­pore-based busi­ness­man whose com­pa­ny, QI Group, bought Healthy’s in 2007. Accord­ing to the Hawaii Depart­ment of Com­merce and Con­sumer Affairs, Healthy’s owns Noni Con­nec­tion LLC, which lists Kain­oa Penaroza as its direc­tor and sec­re­tary. . . .”
  • Aba­ham Williams, Gab­bard’s now-hus­band, is from a fam­i­ly with deep ties to the But­ler cult. ” . . . . Abra­ham Williams, Gabbard’s 26-year-old fiancé, is a free­lance cin­e­matog­ra­ph­er who also grew up in a fam­i­ly with strong ties to But­ler. His moth­er, Anya Antho­ny, is list­ed as a reg­is­tered agent of Wai Lana Pro­duc­tions LLC, a com­pa­ny named after Butler’s wife, Wai Lan, that runs www.wailana.com, which sells yoga instruc­tion DVDs, cloth­ing and oth­er acces­sories. . . . .”
  • Gab­bard’s mother-in-law–Anya Anthony–is part of the But­ler cult milieu and is the man­ag­er of Gab­bard’s dis­trict office in Hon­olu­lu.  ” . . . . Antho­ny is now the man­ag­er of Gabbard’s dis­trict office in Hon­olu­lu. Last month, Gab­bard put a post on Face­book intro­duc­ing Antho­ny as her soon-to-be moth­er-in-law. Gab­bard not­ed that she had asked the Con­gres­sion­al Ethics Com­mit­tee to deter­mine if it was eth­i­cal for the con­gress­woman to employ her future moth­er-in-law. The com­mit­tee signed off on Anthony’s con­tin­ued employ­ment, a com­mit­tee spokesman con­firmed to Civ­il Beat. 
  • Sunil Khe­maney, one Gab­bard’s sup­port­ers on her trip to India where she net­worked with Modi, the BJP and the RSS, is tied to the But­ler busi­ness milieu.  ” . . . . Sunil Khe­maney, who accom­pa­nied Gab­bard on her Decem­ber trip to India, is list­ed in Wai Lana Pro­duc­tions’ busi­ness reg­is­tra­tion records as its man­ag­er. He is also the direc­tor of Healthy’s and one of the trustees of Wai Lana Yoga Trust, whose mis­sion is to ‘edu­cate and teach the gen­er­al pub­lic about the phi­los­o­phy, moral stan­dards and prac­tices of yoga for the ben­e­fit of mankind.’ Khe­maney is also the vice pres­i­dent of the East West Yoga Foun­da­tion, a non­prof­it reg­is­tered in Ari­zona. Chris But­ler is list­ed in Ari­zona cor­po­ra­tion records as its direc­tor, along with his wife, who is the pres­i­dent and direc­tor. . . .”
  • Tul­si’s father Mike is also tied to the But­ler cult: ” . . . . Mike Gab­bard has long main­tained that he’s a Catholic, not Hare Krish­na. But, in Hon­olu­lu Magazine’s 2004 pro­file, he acknowl­edged his ties to But­ler: ‘Although I’m not a mem­ber of the Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion, I’m eter­nal­ly thank­ful to Chris But­ler … whose teach­ings of kar­ma yoga (self­less ser­vice) and bhak­ti yoga (devo­tion to God) have brought me back to my Catholic roots and the fun­da­men­tal teach­ings of Christ.’ . . . Mike Gab­bard was in the audi­ence at a tap­ing of Chris Butler’s TV show, “Jagad Guru Speaks,” which aired for sev­er­al years in the 1980s and 1990s. . . .”
  • Tul­si’s moth­er Car­ol is also tied to But­ler and both of her par­ents sat on the board of direc­tors of Buter’s group: ” . . . . . Mul­ti­ple his­tor­i­cal doc­u­ments show that, at var­i­ous points in the his­to­ry of the Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion, both Mike and Car­ol Gab­bard sat on its board. Accord­ing to var­i­ous reports, they were bestowed San­skrit names, ‘Krish­na Katha das’ and ‘Devahuti dasi,’ respec­tive­ly. . . .”

Gab­bard her­self denotes But­ler as her per­son­al guru at around 3:45 in an embed­ded video, the autio track of which is con­tained in the show. Note that the talk Gab­bard is giv­ing is an adu­la­to­ry pre­sen­ta­tion of Prabuha­da.

Prab­hu­pada’s views are note­wor­thy for our pur­pos­es: “. . . . ISKCON founder A C Bhak­tivedan­ta Swami’s views were even more bizarre than I expect­ed: rape vic­tims asked for it, Blacks are infe­ri­or and should be enslaved, Aryans are the supreme race, Hitler was right when attack­ing the Jews, and the “non-Aryan” major­i­ty of the human race are use­less eaters no bet­ter than dogs. The pre­ferred form of gov­ern­ment is an abso­lutist monar­chy. Racism is appar­ent­ly an inte­gral part of the ide­al Vedic soci­ety, since “shu­dra” (the des­ig­na­tion of the work­er-caste) means “black”, which in turn lit­er­al­ly refers to Blacks, a cat­e­go­ry which also includes Dra­vid­i­ans from south­ern India. . . .”

The pro­gram con­cludes with a longer look at Prab­hu­pada’s fascist/racist views–an exam­i­na­tion that will be set forth at greater length in the next pro­gram.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

  • An exam­i­na­tion of the frag­ment­ing and usurpa­tion that befell the Hare Krish­na cult after Prab­hu­pada’s death. This, too, will be set forth at greater length in the next pro­gram.
  • Spec­u­la­tion about Gab­bard’s pos­si­ble role in the com­pro­mis­ing of the DNC.
  • Review of the alle­ga­tion by Craig Mur­ray that he gave the infor­ma­tion com­pro­mis­ing the DNC to Wik­iLeaks, after hav­ing received it from a dis­sat­is­fied DNC insid­er.
  • Gab­bard’s curi­ous stance on Trump’s appoint­ment of recent­ly-retired gen­er­als to fill key cab­i­net posts.

1a. We begin with dis­cus­sion of Tul­si Gab­bard’s high-pro­file sup­port for Bernie Sanders. ” . . . . Sanders has been sur­pris­ing­ly low-key in his response to this lat­est wave of pop­ulist delu­sion. Time is short. He must force­ful­ly tell his sup­port­ers to aban­don their mis­guid­ed write-in mis­sion, and soon. Every minute he keeps qui­et, spoil­er cam­paigns such as Op Deny 270 and BernieVote.com recruit more vot­ers from Face­book and Twit­ter to write in Sanders. In Cal­i­for­nia, 55 peo­ple man­aged to reg­is­ter as “elec­tors” to get Sanders approved as an offi­cial write-in can­di­date, with Hawaii Demo­c­ra­t­ic Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard as vice pres­i­dent. . . .”

The Sandernistas spent last week argu­ing that Clin­ton is just as “evil” as Trump, based on rumors – whipped up dis­grace­ful­ly by rogue pro-Trump FBI agents, then quashed Sun­day with a big “nev­er mind” by FBI Direc­tor James Comey – that fresh­ly unearthed emails might yet get her indict­ed. . . .”

” ‘Bernie or Bust,’ a Sure­fire Way to Get Trump Elect­ed;” Sacra­men­to Bee; 11/7/2016.

. . . . “This is not time for a protest vote. This is time to elect Hillary Clin­ton,” Sanders has said.

But the Sandernistas, it appears, don’t lis­ten to rea­son. They’re on a mis­sion to per­suade vot­ers to write-in Sanders for pres­i­dent in Cal­i­for­nia and eight oth­er states on Elec­tion Day. . . .

. . . . Their goal – and they’re noth­ing if not per­sis­tent – is to deny Clin­ton the 270 elec­toral votes need­ed to win, leav­ing it to the House of Rep­re­sen­ta­tives to choose the next pres­i­dent – Sanders, Clin­ton or Trump. It’s a dis­as­trous strat­e­gy that risks split­ting the vote and cre­at­ing an open­ing for Trump, a dem­a­gogue-in-wait­ing whose plat­form oppos­es every­thing Sandernistas claim to stand for, includ­ing crim­i­nal jus­tice reform, cheap­er health care and free col­lege.

Sanders has been sur­pris­ing­ly low-key in his response to this lat­est wave of pop­ulist delu­sion. Time is short. He must force­ful­ly tell his sup­port­ers to aban­don their mis­guid­ed write-in mis­sion, and soon. Every minute he keeps qui­et, spoil­er cam­paigns such as Op Deny 270 and BernieVote.com recruit more vot­ers from Face­book and Twit­ter to write in Sanders. In Cal­i­for­nia, 55 peo­ple man­aged to reg­is­ter as “elec­tors” to get Sanders approved as an offi­cial write-in can­di­date, with Hawaii Demo­c­ra­t­ic Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard as vice pres­i­dent.

The Sandernistas spent last week argu­ing that Clin­ton is just as “evil” as Trump, based on rumors – whipped up dis­grace­ful­ly by rogue pro-Trump FBI agents, then quashed Sun­day with a big “nev­er mind” by FBI Direc­tor James Comey – that fresh­ly unearthed emails might yet get her indict­ed. . . .

1b. One of the salient points of inter­est about Gab­bard “the Sandernista” con­cerns her attacks on Oba­ma for being too soft in his char­ac­ter­i­za­tions of ISIS. “Meet the Demo­c­rat Who’s Not Afraid to Crit­i­cize Pres­i­dent Oba­ma on ISIS,” intones a recent ABC News head­line. The sto­ry describes remarks by Hawaii Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard (D), who has for the past month been all over the media slam­ming Oba­ma’s refusal to direct­ly asso­ciate ISIS and oth­er ter­ror­ists with the Islam­ic faith.

She’s par­tic­u­lar­ly a favorite of right-wing media. . . .”

“The Curi­ous Islam­o­pho­bic Pol­i­tics of Dem Con­gress­mem­ber Tul­si Gab­bard” by Zaid Jilani; Alter­netAlter­net;2/22/2015. 

“Meet the Demo­c­rat Who’s Not Afraid to Crit­i­cize Pres­i­dent Oba­ma on ISIS,” intones a recent ABC News head­line. The sto­ry describes remarks by Hawaii Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard (D), who has for the past month been all over the media slam­ming Oba­ma’s refusal to direct­ly asso­ciate ISIS and oth­er ter­ror­ists with the Islam­ic faith.

She’s par­tic­u­lar­ly a favorite of right-wing media. Appear­ing with Fox’s Neil Cavu­to last week, she lashed out at the White House for hold­ing an extrem­ism sum­mit with Mus­lim Amer­i­cans, say­ing it’s a “diver­sion from what our real focus needs to be. And that focus is on that Islam­ic extrem­ist threat.” . . . .

1c. Gab­bard’s attacks on Oba­ma’s posi­tion vis a vis ISIS/Islam con­trasts with her embrace of Bernie Sanders over his aver­sion to wars of “regime change.” (We note, in pass­ing, that Sanders sup­port­ed the bomb­ing of Koso­vo in the 1990s–he is no “dove.) ” . . . . The news­pa­per char­ac­ter­ized her sup­port as “tem­pered” and wrote that she reit­er­at­ed her con­cerns over the for­mer sec­re­tary of State’s Mid­dle East poli­cies. . . . Gab­bard, a vet­er­an of two Mid­dle East deploy­ments, resigned her post as vice chair­woman of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee in Feb­ru­ary to endorse Sanders, a Ver­mont sen­a­tor. She said then, in a video, that Amer­i­ca could elect ‘a pres­i­dent who will lead us into more inter­ven­tion­ist wars of regime change or we can elect a pres­i­dent who will ush­er in a new era of peace and pros­per­i­ty.’ . . .”

“Tul­si Gab­bard, a Sur­ro­gate for Bernie Sanders, to Vote for Hillary Clin­ton” by Nicole Gau­di­ano; USA Today; 8/4/2016. 

Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard, one of Bernie Sanders’ top sur­ro­gates, says she’ll vote for Hillary Clin­ton in Novem­ber.

The Hawaii Demo­c­rat told the Hon­olu­lu Star-Adver­tis­er, “Giv­en the remain­ing choic­es, like Bernie Sanders, I will be cast­ing my vote for Hillary Clin­ton.”

The news­pa­per char­ac­ter­ized her sup­port as “tem­pered” and wrote that she reit­er­at­ed her con­cerns over the for­mer sec­re­tary of State’s Mid­dle East poli­cies.

“Mov­ing for­ward, as a vet­er­an and some­one who knows first­hand the cost of war, I am going to con­tin­ue to push for an end to coun­ter­pro­duc­tive inter­ven­tion­ist wars and lead our coun­try toward a path toward peace,” she said.

Gab­bard, a vet­er­an of two Mid­dle East deploy­ments, resigned her post as vice chair­woman of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee in Feb­ru­ary to endorse Sanders, a Ver­mont sen­a­tor. She said then, in a video, that Amer­i­ca could elect ‘a pres­i­dent who will lead us into more inter­ven­tion­ist wars of regime change or we can elect a pres­i­dent who will ush­er in a new era of peace and pros­per­i­ty.’

She was one of three peo­ple who nom­i­nat­ed Sanders for pres­i­dent dur­ing a speech last week at the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Con­ven­tion, before Sanders moved to give Clin­ton the nom­i­na­tion by accla­ma­tion. . . .

1d. Tul­si Gab­bard, like Bernie Sanders, endorsed Kei­th Elli­son to be the chair­per­son of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty.

I sup­port @kei­thelli­son for DNC Chair. Kei­th is our best choice for an open, trans­par­ent DNC. #DNC­Cha­ir

1e. Elli­son is an African-Amer­i­can Mus­lim who has net­worked with the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood in the past. IF he does become head of the DNC as Gab­bard and Bernie Sanders want, the Democ­rats are through. Just imag­ine what the red states, Trump, Steve Ban­non et al will do with that!

“FEATURED: The Mad­ness of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Party–Keith Elli­son as DNC?; The Glob­al Mus­lim Broth­er­hood Dai­ly Watch; 11/13/2016.

. . . . As we have doc­u­ment­ed in the past, and although it has been labeled “con­spir­a­cy think­ing”, the GMBDW has cat­a­logued the numer­ous exam­ples over the years that illus­trate Con­gress­man Ellison’s close rela­tion­ship to the US Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. High­lights include:

  • In Octo­ber 2007, we report­ed that Elli­son gave the keynote speech at an award din­ner where the late Dr. Jamal Barz­in­ji, then Vice-Pres­i­dent of the Inter­na­tion­al Insti­tute of Islam­ic Thought (IIIT) and one the most impor­tant founders of the US Mus­lim Broth­er­hood„ was award­ed the “Faith in Action Award” by the Inter­na­tion­al Cen­ter for Reli­gion & Diplo­ma­cy (ICRD).
  • In Novem­ber 2007, we report­ed that Elli­son was one of two keynote speak­ers at the 13th annu­al ban­quet of the Coun­cil on Amer­i­can-Islam­ic Rela­tions (CAIR), an impor­tant part of the US Mus­lim Broth­er­hood that emerged from the US Hamas sup­port infra­struc­ture.
  • In Decem­ber 2008, we report­ed that Elli­son went on a pil­grim­age to Mec­ca that was paid for by the Mus­lim Amer­i­can Soci­ety (MAS), a part of the US Mus­lim Broth­er­hood clos­et to the Egypt­ian orga­ni­za­tion.
  • In April 2009, we report­ed that Elli­son attend­ed a con­fer­ence that brought lead­ers of the US Mus­lim Broth­er­hood togeth­er with mem­bers of the US gov­ern­ment, far-left­/an­ti­war polit­i­cal fig­ures, and for­eign activists.
  • In July 2011, we report­ed that Elli­son was one of the speak­ers at the 48th annu­al con­ven­tion of the Islam­ic Soci­ety of North Amer­i­ca (ISNA), a large umbrel­la group that emerged out of the ear­ly US. Mus­lim Broth­er­hood infra­struc­ture.
  • In Feb­ru­ary 2016, we report­ed that Elli­son attend­ed the inau­gur­al con­fer­ence for the “Mus­lim Coun­cils in the West”, orga­nized by a US Mus­lim Broth­er­hood coali­tion and that was also attend­ed by a wide vari­ety of Euro­pean Mus­lim Broth­er­hood lead­ers as well as by a promi­nent US aca­d­e­m­ic sup­port­er of the Glob­al Mus­lim Broth­er­hood.

In addi­tion to these appear­ances, Con­gress­man Elli­son also has a his­to­ry prob­lem­at­ic state­ments regard­ing the Mus­lim Broth­er­hood. For exam­ple, in Feb­ru­ary 2011, Elli­son called fears of a Mus­lim Broth­er­hood takeover in Egypt a “scare­crow” and in July 2012 dis­missed con­cerns over Mus­lim Broth­er­hood influ­ence in the US gov­ern­ment as “scare-mon­ger­ing.”

Worse than these state­ments and what appears to have been for­got­ten was that it was Con­gress­man Elli­son him­self who expressed the most heinous of con­spir­a­cy the­o­ries when he once com­pared the 911 attacks against the US  to the 1933 destruc­tion by fire of the Reich­stag, the Ger­man par­lia­ment, like­ly burned down by the Nazis in order to jus­ti­fy Hitler’s lat­er seizure of emer­gency pow­ers. As we report­ed in July 2007, Elli­son made the fol­low­ing remarks gen­er­al­ly not report­ed in the US media but which were report­ed in a British news­pa­per and which also can heard on a video of the event where they were made: . . . .

1f. Gab­bard’s view on recent­ly retired gen­er­al being appoint­ed to cab­i­net posi­tions are also some­thing that should sound alarms. ” . . . . I found it pret­ty offen­sive for peo­ple to out­right dis­crim­i­nate against vet­er­ans. . . . Yet peo­ple are crit­i­ciz­ing them and dis­crim­i­nat­ing against them say­ing, just because you served as a gen­er­al pre­vi­ous­ly you are dis­qual­i­fied from serv­ing in a high posi­tion of lead­er­ship in our gov­ern­ment. These peo­ple, arguably, have put far more on the line and are far more deeply per­son­al­ly com­mit­ted to uphold­ing and pro­tect­ing our democ­ra­cy than their crit­ics. . . .” Josh Mar­shal­l’s take on this is accu­rate: ” . . . . The issue of civil­ian con­trol of the mil­i­tary and wari­ness of mil­i­tary or ex-mil­i­tary influ­ence over the civil­ian gov­ern­ment isn’t some new-fan­gled idea from coastal cos­mopoli­tan elites. It’s deeply root­ed in the Amer­i­can polit­i­cal tra­di­tion. Indeed it was even more potent ear­li­er in the coun­try’s his­to­ry. That’s why ex-gen­er­als are actu­al­ly barred from serv­ing as Sec­re­tary of Defense for sev­en years. . . .

. . . . The real kick­er in my mind comes at the end when Gab­bard says that these men are ‘far more deeply per­son­al­ly com­mit­ted to uphold­ing and pro­tect­ing our democ­ra­cy than their crit­ics.’ . . . . Gab­bard is sug­gest­ing here is that as gen­er­als they are more com­mit­ted than civil­ians. That is the ker­nel of an idea that has destroyed many democ­ra­cies, the idea that career mil­i­tary offi­cers are sim­ply bet­ter, more patri­ot­ic, more effi­cient than civil­ians. . . .”

“Some­thing Dis­turb­ing About Tul­si Gab­bard” by Josh Mar­shall; Talk­ing Points Memo; 12/8/2016.

. . . . TAPPER: Quick­ly before you go, I know that some of your col­leagues, democ­rats, have expressed con­cern about too many retired gen­er­als being in the trump cab­i­net. You have the nation­al secu­ri­ty advis­er gen­er­al Fly­nn and he’s talked about gen­er­al Mat­tis and gen­er­al Kel­ly at the Pen­ta­gon and home­land secu­ri­ty. Do you share their con­cerns or dis­agree?

GABBARD: I don’t share their con­cerns. As a vet­er­an and as some­one still serv­ing in the Hawaii Nation­al Guard, I found it pret­ty offen­sive for peo­ple to out­right dis­crim­i­nate against vet­er­ans. Here you have gen­er­als who have lit­er­al­ly spent their whole lives serv­ing our coun­try, putting ser­vice before self, putting their lives on the line to defend democ­ra­cy. Yet peo­ple are crit­i­ciz­ing them and dis­crim­i­nat­ing against them say­ing, just because you served as a gen­er­al pre­vi­ous­ly you are dis­qual­i­fied from serv­ing in a high posi­tion of lead­er­ship in our gov­ern­ment. These peo­ple, arguably, have put far more on the line and are far more deeply per­son­al­ly com­mit­ted to uphold­ing and pro­tect­ing our democ­ra­cy than their crit­ics. 

I cer­tain­ly don’t think she was address­ing me. But I think the crit­i­cisms I out­lined ear­li­er today are sim­i­lar to the ones she is address­ing. I have seen no one say that for­mer gen­er­als can’t serve in high lev­el gov­ern­ment posi­tions. Gen­er­als rou­tine­ly serve. No one is say­ing any­thing like that. So right there she’s ten­den­tious­ly dis­tort­ing the con­cerns. Cer­tain­ly, no one is ‘dis­crim­i­nat­ing’ against any­one.

The crit­i­cism is cen­tered on how Trump’s cab­i­net is dom­i­nat­ed by recent­ly retired gen­er­als. Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Advi­sor, Defense Sec­re­tary, Home­land Secu­ri­ty Sec­re­tary, pos­si­bly Sec­re­tary of State. That slate is unprece­dent­ed in all of our his­to­ry. More might con­ceiv­ably be added.

The issue of civil­ian con­trol of the mil­i­tary and wari­ness of mil­i­tary or ex-mil­i­tary influ­ence over the civil­ian gov­ern­ment isn’t some new-fan­gled idea from coastal cos­mopoli­tan elites. It’s deeply root­ed in the Amer­i­can polit­i­cal tra­di­tion. Indeed it was even more potent ear­li­er in the coun­try’s his­to­ry. That’s why ex-gen­er­als are actu­al­ly barred from serv­ing as Sec­re­tary of Defense for sev­en years. . . .

. . . . The real kick­er in my mind comes at the end when Gab­bard says that these men are “far more deeply per­son­al­ly com­mit­ted to uphold­ing and pro­tect­ing our democ­ra­cy than their crit­ics.” The sug­ges­tion here is not about the par­tic­u­lar indi­vid­u­als, who I believe are deeply com­mit­ted to Amer­i­ca and its demo­c­ra­t­ic insti­tu­tions. But what Gab­bard is sug­gest­ing here is that as gen­er­als they are more com­mit­ted than civil­ians.

That is the ker­nel of an idea that has destroyed many democ­ra­cies, the idea that career mil­i­tary offi­cers are sim­ply bet­ter, more patri­ot­ic, more effi­cient than civil­ians. . . .

2a. In India, Trump’s busi­ness con­tacts encom­pass peo­ple from Naren­dara Mod­i’s BJP.

“World of Poten­tial Con­flict For a Devel­op­er Pres­i­dent” Richard C. Pad­dock, Eric Lip­ton, Ellen Bar­ry, Rod Nord­land, Dan­ny Hakim and Simon Romero; The New York Times; 11/27/2916.

. . . . Mr. Trump’s part­ner in the Trump Tow­er Mum­bai is the Lod­ha Group, found­ed by Man­gal Prab­hat Lod­ha, vice pres­i­dent of the Bharatiya Jana­ta Par­ty — cur­rent­ly the gov­ern­ing par­ty in Par­lia­ment — in Maha­rash­tra State. The Lod­ha Group has already nego­ti­at­ed with the Unit­ed States gov­ern­ment; it announced a land­mark pur­chase of a prop­er­ty, known as the Wash­ing­ton House, on tony Alta­mount Road, from the Amer­i­can gov­ern­ment for 3.75 bil­lion rupees, almost $70 mil­lion.

His part­ner in an office com­plex in Gur­gaon, near New Del­hi, is IREO, whose man­ag­ing direc­tor, Lalit Goy­al, is the broth­er-in-law of a Bharatiya Jana­ta mem­ber of Par­lia­ment, Sud­han­shu Mit­tal. Mr. Mit­tal, in an inter­view, has denied hav­ing any con­nec­tion with the real estate com­pa­ny. . . .

2b. We now turn to the main focus of this pro­gram and the next: Rep­re­sen­ta­tive Tul­si Gab­bard (D‑Hawaii). A major sup­port­er of Bernie Sanders dur­ing the cam­paign, Gab­bard was inter­viewed for a cab­i­net posi­tion.

Gab­bard is viewed pos­i­tive­ly by Steve Ban­non, Trump’s top advis­er and “Alt-Right” king­pin.

“Demo­c­ra­t­ic Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard ‘Under Seri­ous Con­sid­er­a­tion’ for Trump Cab­i­net”; ABC News; 11/21/2016.

. . . . Demo­c­ra­t­ic Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard, a high-pro­file Bernie Sanders sup­port­er dur­ing the Demo­c­ra­t­ic pri­maries, is “under seri­ous con­sid­er­a­tion” for var­i­ous Cab­i­net posi­tions in Pres­i­dent-elect Don­ald Trump’s admin­is­tra­tion, accord­ing to a senior offi­cial on the tran­si­tion team.

Accord­ing to the offi­cial, the 35-year-old Hawaii con­gress­woman is being looked as a can­di­date for sec­re­tary of state, sec­re­tary of defense or Unit­ed Nations ambas­sador. If select­ed, Gab­bard will be the first woman as well as the youngest pick for Trump’s Cab­i­net.

She met with him this morn­ing in his New York City offices at Trump Tow­er. The Trump tran­si­tion source said that their sit-down was a ‘ter­rif­ic meet­ing’ and that the Trump team sees her as very impres­sive. . . .

2c. “Alt-Right” king­pin Stephen Ban­non, Trump’s top pol­i­cy advis­er, is a fan of Gab­bard.

“Don­ald Trump Met with Bernie Sanders Sup­port­er Tul­si Gab­bard to Dis­cuss Syr­ia” by Alex Daugh­er­ty; McClatchy DC ; 11/21/2016.

” . . . .  Stephen Ban­non, Trump’s chief strate­gist, report­ed­ly likes Gab­bard because of her stance on guns, refugees and Islam­ic extrem­ism along with her abil­i­ty to invoke strong anti-estab­lish­ment pop­ulist sen­ti­ment on the left. . . .”

2d. Ban­non is also a fan of Modi.

In FTR #889, we syn­op­sized Pierre Omid­yar’s polit­i­cal career, includ­ing his par­tial bankrolling of the Maid­an coup that brought the heirs to the Nazi-allied OUN/B to pow­er in Ukraine and his finan­cial sup­port for the elec­tion of Hin­du nationalist/fascist Naren­dra Modi in India.

Inter­est­ing­ly, and per­haps sig­nif­i­cant­ly, Don­ald Trump has drawn sup­port from Hin­du nation­al­ists of the Modi stripe.

There is an impor­tant ele­ment of net­work­ing here: Stephen K. Ban­non is a sup­port­er of Mod­i’s move­ment, as well as that of Nigel Farage.

” . . . . Mr. Trump may be large­ly indif­fer­ent to the rea­sons behind his Hin­du loy­al­ists’ fer­vor, but his most senior advis­ers are not. The campaign’s chief exec­u­tive, Stephen K. Ban­non, is a stu­dent of nation­al­ist move­ments. Mr. Ban­non is close to Nigel Farage, a cen­tral fig­ure in Britain’s move­ment to leave the Euro­pean Union, and he is an admir­er of India’s prime min­is­ter, Naren­dra Modi, a Hin­du nation­al­ist Mr. Ban­non has called ‘the Rea­gan of India.’

It may be pure coin­ci­dence that some of Mr. Trump’s words chan­nel the nation­al­is­tic and, some argue, anti-Mus­lim sen­ti­ments that Mr. Modi stoked as he rose to pow­er. But it is cer­tain­ly not coin­ci­den­tal that many of Mr. Trump’s biggest Hin­du sup­port­ers are also some of Mr. Modi’s most ardent back­ers. . . .”

In FTR #882, we not­ed sim­i­lar­i­ties in fas­cist move­ments around the world, high­light­ing sim­i­lar­i­ties between Hin­du nationalist/fascists from Mod­i’s RSS and Euro­pean and Amer­i­can fas­cists. Those sim­i­lar­i­ties are front and cen­ter in the over­lap between sup­port­ers of Modi and those of Trump. The Trumpenkampfver­bande and Mod­i’s cadre demo­nize Mus­lims.

“Among Don­ald Trump’s Biggest Fans: Hin­du Nation­al­ists” by Jere­my Peters; The New York Times; 10/14/2016.

. . . . This cel­e­bra­tion of Mr. Trump in New Del­hi in May, and oth­ers like it in India this year, are the work of a small, devot­ed and increas­ing­ly vis­i­ble fac­tion of Hin­du nation­al­ists in India and the Unit­ed States who see Mr. Trump as the embod­i­ment of the cock­sure, polit­i­cal­ly incor­rect, strong­man brand of pol­i­tics they admire.

That some of Mr. Trump’s most pas­sion­ate fol­low­ers are Indi­an may seem, at first, some­what strange, giv­en how fond he is of scorn­ing Asian coun­tries where cheap labor saps demand for Amer­i­can work­ers. A poll on Asian-Amer­i­cans’ polit­i­cal lean­ings con­duct­ed in August and Sep­tem­ber found that just 7 per­cent of Indi­an-Amer­i­cans said they would vote for Mr. Trump.

But in one of the more pecu­liar pair­ings of this most pecu­liar polit­i­cal sea­son, Mr. Trump has unwit­ting­ly fash­ioned a niche con­stituen­cy in the over­lap between the Indi­an right and the Amer­i­can right, which share a lot of the same anx­i­eties about ter­ror­ism, immi­gra­tion and the loss of pres­tige that they believe their lead­ers have been too slow to reverse. . . .

. . . . “There’s a lot of par­al­lels there,” said Sha­l­abh Kumar, the found­ing chair­man of the Repub­li­can Hin­du Coali­tion. “Mr. Trump is all about devel­op­ment, devel­op­ment, devel­op­ment; pros­per­i­ty, pros­per­i­ty, pros­per­i­ty; tremen­dous job growth. And at the same time, he rec­og­nizes the need to con­trol the bor­ders.”

As one of Mr. Trump’s biggest Hin­du finan­cial back­ers, Mr. Kumar, who runs an elec­tron­ics man­u­fac­tur­ing com­pa­ny in Illi­nois and grew up in the state of Pun­jab along the Pak­istani bor­der, has helped orga­nize a speech by the Repub­li­can nom­i­nee in Edi­son, N.J., at a Bol­ly­wood-themed char­i­ty con­cert on Sat­ur­day. The pro­ceeds will ben­e­fit ter­ror­ism vic­tims.

“It will be an incred­i­ble evening,” Mr. Trump said in a video pro­mot­ing it, one of the few eth­nic events he has agreed to do dur­ing this cam­paign.

Mr. Trump may be large­ly indif­fer­ent to the rea­sons behind his Hin­du loy­al­ists’ fer­vor, but his most senior advis­ers are not. The campaign’s chief exec­u­tive, Stephen K. Ban­non, is a stu­dent of nation­al­ist move­ments. Mr. Ban­non is close to Nigel Farage, a cen­tral fig­ure in Britain’s move­ment to leave the Euro­pean Union, and he is an admir­er of India’s prime min­is­ter, Naren­dra Modi, a Hin­du nation­al­ist Mr. Ban­non has called “the Rea­gan of India.”

It may be pure coin­ci­dence that some of Mr. Trump’s words chan­nel the nation­al­is­tic and, some argue, anti-Mus­lim sen­ti­ments that Mr. Modi stoked as he rose to pow­er. But it is cer­tain­ly not coin­ci­den­tal that many of Mr. Trump’s biggest Hin­du sup­port­ers are also some of Mr. Modi’s most ardent back­ers.

At times, the sim­i­lar­i­ty of Mr. Trump’s and Mr. Modi’s polit­i­cal vocab­u­lary is strik­ing. . . .

2e. Tul­si Gab­bard is a sup­port­er of Modi, net­work­ing with Mod­i’s BJP and help­ing to plan Mod­i’s U.S. vis­it.

“Tul­si Gab­bard, US Con­gress­woman Calls on Modi” [IANS]; Times of India; 9/29/2014.

. . . . Tul­si Gab­bard, the first Hin­du Amer­i­can in the US Con­gress, called on vis­it­ing Indi­an Prime Min­is­ter Naren­dra Modi here Sun­day and pre­sent­ed him with a gin­ger flower gar­land from Hawaii.

Gab­bard, a strong sup­port­er of Modi, is a Demo­c­rat Con­gress­woman from Hawaii.

The 33-year-old Gab­bard is the first prac­tis­ing Hin­du Amer­i­can in the Con­gress who took her oath on the Bhag­wad Gita.

She had spo­ken to Modi after his vic­to­ry in the Indi­an gen­er­al elec­tions and con­grat­u­lat­ed him and the Bharatiya Jana­ta Par­ty (BJP).

She has also been involved in the plan­ning of Modi’s US vis­it and had last month met two BJP lead­ers Vijay Jol­ly and MP Rajyavard­han Rathore in that con­nec­tion.

Gab­bard has always main­tained that it was a “great blun­der” by the US gov­ern­ment to have denied a visa to Modi in the wake of the 2002 Gujarat riots. . . .

2f. Gab­bard, it turns out, is also net­worked with the RSS, the fas­cist par­ty for which the BJP serves as a polit­i­cal catspaw.

“Tul­si Gab­bard, the First Hin­du in U.S. Con­gress, on Modi, Hin­duism, and Link­ing Islam to Ter­ror” by Manu Bal­achan­dran; Quartz (India); 3/02/2016.

. . . . Speak­ing at a fundrais­ing event for the BJP in August 2014 . . . Gab­bard said that Modi’s elec­tion vic­to­ry was only pos­si­ble because “peo­ple stood up, one by one by one by one, and said we will demand that this change occurs.” . . . Gab­bard was treat­ed as roy­al­ty on her vis­it to India last year. As she hob­nobbed with the Indi­an prime min­is­ter and for­eign min­is­ter among oth­ers, The Tele­graph, a Kolkata-based news­pa­per, called her “the Sangh’s mas­cot” in the US. The Sangh, a moniker for the Rashtriya Swayam­se­vak Sangh (RSS), is a right-wing hin­dut­va organ­i­sa­tion and the ide­o­log­i­cal guardian of the BJP par­ty that rules India now. . . .

3. Gab­bard, her fam­i­ly, her fiance and in-laws-to-be and their respec­tive milieux are inex­tri­ca­bly linked with a branch of the Hare Krish­na cult head­ed by Chris But­ler, aka Jagad Guru Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa.

“Tul­si Gab­bard Still Dogged by Krish­na Cult Rumors” by Rul Kaneya; The Huff­in­g­ton Post; 3/16/2015.

 Eleven years ago, U.S. Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard, now a ris­ing star in the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty, was a lit­tle-known state rep­re­sen­ta­tive from a West Oahu dis­trict. It was her then-Repub­li­can father, Mike, who was in the polit­i­cal lime­light.

The elder Gab­bard, known for his vir­u­lent anti-gay cru­sade in the 1990s, was chal­leng­ing Demo­c­ra­t­ic incum­bent Ed Case in the race to rep­re­sent Hawaii’s 2nd Con­gres­sion­al Dis­trict. So, for a pro­file piece, a writer at Hon­olu­lu Mag­a­zine emailed him and asked about his family’s ties to a guru named Chris But­ler, aka Jagad Guru Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa, who leads an obscure off­shoot of the Hare Krish­na move­ment in Hawaii.

But Tul­si Gab­bard jumped in. “I smell a skunk,” she emailed back. “It’s clear to me that you’re act­ing as a con­duit for … homo­sex­u­al extrem­ist sup­port­ers of Ed Case.”

Much has changed with Tul­si Gab­bard since then. She enlist­ed in the Hawaii Army Nation­al Guard and served two tours in the Mid­dle East before suc­cess­ful­ly run­ning for a seat on the Hon­olu­lu City Coun­cil in 2010. Then, in 2012, she got what elud­ed her father — a seat rep­re­sent­ing Hawaii in Con­gress.

For years, rumors about their ties to guru Chris But­ler have hound­ed U.S. Rep. Tul­si Gab­bard and her father, state Sen. Mike Gab­bard. . . .

. . . . Still, the Inter­net con­tin­ues to pro­vide a ready forum for the com­mo­tion over Gab­bard to fes­ter — you need look no fur­ther than a thread on the Cult Edu­ca­tion Institute’s forum titled, “Chris But­ler, Jagad Guru, Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty.” Civ­il Beat recent­ly scanned the entire thread and found a trove of infor­ma­tion, includ­ing use­ful links, scanned copies of news arti­cles and oth­er his­tor­i­cal doc­u­ments.

For this sto­ry, Civ­il Beat drew on infor­ma­tion from the forum that could be ver­i­fied, along with oth­er pub­licly avail­able doc­u­ments and news arti­cles, as well as inter­views with peo­ple who have inti­mate knowl­edge about the com­mu­ni­ty of But­ler devo­tees.

What emerged is a fas­ci­nat­ing look at the world Gab­bard and her close asso­ciates grew up in. It’s anoth­er lens through which to view the fast-ris­ing con­gress­woman.

“Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty:”

The Cult Edu­ca­tion Institute’s forum on Chris But­ler began back in 2004 and is still going strong. It has last­ed long enough to reach near­ly 500 pages, con­tain­ing thou­sands of lengthy posts intend­ed to shed light on But­ler and the inner work­ings of his group, called the Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion.

The group formed in the ear­ly 1970s, and its lead­ers lat­er sought to turn the orga­ni­za­tion into a polit­i­cal force in Hawaii by field­ing a num­ber of can­di­dates for key polit­i­cal offices over the years. By and large, the can­di­dates pushed for a brand of social reform that seemed to mim­ic Butler’s teach­ings, which stressed envi­ron­men­tal­ism, veg­e­tar­i­an­ism, and oppo­si­tion to homo­sex­u­al­i­ty and “illic­it” sex.

And they had some suc­cess­es: for­mer state Sen. Rick Reed; for­mer Maui Coun­ty Coun­cil Mem­ber Wayne Nishi­ki; Mike Gab­bard, who came back from his loss to Case to win a state Sen­ate seat; and Car­ol Gab­bard, who was elect­ed to the Hawaii Board of Edu­ca­tion.

It’s no won­der that long­time observers see Tul­si Gabbard’s steady climb from the Hon­olu­lu City Coun­cil to Con­gress as some­how con­nect­ed to But­ler.

But­ler, a Kalani High School grad­u­ate and son of a promi­nent Kailua doc­tor, Willis, was a dis­ci­ple of A.C. Bahkitevedan­ta Swa­mi Prab­hu­pad, who found­ed the Inter­na­tion­al Soci­ety of Krish­na Con­scious­ness 1966. The group is bet­ter known in Hawaii as Hare Krish­nas, and it was wide­spread through­out the coun­try in the 1960s and ’70s. Its mem­bers were high­ly vis­i­ble here — with their shaved heads and orange robes, they were often seen in Waiki­ki, chant­i­ng and solic­it­ing con­tri­bu­tions.

Chris But­ler, aka Jagad Guru Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa, formed a Krish­na com­mu­ni­ty in Hawaii in the 1970s.

An inter­nal pow­er strug­gle even­tu­al­ly led But­ler to break away from ISKCON in the ear­ly ‘70s and form his own Krish­na com­mu­ni­ty in Hawaii. The group has since swift­ly expand­ed, reach­ing the main­land and as far as Aus­tralia, New Zealand, Hong Kong and the Philip­pines.

By most accounts, the com­mu­ni­ty was made up of a loose-knit col­lec­tion of indi­vid­u­als who eschewed the street-beg­ging and instead chant­ed in the pri­va­cy of their homes or makeshift wor­ship cen­ters. Over the years, they band­ed togeth­er to start a num­ber of busi­ness­es, includ­ing Down to Earth gro­cery stores and a host of oth­er health-food relat­ed busi­ness­es under a com­pa­ny called Healthy’s Inc. A por­tion of the pro­ceeds from these busi­ness­es usu­al­ly got divert­ed to sup­port the move­ment.

Around 2012, after Tul­si Gab­bard announced her can­di­da­cy for Con­gress, the focus of con­trib­u­tors to the Cult Edu­ca­tion forum turned from But­ler him­self to Gab­bard and efforts to pin down her ties to the guru. The result: More than 100 pages of the thread now doc­u­ment the activ­i­ties of Gab­bard and her par­ents, as well as her four sib­lings and asso­ciates. . . .

. . . . But Civ­il Beat was able to ver­i­fy a num­ber of the ties that link But­ler to Gabbard’s fam­i­ly and asso­ciates:

Kain­oa Penaroza, who was appoint­ed as Gabbard’s Wash­ing­ton, D.C.-based chief of staff last month despite his rel­a­tive lack of polit­i­cal expe­ri­ence, is the son of Bill Penaroza, who was among a slate of 14 can­di­dates run­ning for a vari­ety of offices in 1976 under an enig­mat­ic polit­i­cal par­ty called the Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment. The party’s con­nec­tion to But­ler was revealed in a three-part inves­tiga­tive series by the Hon­olu­lu Advertiser’s Water Wright in 1977.

Penaroza, 30, and his wife, Alana Leigh Penaroza, who now works as Gabbard’s D.C. fundrais­er, at one time lived in a Kailua prop­er­ty owned by Joseph Bis­mark, a Sin­ga­pore-based busi­ness­man whose com­pa­ny, QI Group, bought Healthy’s in 2007. Accord­ing to the Hawaii Depart­ment of Com­merce and Con­sumer Affairs, Healthy’s owns Noni Con­nec­tion LLC, which lists Kain­oa Penaroza as its direc­tor and sec­re­tary.

Abra­ham Williams, Gabbard’s 26-year-old fiancé, is a free­lance cin­e­matog­ra­ph­er who also grew up in a fam­i­ly with strong ties to But­ler. His moth­er, Anya Antho­ny, is list­ed as a reg­is­tered agent of Wai Lana Pro­duc­tions LLC, a com­pa­ny named after Butler’s wife, Wai Lan, that runs www.wailana.com, which sells yoga instruc­tion DVDs, cloth­ing and oth­er acces­sories.

Antho­ny is now the man­ag­er of Gabbard’s dis­trict office in Hon­olu­lu. Last month, Gab­bard put a post on Face­book intro­duc­ing Antho­ny as her soon-to-be moth­er-in-law. Gab­bard not­ed that she had asked the Con­gres­sion­al Ethics Com­mit­tee to deter­mine if it was eth­i­cal for the con­gress­woman to employ her future moth­er-in-law. The com­mit­tee signed off on Anthony’s con­tin­ued employ­ment, a com­mit­tee spokesman con­firmed to Civ­il Beat.

Sunil Khe­maney, who accom­pa­nied Gab­bard on her Decem­ber trip to India, is list­ed in Wai Lana Pro­duc­tions’ busi­ness reg­is­tra­tion records as its man­ag­er. He is also the direc­tor of Healthy’s and one of the trustees of Wai Lana Yoga Trust, whose mis­sion is to “edu­cate and teach the gen­er­al pub­lic about the phi­los­o­phy, moral stan­dards and prac­tices of yoga for the ben­e­fit of mankind.”

Khe­maney is also the vice pres­i­dent of the East West Yoga Foun­da­tion, a non­prof­it reg­is­tered in Ari­zona. Chris But­ler is list­ed in Ari­zona cor­po­ra­tion records as its direc­tor, along with his wife, who is the pres­i­dent and direc­tor.

Mike Gab­bard has long main­tained that he’s a Catholic, not Hare Krish­na. But, in Hon­olu­lu Magazine’s 2004 pro­file, he acknowl­edged his ties to But­ler: “Although I’m not a mem­ber of the Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion, I’m eter­nal­ly thank­ful to Chris But­ler … whose teach­ings of kar­ma yoga (self­less ser­vice) and bhak­ti yoga (devo­tion to God) have brought me back to my Catholic roots and the fun­da­men­tal teach­ings of Christ.”

Plen­ty of evi­dence sug­gests that there’s more to the sto­ry than that.

Mike Gab­bard was in the audi­ence at a tap­ing of Chris Butler’s TV show, “Jagad Guru Speaks,” which aired for sev­er­al years in the 1980s and 1990s.

Mul­ti­ple his­tor­i­cal doc­u­ments show that, at var­i­ous points in the his­to­ry of the Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion, both Mike and Car­ol Gab­bard sat on its board. Accord­ing to var­i­ous reports, they were bestowed San­skrit names, “Krish­na Katha das” and “Devahuti dasi,” respec­tive­ly.

The Gab­bards were also in atten­dance at at least one tap­ing of Butler’s local TV show called “Jagad Guru Speaks,” which aired for sev­er­al years in the 1980s and ’90s. In old footage of the show, they can be seen in the audi­ence, lis­ten­ing and laugh­ing as But­ler lec­tured on spir­i­tu­al­i­ty.

The Gab­bards also owned a veg­e­tar­i­an restau­rant in Hon­olu­lu called the Nat­ur­al Deli, housed inside a Down to Earth health food store on King Street. But they were forced to sell the restau­rant to Down to Earth in 1992 after an anti-gay com­ment Mike Gab­bard made on a local radio show trig­gered fer­vent protests.

Civ­il Beat found no evi­dence that Tul­si Gab­bard is — or ever was — a But­ler devo­tee. And we could find no record of her ever speak­ing pub­licly about it. [This is patent­ly untrue, as we shall see below–D.E.]. . .

4. An encap­su­la­tion of the views of Prab­hu­pada’s views is pre­sent­ed in a review of a book on ISKCON–the Hare Krish­na move­ment. These will be expound­ed upon in detail below.

“The Hare Krish­na Move­ment: The Postcharis­mat­ic Fate of a Reli­gious Trans­plant” by Edwin Bryant and Maria Ekstrand (Amazon.com)

. . . . ISKCON founder A C Bhak­tivedan­ta Swami’s views were even more bizarre than I expect­ed: rape vic­tims asked for it, Blacks are infe­ri­or and should be enslaved, Aryans are the supreme race, Hitler was right when attack­ing the Jews, and the “non-Aryan” major­i­ty of the human race are use­less eaters no bet­ter than dogs. The pre­ferred form of gov­ern­ment is an abso­lutist monar­chy. Racism is appar­ent­ly an inte­gral part of the ide­al Vedic soci­ety, since “shu­dra” (the des­ig­na­tion of the work­er-caste) means “black”, which in turn lit­er­al­ly refers to Blacks, a cat­e­go­ry which also includes Dra­vid­i­ans from south­ern India. (As a side point, I’ve actu­al­ly seen a Black Hare Krish­na devo­tee once, but all oth­er devo­tees in Swe­den are Swedish and hence “Aryan”.) . . . .

5. We note in pass­ing that the Hare Krish­na cult passed to the gov­er­nance (read “rule”) of eleven dif­fer­ent gurus after Prab­hu­pada’s pass­ing. Some of them have engaged in the stock­pil­ing of auto­mat­ic weapons, mur­der, sex­u­al abuse and rack­e­teer­ing. We note that many of the branch­es of the cult may not engage in these activ­i­ties and that many, per­haps most, of the fol­low­ers of the cult are sin­cere­ly unaware of this activ­i­ty.

“Mur­der, Sex and Free Food” by Frank Bures; The Port­land Mer­cury; 6/21/2001.

. . . . After Prab­hu­pada’s death in 1977, ISKCON descend­ed into chaos and scan­dal. The Hare Krish­na world was carved up among 11 gurus, and in each guru’s zone, his author­i­ty was absolute. Some of the 11 became cor­rupt­ed absolute­ly.

In 1998, ISKCON opened a six mil­lion dol­lar tem­ple in India, com­plete with nine ani­ma­tron­ic Gods. The “Glo­ry of India” seemed to show how far the group had come. How­ev­er, a $400 mil­lion law­suit, filed in the US last year, points to a dark­er side. If it goes for­ward, it may be the last chap­ter of the story–a sto­ry of pow­er strug­gles, drugs, and mur­ders.

EVERY MOTHER’S NIGHTMARE

Those dark prob­lems seem far away at the Port­land tem­ple, where about 100 devo­tees and “frin­gies” are chant­i­ng, being hap­py, and think­ing about Krish­na. ISKCON’s shad­ows don’t hang over the Sun­day feast. It’s a mixed crowd of hip­pies and hip­sters, blacks, whites, and a few Indi­ans. Every­one is more or less focused on the two stat­ues at the front of the room, draped in gold robes, sequins and beads; the two broth­ers who, 500 years ago, first got the idea that chant­i­ng Krish­na’s name would bring them clos­er to him.

There are four devo­tees liv­ing at the Port­land Tem­ple. Tonight, Janar­dana das (for­mer­ly Louis Jack­son) beats the drum. Devap­rastha (David Willard) is down­stairs cook­ing. Jaya Ya Ram (John Per­due) and Bakhta Travis (Travis Gey­er) chant along with the rest.

Behind me is a small, dis­turbing­ly life-like stat­ue, a minia­ture Prab­hu­pa­da. Some­one put a lit­tle pur­ple hat and scarf on him, as if he was cold. His eyes are half-closed, and to me–a karmie, a meat eater–he looks either com­plete­ly detached, or com­plete­ly stoned. In anoth­er paint­ing of Prab­hu­pa­da on the wall, the bald prophet has bags under his eyes and looks tired and worn. This may be because he slept only three hours a night and wrote his 51 books between 1:30 and 4:30 in the morn­ing.

The chant­i­ng goes on for over an hour, but I don’t feel clos­er to any­thing except extreme bore­dom. Out the win­dow, I can see the Ben­jamin Franklin High School base­ball field and, as time drags on, it looks more and more beautiful–so geo­met­ric and famil­iar. So Amer­i­can. My mind wan­ders to the Dairy Queen–to dip cones and Mr. Mistys–then back to the tem­ple, and I won­der, “What am I doing here?”

Every now and then, the incense over­whelms, the cym­bals ring in my ears, and I feel like I’m on the edge of being trans­port­ed on the edge of rev­e­la­tion. Sud­den­ly I’m afraid I’ll be sucked in and by tomor­row I’ll be down­town ped­dling books with a bad hair­cut.

From behind a cur­tain, a woman comes out and blows into a shell. The sound is deep and pri­mor­dial and for some rea­son makes me hun­gry, which reminds me why I’m real­ly here: free food. Every Sun­day, Hare Krish­nas around the world bribe peo­ple to come hear their mes­sage by offer­ing a meal, even though you could pay with your soul–which, accord­ing to the Prab­hu­pa­da, is all you’ve got.

Devap­rastha. Janar­dana. Ja Ya Ram. Bhak­ta Travis. Names that strike ter­ror into every moth­er’s heart. I think of my own moth­er and how this is her worst nightmare–me, chant­i­ng at the Hare Krish­na tem­ple, sway­ing with the rest. She was ter­ri­fied that I would stop writ­ing, stop call­ing, and show up years lat­er as Chakradara ask­ing if she want­ed to buy flow­ers.

Now I can’t help won­der­ing if she was right. How do you know when some­one is con­trol­ling your mind? How do you know when you’re being brain­washed? I feel the urge to run out and purge myself with a banana split, to lie naked in the Ben­jamin Franklin base­ball dia­mond. But I don’t. I stay and slow­ly give in to bore­dom.

GUNS, RACKETEERING, AND SEX: THE KRISHNA MAFIA

For a small orga­ni­za­tion, ISKCON has had more than its share of bad pub­lic­i­ty, and most of it was well deserved. When Prab­hu­pa­da “left” in 1977, there was a deep pow­er strug­gle over who would lead the move­ment. The 11 gurus who carved the world made up the “Gov­ern­ing Body Com­mis­sion,” which Prab­hu­pa­da set up before he died. He may or may not have appoint­ed the 11. No one knows for sure.

One thing that is cer­tain is that their unchecked pow­er was too much for most. Accord­ing to some devo­tees, 90 per­cent of Prab­hu­pada’s ini­ti­at­ed dis­ci­ples either left or were pushed out of ISKCON, so the GBC could rule unques­tioned. Hansadut­ta, the West Coast guru, start­ed stock­pil­ing weapons. Kir­tananan­da, at the “Palace of Gold” in the Appalachi­an hills of West Vir­ginia, oper­at­ed a mul­ti-mil­lion dol­lar rack­e­teer­ing oper­a­tion. There was ram­pant phys­i­cal and sex­u­al abuse in the guruku­las (the board­ing schools). At least two dis­si­dent ISKCON mem­bers were mur­dered, and there is talk of oth­ers dis­ap­pear­ing in India. All along, there have been rumors of drug smug­gling. It some­times looked like Machi­avel­li and The Prince had replaced the Krish­na and Bha­gavad Gita.

In the mid-1980s, some peo­ple went to jail for the mur­ders, a few gurus quit, and oth­ers broke away to form splin­ter groups. For a while it looked like ISKCON was self-destruc­t­ing, because “too many gurus did not want to spread Prab­hu­pada’s teach­ings, they want­ed to be Prab­hu­pa­da,” accord­ing to John Hub­n­er and Lind­say Gru­son in their book, Mon­key on a Stick. ISKCON teetered for a while, and there was talk of reform, but lit­tle came. In the mid-1990s, the pres­i­dent of the New Orleans tem­ple was found tied to a chair with his throat slit. Today, mem­ber­ship is a frac­tion of what it was.

Nori Muster worked for 10 years as ISKCON’s pub­li­cist, before quit­ting in dis­gust. She thinks the group is beyond hope.

“They don’t like to let peo­ple know there’s real­ly as much chaos as there is,” she says of ISKCON’s lead­er­ship. In 1997, Muster pub­lished her book, Betray­al of Spir­it, about her 10 years in ISKCON’s pub­lic­i­ty depart­ment.

“What you have now is just a dying thing that’s kind of lin­ger­ing,” she says. “It would take a lot for them to turn it around at this point. And that would involve being more hon­est about their his­to­ry, open­ing up more about their finances, and where they get their mon­ey from, which we still can’t fig­ure out They (the lead­ers) have access to lots of mon­ey and they chan­nel it where they want it.”

For Muster, it’s a mat­ter of the cor­rup­tion and intran­si­gence of the GBC, espe­cial­ly the core group of gurus. “They took over the orga­ni­za­tion in about 1970, and they have run it ever since. And they have run it with an iron fist.” . . . .

. . . . “They have a whole side that’s under­ground,” she says of the GBC. “I think that’s why they’re so secre­tive, and pro­tec­tive, and uncar­ing about their mem­bers. None of the mem­bers know about this stuff. Nobody knows. The younger peo­ple don’t know any­thing. And that’s the way they like it.” Muster wor­ries that this means they will be doomed to repeat ISCK­ON’s mis­takes. . . .

6. The Huff­in­g­ton Post arti­cle above dis­counts any pub­lic pro­nounce­ments by Gab­bard about But­ler being her guru. These are con­tra­dict­ed in the third embed­ded video con­tained in the post below. At around 3:45, she cred­its Chris But­ler, aka Jagad Guru Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa with being her guru.

Tul­si Gab­bard, Cult Born And Raised.

7. The views of “Swa­mi Prab­hu­pa­da” are dealt with at greater length, illus­trat­ing a con­ver­gence with Nazi phi­los­o­phy. In FTR #172, we exam­ined how aspects of Hin­du phi­los­o­phy and cul­ture were seen as dove­tail­ing with Hit­ler­ian fas­cism.

Those views are on dis­play at length and in detail in the arti­cle below.

“Swa­mi Prab­hu­pa­da: Founder Of Hare Krish­na Move­ment, And A Vir­u­lent Racist, Anti-Semi­te”
by Palash Ghosh; Inter­na­tion­al Busi­ness Times; 09/27/13.

Abhay Cha­ra­nar­avin­da Bhak­tivedan­ta Swa­mi Prab­hu­pa­da — bet­ter known as A.C. Bhak­tivedan­ta or sim­ply by the hon­orif­ic “Prab­hu­pa­da” — was a Ben­gali Indi­an Hin­du spir­i­tu­al leader who found­ed the Inter­na­tion­al Soci­ety for Krish­na Con­scious­ness, itself bet­ter known in the West as the “Hare Krish­na” move­ment. . . .

. . . . But the man who spear­head­ed the Hare Krish­na empire, Prab­hu­pa­da, espoused some very con­tro­ver­sial views that would like­ly upset, and even out­rage, those who are oth­er­wise sym­pa­thet­ic to spir­i­tu­al endeav­ors and the­ol­o­gy.

For one thing, Prab­hu­pa­da spewed vit­ri­olic racial hatred toward black/African peo­ple — repeat­ed­ly and explic­it­ly. Exam­ples of his racial big­otry are numer­ous and fre­quent­ly record­ed in lec­tures and pri­vate con­ver­sa­tions by his many devo­tees and dis­ci­ples over the decades.

Even if some of his com­ments were tak­en out of con­text (as his defend­ers and apol­o­gists some­times assert), the sheer vol­ume and mag­ni­tude of his immense big­otry can­not be ignored nor sug­ar-coat­ed.

Part of Prab­hu­pada’s hatred of blacks stemmed from his deep-seat­ed Hin­du beliefs that dark-skinned peo­ples rep­re­sent the very bot­tom of the hier­ar­chy of the human race — a direct reflec­tion of Indi­a’s ancient col­or-based caste sys­tem.

For exam­ple, in an April 1968 let­ter to a senior dis­ci­ple named Satsvaru­pa Dasa Goswa­mi (born an Ital­ian Roman Catholic in Stat­en Island named Stephen Guar­i­no), Prab­hu­pa­da wrote: “Cer­tain­ly we are not going to say these things about the Negro peo­ple pub­licly, we have no dis­tinc­tion between black or white, or demon or demigod, but at the same time, so long as one is demon or demigod, we have to behave in the prop­er way.” These words, which sug­gest­ed that blacks should be kept at a dis­tance, were uttered short­ly after the assas­si­na­tion of Mar­tin Luther King Jr.

Dur­ing a speech before a class in Los Ange­les lat­er that year, Prab­hu­pa­da told a bizarre tale of how the apart­ment he was stay­ing at in New York City had been bur­glar­ized and his type­writer and tape recorder stolen.

”When I came back [to the apart­ment] I saw the door [was] bro­ken,” Prabupha­da said. “That [build­ing] super­in­ten­dent, he was a Negro. He [had] done [it], I know that. This is [a] very com­mon case here [in Amer­i­ca].”

In a con­ver­sa­tion with devo­tees on the island of Mau­ri­tius from 1975, Prab­hu­pa­da chas­tised the gross mate­ri­al­ism of the West, while simul­ta­ne­ous­ly slur­ring black peo­ple.

“It is all [a] non­sense civ­i­liza­tion,” he declared. “A first-class Rolls Royce car, and who is sit­ting there? A third-class Negro. This is going on. You will find these things in Europe and Amer­i­ca. This is going on. A first-class car and a third-class Negro.”

Prab­hu­pa­da fre­quent­ly used the term “Negro” even though that word had fall­en out of favor in most Anglo­phone nations.

The theme of black peo­ple as cursed by God and hope­less­ly beyond redemp­tion appeared repeat­ed­ly in Prabhupada’s com­ments.

Dur­ing an ini­ti­a­tion ses­sion in Bom­bay (now called Mum­bai), he told some devotes who were prepar­ing to go to Africa: “You have got [a] good oppor­tu­ni­ty. You are going to Africa to deliv­er these per­sons ... These groups of men are con­sid­ered very fall­en … the black men … They are habit­u­at­ed to steal; there­fore they have been giv­en a sep­a­rate place, [the] African jun­gles.”

For a man who came from a coun­try col­o­nized by the British, Prab­hu­pa­da made some rather shock­ing state­ments about impe­ri­al­ism, in par­tic­u­lar as it per­tained to the Unit­ed States. In a dis­cus­sion with a dis­ci­ple named Sya­ma­sun­dara Dasa, Prab­hu­pa­da seemed to equate the Native Amer­i­cans (pejo­ra­tive­ly called “Red Indi­ans”) of North Amer­i­ca with the Sudras (the low­est-caste, dark­est-skinned Indi­ans of the Hin­du sys­tem in India).

“Sudras [black peo­ple] have no brain,” he said. “In Amer­i­ca also, the whole [of] Amer­i­ca once belonged to the Red Indi­ans. Why they could not improve? The land was there. Why [did] these for­eign­ers, the Euro­peans, came and improved [it]? So sudras can­not do this. They can­not make any [improve­ments].”

Prab­hu­pa­da appar­ent­ly also deeply embraced the myth of the “Aryan” super-race and linked the ancient peo­ples of India to Europe and the U.S. Dur­ing a talk in Aus­tralia one year pri­or to his death, Prab­hu­pa­da declared that “the Aryans spread [to] Europe also, and the Amer­i­cans, they also spread from Europe. So the intel­li­gent class of human being, they belong to the Aryans, [the] Aryan fam­i­ly. Just like [Adolph] Hitler claimed that he belonged to the Aryan fam­i­ly.”

The Swa­mi also equat­ed the Dra­vid­i­ans, that is, the dark-skinned orig­i­nal inhab­i­tants of India who now pre­dom­i­nate in the south­ern part of the coun­try, with black Africans. He also bemoaned that the Dra­vid­i­ans (black peo­ple) mixed with the Aryans (white peo­ple) through­out Indi­an his­to­ry, includ­ing in his native Ben­gal.

“In Ben­gal the … black mixed up with [the] white,” he com­plained. “In Ben­gal and Madras [now called Chen­nai, a city in South India], so many Dra­vid­i­an have been mixed up with the Aryan. There­fore in Ben­gal and Madras you’ll find many [peo­ple who are] black.”

The Dra­vid­i­ans, Prab­hu­pa­da declared, are “non-Aryans. Just like these Africans, they are not Aryans.”

Prab­hu­pa­da also appeared to warn that the race-mix­ing that occurred in India was also occur­ring in Europe and Amer­i­ca, and that it would cre­ate seri­ous prob­lems in the future.

He also held some deeply pes­simistic views about the racial con­flict in the Unit­ed States. Speak­ing in Tehran, Iran, in 1976, Prab­hu­pa­da declared, “I don’t think the Negro ques­tion [in the U.S.] is solved … The whites, they do not like the Negroes still. Wher­ev­er there are Negroes, in that [neigh­bor­hood] the whites do not go in …. Although they [black peo­ple] have been giv­en equal [rights], but at heart the whites, they do not like it. Is there any improve­ment? I don’t think [so].”

Prab­hu­pa­da also appeared to endorse seg­re­ga­tion — the sep­a­ra­tion of the races, by refer­ring to behav­ior in the ani­mal king­dom.

“[Black] crows will not like to live with the ducks and white swans,” he report­ed­ly said dur­ing a train trip in India dur­ing the final year of his life. “And white swans will not like to live with the crows. That is [a] nat­ur­al divi­sion.”

In a con­ver­sa­tion with an Amer­i­can dis­ci­ple named Rames­vara, Prab­hu­pa­da sug­gest­ed that with­out gov­ern­ment con­trol through wel­fare, black peo­ple would become “out of con­trol” and cre­ate dis­or­der in soci­ety.

“Espe­cial­ly in your coun­try [the U.S.] it will be dan­ger­ous because these blacks, if they don’t get employ­ment, they will cre­ate hav­oc, these blacks,” he said. “And they are not civ­i­lized. They want mon­ey, and if they don’t get mon­ey, then they will cre­ate hav­oc.”

In a Feb­ru­ary 1977 con­ver­sa­tion in Maya­pur, along the Ganges, Prab­hu­pa­da pon­tif­i­cat­ed on what must be done with the “blacks” (the Sudras) of India — again, equat­ing them with African-Amer­i­cans of in the U.S. Most appalling­ly, he sug­gest­ed that black peo­ple should remain in bondage.

“[The] Sudra is to be con­trolled only,” he said. “They are nev­er [to be] giv­en… free­dom. Just like in Amer­i­ca. The blacks were slaves. They were under con­trol. And since you have giv­en them equal rights they are dis­turb­ing, most dis­turb­ing, always cre­at­ing a fear­ful sit­u­a­tion, [blacks are] uncul­tured and drunk­ards. What train­ing they have got? They have got equal [rights]? [It] is best, to keep them under con­trol as slaves but give them suf­fi­cient food, suf­fi­cient [clothes], not more than that. Then they will be sat­is­fied.”

Prab­hu­pa­da also had some choice words about the Jews.

Dur­ing anoth­er con­ver­sa­tion with Rames­vara, Prab­hu­pa­da alleged that Hitler killed the Jews in Ger­many because banks in the Unit­ed States and West­ern Europe (alleged­ly con­trolled by Jews) were help­ing to finance Vladimir Lenin and the Com­mu­nist rev­o­lu­tion in Rus­sia and else­where.

“They [Jew­ish bankers] were financ­ing against [the inter­ests of] Ger­many,” Prab­hu­pa­da said. “Oth­er­wise, he [Hitler] had no enmi­ty [against] the Jews… The Jews have got mon­ey. They want to invest and get some prof­it. Their only inter­est is how to get mon­ey, [not] nation­al­ism, [not] reli­gion, noth­ing of the sort ... There­fore [William] Shake­speare wrote [of] ‘Shy­lock, the Jew.’”

Also, speak­ing in New York in March 1966, the Swa­mi declared: “Hitler was a great stu­dent of Bha­gavad-gita [clas­sic Hin­du scrip­ture]”

A devo­tee named Gopagopis­vara Dasa wrote that Prab­hu­pa­da clear­ly embraced racism and eugen­ics.

“Prab­hu­pa­da cer­tain­ly believed that there was a mas­ter human race, the Aryans, and that they were white or tan,” he wrote. “Most oth­er races, such as Africans or Native Amer­i­cans, were infe­ri­or.”

Of course, Prab­hu­pa­da would nev­er admit he was a racial­ist – at least not in the way west­ern­ers under­stand that word. He like­ly would not even under­stand the furor his remarks would have made (had they been broad­cast to a wide audi­ence, which they were not dur­ing his life­time). Con­cepts like “civ­il rights” and “human equal­i­ty” are indeed mean­ing­less to some­one like Prab­hu­pa­da who devot­ed his life almost exclu­sive­ly to ancient Vedic texts and pre­pared for the next world.

 

 

Discussion

One comment for “FTR #941 Who Is Tulsi Gabbard? (Part 1)”

  1. It’s not exact­ly new news, but it’s big news: Tul­si Gab­bard is a cult guru pup­pet. Hare Krish­na guru Chris But­ler’s pup­pet, specif­i­cal­ly. We already knew this, but it just got con­firmed in a big way thanks to a recent Wash­ing­ton Post report expos­ing the appalling extent of But­ler’s con­trol over Gab­bard dur­ing her two terms as a Demo­c­ra­t­ic mem­ber of the House from 2013–2017.

    It’s not ambigu­ous. Emails pro­vid­ed by Rebec­ca Saltzburg, a for­mer senior mem­ber of But­ler’s Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion (SIF) who was direct­ly involved in the man­age­ment of Gab­bard’s polit­i­cal per­for­mance, don’t just show the group offer­ing Gab­bard advice on mat­ters relat­ed to her office. They are effec­tive­ly orders, typ­i­cal­ly deliv­ered in mes­sages with no attri­bu­tion which for­mer fol­low­ers attribute to But­ler’s fix­a­tion on secre­cy and not leav­ing signs of his influ­ence. And as the report also makes clear, Gab­bard fol­lowed those orders. Time and again, a mes­sage demand­ing some sort of pub­lic state­ment, often with spe­cif­ic ver­biage, or a pro­posed pol­i­cy as a mem­ber of con­gress is fol­lowed by Gab­bard doing exact­ly that days or weeks lat­er.

    But But­ler’s influ­ence of Gab­bard’s polit­i­cal career was­n’t lim­it­ed to secret demands and cri­tiques from But­ler and his coterie of senior advis­ers. There was a pub­lic dimen­sion, albeit an anony­mous one: teams of SIF mem­bers ran an array of social media pro­files designed to run pro-Gab­bard mes­sages through inter­net com­ments. It was hard­ly a new tac­tic when this was tak­ing place in the 2011–2017 time frame of the email, but it showed how the man­pow­er of SIF was being deployed in ways to secret­ly assist Gab­bard’s polit­i­cal ascent and man­age her image.

    Keep in mind that Gab­bard was serv­ing as the vice chair of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee (DNC) from 2013 until she resigned in 2016 to endorse Bernie Sanders in the pres­i­den­tial pri­ma­ry. All moves But­ler pre­sum­ably ordered. We don’t know, although But­ler did report­ed­ly order her to “stay out of the pres­i­den­tial race” after it came down to Hillary Clin­ton and Don­ald Trump. And then she met with Trump in Trump Tow­er that Novem­ber, which, again, was pre­sum­ably But­ler approved. We don’t know what exact­ly he was order­ing dur­ing this peri­od, but the report makes clear he was issu­ing orders and they were being fol­lowed. Which is also a reminder that Gab­bard sure was in a great posi­tion to leak the DNC’s emails.

    Also keep in mind that the social media man­age­ment they were secret­ly doing man­u­al­ly back then is pre­sum­ably much eas­i­er to do today in the age of AI. If teams of SIF mem­bers were man­ag­ing large num­ber of social media accounts back in 2014, before Chat­G­PT exist­ed, imag­ine what they can do today? There could be thou­sands of pro-Gab­bard AI-run bots oper­at­ed by that same SIF team. And that pos­si­bil­i­ty brings us to an impor­tant detail in this report: at least sev­en of the pro-Gab­bard sock pup­pet accounts that were iden­ti­fied from the email trove were still in oper­a­tion in 2025 as Gab­bard was under­go­ing her Sen­ate con­fir­ma­tion. In oth­er words, the SIF net­work is still in oper­a­tion, and pre­sum­ably was deliv­er­ing all sorts of secret direc­tives through­out her term as the Direc­tor of Nation­al Intel­li­gence (DNI). What was But­ler demand­ing of his dis­ci­ple? We don’t know, but we can be con­fi­dent he was mak­ing those demands.

    Part of what makes the ques­tion of But­ler demand­ed of Gab­bard as DNI so intrigu­ing is that he report­ed­ly views the CIA as being behind all sorts of treach­ery includ­ing psy­chi­cal­ly In fact, it sounds like But­ler believes the CIA and oth­er spy agen­cies bugged his fam­i­ly home to mon­i­tor his father when he was a child and he has warned that the nation­al secu­ri­ty agen­cies are filled with demon­ic “pow­er-hun­gry mad­men.” Also, the spy agen­cies want­ed to use psy­chic pow­ers to con­trol peo­ple. It’s not hard to imag­ine a cult guru mak­ing such claims. What’s hard­er to imag­ine is one of his dis­ci­ples being appoint­ed the Direc­tor of Nation­al Intel­li­gence. Except it’s not hard to imag­ine. It just hap­pened. Iron­i­cal­ly, for­mer fol­low­ers of But­ler describe him as being obsessed with pol­i­tics and infused with ambi­tions to con­trol the world. There’s undoubt­ed­ly too many pow­er-hun­gry mad­men. Chris But­ler just hap­pens to be one of them.

    Which brings us to the fact that Gab­bard’s res­ig­na­tion announce­ment as DNI came two days after the WaPo informed her office they were mov­ing ahead with this sto­ry. We don’t know how But­ler has been pup­peteer­ing Gab­bard dur­ing her term as DNI but we can be con­fi­dent it was hap­pen­ing. Her super secret polit­i­cal pup­peteer­ing did­n’t just stop when Tul­si Gab­bard became one of the US’s top spies:

    The Wash­ing­ton Post

    Tul­si Gab­bard, her guru and the mys­te­ri­ous mes­sages that helped shape her polit­i­cal career

    I obtained hun­dreds of con­fi­den­tial mem­os detail­ing pol­i­tics and pol­i­cy guid­ance for Gab­bard from her years in Con­gress, then embarked on a quest to iden­ti­fy who was behind them.

    By Jon Swaine
    06/22/2026 5:00 am EDT

    The first time I spoke with Rebec­ca Saltzburg, she told me Tul­si Gab­bard was a free­thinker who took orders from no one.

    “I didn’t always agree with Tul­si on every­thing,” Saltzburg, who worked on dig­i­tal strat­e­gy for sev­er­al of Gabbard’s con­gres­sion­al cam­paigns, said in Novem­ber 2024. “But as for the core of her life and polit­i­cal path? I can vouch 100 per­cent, that is her own.”

    Saltzburg had heard I’d been ask­ing peo­ple about Chris But­ler, the eccen­tric reli­gious leader Gab­bard once described as her guru. Gab­bard grew up in Butler’s break­away Hare Krish­na group. Her par­ents held senior posi­tions in the orga­ni­za­tion. Saltzburg said that she her­self had been a mem­ber since mov­ing to Hawaii with a col­lege friend in the 1990s.

    Butler’s fol­low­ers prac­tice a form of Hin­duism that involves devo­tion to a sin­gle deity, in their case Krish­na, and cer­tain expec­ta­tions around med­i­ta­tion, yoga and diet.

    Some for­mer mem­bers, how­ev­er, have called the group a cult and said dis­ci­ples were iso­lat­ed from the out­side world, char­ac­ter­i­za­tions the group has denied. For­mer devo­tees had been telling me for weeks that But­ler con­trolled his fol­low­ers’ major life deci­sions and demand­ed total obe­di­ence and secre­cy. They said he spent years work­ing to extend his reach into pol­i­tics — and they sus­pect­ed Gabbard’s rise in Wash­ing­ton was the cul­mi­na­tion of that effort.

    Now that Gab­bard, a for­mer Demo­c­ra­t­ic con­gress­woman, had been picked by Pres­i­dent-elect Don­ald Trump to be direc­tor of nation­al intel­li­gence, I want­ed to under­stand: Just how much influ­ence did But­ler have on her?

    Not much, Saltzburg told me in that first con­ver­sa­tion. She also played down the impor­tance of Butler’s orga­ni­za­tion, the Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion (SIF). “I don’t even real­ly see it as a real group,” she said.

    Nine months lat­er, Saltzburg, then 53, got back in touch. This time, she had a dif­fer­ent sto­ry to tell. She didn’t want to say much on a reg­u­lar phone line, so we switched to an encrypt­ed mes­sag­ing app.

    Saltzburg told me she had worked for But­ler as a sec­re­tary in the 1990s, and lived for a time with Gabbard’s par­ents and oth­er devo­tees in a rent­ed prop­er­ty. She said she had recent­ly fall­en out with the lead­ers of SIF, who she believed were mis­han­dling alle­ga­tions of phys­i­cal and sex­u­al abuse by some mem­bers of the orga­ni­za­tion. A few months ear­li­er, she said, she had been arrest­ed for briefly hous­ing a teenage run­away who alleged abuse by a par­ent asso­ci­at­ed with the group. Saltzburg claimed SIF mem­bers had engi­neered her arrest.

    It all seemed a lit­tle con­spir­a­to­r­i­al and hard to fol­low, and I was deep into anoth­er sto­ry. But there was a minor mys­tery that had been nag­ging at me since I had looked into SIF the pre­vi­ous year, a name I’d stum­bled on deep with­in some records.

    “One ques­tion,” I wrote to Saltzburg last Sep­tem­ber. “Do you know what Nine Isles is?”

    Her answer sur­prised me, and it sent me on a near­ly year-long quest to bet­ter under­stand Gab­bard, who left office last week.

    Saltzburg told me NineIsles.com was an email domain used by Butler’s office, one reserved for his sec­re­taries and select dis­ci­ples. She said she her­self had received emails from Nine Isles address­es when she worked on Gabbard’s cam­paigns.

    She thought she had delet­ed most of them, she said. But when Saltzburg logged into an old Gmail account, she found hun­dreds of emails from her SIF days, many from Nine Isles accounts. She shared some with me.

    Their con­tent was extra­or­di­nary.

    Dozens of attached mem­os appeared to doc­u­ment direc­tives and advice for Gab­bard from her time in Con­gress. Some con­tained instruc­tions on what leg­is­la­tion she should pro­pose, which poli­cies she should embrace and how she should con­duct her­self on tele­vi­sion. They had an air of author­i­ty.

    A memo about a pro­pos­al to par­ti­tion war-torn Iraq into three states quot­ed an unnamed per­son as say­ing it was “time for TG to come up with this idea.”

    Some of the lan­guage was harsh­ly crit­i­cal. One memo I found, from Jan­u­ary 2015, con­tained a deri­sive assess­ment of a state­ment Gab­bard was to give in response to Pres­i­dent Barack Obama’s annu­al address to Con­gress.

    “In the first place, nobody gives a shit what you think about his State of the Union speech, unless you’re going to say some­thing of inter­est,” the memo quot­ed some­one as say­ing. “You’re not even try­ing. You’ve become real­ly intel­lec­tu­al­ly lazy.”

    ...

    I noticed that Gab­bard for the most part was not list­ed as a recip­i­ent of these emails, though many went to peo­ple around her, includ­ing her par­ents. The attached mem­os appeared to be tran­scripts, often frag­men­tary, of spo­ken remarks or con­ver­sa­tions.

    Some of the mem­os had file names that includ­ed “Call with TG” and attrib­uted remarks to Gab­bard, while in oth­ers the spo­ken remarks referred to Gab­bard in third per­son. But the main speak­er in each memo — the per­son who appeared to be issu­ing direc­tives and some­times cas­ti­gat­ing Gab­bard — wasn’t named. There was sim­ply no attri­bu­tion or men­tion of who they were.

    When I asked Saltzburg about this, she seemed amused. It was But­ler, of course, she said. No one else could speak to Gab­bard like that, she added. Saltzburg said the mem­os were unat­trib­uted pre­cise­ly to mask Butler’s iden­ti­ty if they ever became pub­lic.

    Saltzburg kept search­ing her email and social media accounts, and send­ing doc­u­ments. Even­tu­al­ly, the files she shared ran to more than 25,000 pages, includ­ing hun­dreds of mem­os reflect­ing guid­ance for Gab­bard between 2011 and 2017, most from her first two terms in Con­gress.

    In the months to come, the doc­u­ments would reveal that some of the same SIF mem­bers who received the mem­os were involved in a sep­a­rate effort that used fake social media accounts to boost and defend Gab­bard online.

    None of this, how­ev­er, would turn out to be straight­for­ward. One per­son close to both Gab­bard and But­ler would claim the words in the mem­os that focused on pol­i­tics were not Butler’s. SIF’s pres­i­dent would decline to answer my ques­tions, say­ing they were based on false premis­es. Gabbard’s team, with­out address­ing specifics, would attack my report­ing as ampli­fy­ing “hos­til­i­ty against her Hin­du faith.”

    And Saltzburg’s his­to­ry with SIF would be messier than it first appeared.

    But before all of that occurred, I com­pared the con­tent of the mem­os against Gabbard’s record in the House and I found unmis­tak­able par­al­lels. The main speak­er in a 2014 memo pressed for her to pro­pose leg­is­la­tion penal­iz­ing coun­tries with cit­i­zens who had fought for the Islam­ic State, and to issue a state­ment about it.

    “Get it start­ed in the morn­ing,” the per­son said. “You need to be the leader in this regard. Don’t dick around.” I found that Gab­bard released a state­ment the fol­low­ing day. A week after that, she intro­duced a bill in the House.

    An Oct. 12, 2015, memo labeled “CNN Wolf Blitzer Talk­ing points (Final)” con­tained this lan­guage about reports that she had been asked by Demo­c­ra­t­ic lead­er­ship not to attend a pres­i­den­tial debate: “It’s not a ‘boohoo, I don’t get to go to the par­ty’ sit­u­a­tion, Wolf.” I dug up the clip of her appear­ance that day and found that she had used the line almost ver­ba­tim: “The issue here is not about me say­ing boo-hoo, I’m going to miss the par­ty.”

    The lim­it­ed remarks attrib­uted to Gab­bard in the mem­os appeared to show her enthu­si­as­ti­cal­ly embrac­ing the guid­ance. “TG: That’s per­fect, that line right there,” said one tran­script labeled “Iraq notes — call.” A line attrib­uted to “TG” in anoth­er tran­script said, “That’s a great way to put it.”

    The doc­u­ments, togeth­er with Saltzburg’s expla­na­tion of them, raised remark­able ques­tions: Had a reclu­sive guru been secret­ly try­ing to steer Gabbard’s actions as a pub­lic offi­cial? And could that shed light on the improb­a­ble arc traced by one of the most uncon­ven­tion­al shape-shifters in mod­ern Amer­i­can pol­i­tics?

    ...

    Gab­bard, 45, was asked by one of my Wash­ing­ton Post col­leagues in 2019 whether But­ler had men­tored her polit­i­cal­ly. Her answer was emphat­ic: “No, no, not at all.”

    Either way, I thought, the doc­u­ments sug­gest­ed that some­one had been telling Gab­bard what to do. And at least in the few cas­es I had looked at, she appeared to have done it.

    ...

    The son of a rad­i­cal left-wing physi­cian, But­ler began teach­ing Krish­naism and med­i­ta­tion after drop­ping out of the Uni­ver­si­ty of Hawaii in the late 1960s. Tall, lean and charis­mat­ic, he attract­ed devot­ed fol­low­ers who believed that he was in direct com­mu­ni­ca­tion with Krish­na. In 1970, two devo­tees told a reporter for the Hon­olu­lu Adver­tis­er that they would do any­thing But­ler asked, includ­ing kill them­selves.

    I found But­ler had said in a 1975 pam­phlet that “inept politi­cians should be removed from their seats.” He sug­gest­ed they be replaced by what he called “saint­ly per­sons.”

    The fol­low­ing year, a new polit­i­cal par­ty, Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment, sprung up in Hawaii with 14 can­di­dates for fed­er­al, state and local offices, records show. IGG claimed to be non­sec­tar­i­an.

    None of the IGG can­di­dates won their elec­tions. After­ward, an inves­ti­ga­tion by the Adver­tis­er con­clud­ed that sev­er­al were But­ler fol­low­ers, and all were Krish­na devo­tees.

    When asked by the news­pa­per why he and the oth­ers “ke[pt] qui­et about the Krish­na con­nec­tion,” one can­di­date, Bill Penaroza, report­ed­ly said: “It was a prac­ti­cal prob­lem. Most peo­ple would mis­un­der­stand it.” It’s not clear from Adver­tis­er sto­ries how or whether But­ler respond­ed to the newspaper’s find­ings.

    In 1977, But­ler for­mal­ly incor­po­rat­ed his own orga­ni­za­tion and even­tu­al­ly set­tled on the SIF name. His teach­ings belonged to no polit­i­cal tribe: He inveighed against Mus­lims, homo­sex­u­al­i­ty, gun con­trol and pub­lic schools, but also pro­mot­ed envi­ron­men­tal­ism and anti-cap­i­tal­ism.

    Among Butler’s dis­ci­ples were Mike and Car­ol Gab­bard, who moved to Hawaii in the ear­ly 1980s with their chil­dren, includ­ing young Tul­si. Mike Gab­bard for a time also over­saw Butler’s per­son­al affairs — until he was fired for laps­es that includ­ed fail­ing to ensure a sup­ply of fresh man­goes for Butler’s break­fasts, accord­ing to an inter­nal SIF memo.

    In the ear­ly 1990s, the Gab­bards stepped into the polit­i­cal spot­light. With SIF’s back­ing, the fam­i­ly launched a force­ful cam­paign against same-sex mar­riage in Hawaii. It includ­ed a TV ad that fea­tured Tul­si, then a teenag­er, and that warned legal­iza­tion would lead to peo­ple mar­ry­ing their dogs. (Tul­si lat­er declared her sup­port for same-sex mar­riage and apol­o­gized for her past stance.)

    Car­ol Gab­bard, who has described her­self as Hin­du, was elect­ed to the Hawaii state edu­ca­tion board in a non­par­ti­san con­test in 2000. She acknowl­edged on an ethics form that she served as SIF’s sec­re­tary, but nei­ther she nor her hus­band has said much pub­licly about their asso­ci­a­tion with the group. Mike Gab­bard, who has said he is Catholic, ran for a seat in the state Sen­ate as a Repub­li­can six years lat­er and then defect­ed to the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty once in office.

    Tul­si Gab­bard, mean­while, was elect­ed to the state leg­is­la­ture in 2002. She then deployed to Iraq with the Army Nation­al Guard and, after a short stint on the Hon­olu­lu City Coun­cil, was elect­ed to the House in 2012. She took the oath of office on the Bha­gavad-Gita and has said she was proud to be the first Hin­du Amer­i­can mem­ber of Con­gress.

    ...

    I also drove to the home of Kain­oa Penaroza, a for­mer Gab­bard chief of staff and, for­mer SIF mem­bers say, a But­ler devo­tee. He is also the son of the 1976 IGG can­di­date Bill Penaroza.

    A fam­i­ly mem­ber answered the door and said Penaroza wasn’t home. Lat­er that day, Penaroza post­ed images of me from his door­bell cam­era to X. Penaroza wrote that I had flown to Hawaii to “harass and stalk” for­mer Gab­bard staffers.

    “This is creepy, wrong, and dis­turb­ing,” he wrote.

    Gabbard’s account repost­ed Penaroza’s tweet to her more than 3 mil­lion fol­low­ers. Trump’s “War Room” account shared it, too.

    Nine Isles first cropped up a few weeks lat­er.

    I was try­ing to fig­ure out who was behind the com­pa­ny that had bought an Okla­homa home from Gab­bard in 2012, a sale that Brown had noticed came just before Gab­bard made $98,000 in loans to her first con­gres­sion­al cam­paign. I was deep down a rab­bit hole of Aus­tralian cor­po­rate records when I came across an email address end­ing in “@nineisles.com.”

    A Google search of “@nineisles.com” fetched just one result, but it made me sit up in my chair.

    It was a site that list­ed people’s con­tact details, based on infor­ma­tion har­vest­ed from the web, and it con­nect­ed the email domain to a “Sunil Khe­maney.”

    I knew that name. For­mer SIF mem­bers had told me Khe­maney was Butler’s “right-hand man.” News reports described him as a fundrais­er or advis­er to Gab­bard. I had seen one report that Gab­bard, speak­ing at an event for an Indi­an polit­i­cal par­ty in 2014, likened Khe­maney to an uncle.

    Dig­ging around more, I learned that “Nine Islands” in Hin­di is Navad­vipa, a city in India’s West Ben­gal region that serves as a pil­grim­age site for Hare Krish­na devo­tees. It was intrigu­ing, and it made me won­der whether SIF and per­haps But­ler were more deeply involved in Gabbard’s polit­i­cal life than was pub­licly known.

    But I had reached a dead end — until Saltzburg got back in touch in August 2025 to air her con­cerns about SIF.

    Many of the emails she shared had come from please.confirm@nineisles.com. Some were signed with ini­tials that cor­re­spond­ed to the names of peo­ple Saltzburg iden­ti­fied as But­ler sec­re­taries. The emails typ­i­cal­ly includ­ed the mem­os as attach­ments but lit­tle else.

    Saltzburg told me But­ler did not use a com­put­er. Instead, he deliv­ered his advice for Gab­bard ver­bal­ly, she said, some­times to her direct­ly over the phone and oth­er times to his sec­re­taries or oth­er fol­low­ers. The sec­re­taries tran­scribed his remarks and turned them into mem­os.

    It was clear from the doc­u­ments that the emails, with the mem­os attached, were often sent to a small group of peo­ple, in vary­ing per­mu­ta­tions, who I knew from my report­ing were close to both But­ler and Gab­bard. They includ­ed Saltzburg, Gabbard’s par­ents and a few oth­er devo­tees. Saltzburg said this group was known as Butler’s “polit­i­cal team.”

    One fre­quent recip­i­ent was Alli­son Hoen. Saltzburg told me Hoen was the col­lege friend with whom she had moved to Hawaii in the 1990s and was, in the years the emails were sent, Butler’s top aide. Hoen was also mar­ried dur­ing that peri­od to Khe­maney, court records show.

    Accord­ing to Saltzburg, every­one who received the mem­os knew that the voice behind them was Butler’s. They spoke about it open­ly but had been told by But­ler to avoid writ­ing his name down, she said.

    The attach­ments to emails sent from the please.confirm account were encrypt­ed — anoth­er mea­sure intend­ed to pre­serve secre­cy, accord­ing to Saltzburg. With her help, I was able to read the decrypt­ed files.

    I dove in. I want­ed to deter­mine how often Gab­bard fol­lowed the advice they record­ed and whether Saltzburg’s asser­tion that But­ler was the speak­er could be ver­i­fied.

    ...

    The mem­os cov­ered a dizzy­ing range of mat­ters. I found a 173-page dossier from 2014 titled “TG Issues.” It com­piled advice for Gab­bard on dozens of top­ics — from tax­es to the mys­te­ri­ous dis­ap­pear­ance that year of Malaysia Air­lines Flight 370 and more. The doc­u­ment was pep­pered with imper­a­tives. “Start intro­duc­ing bills,” it said on one issue. “Need to get on it and hit hard. Stop being weak,” it said on anoth­er.

    Syr­ia was the sub­ject of many of the mem­os, includ­ing one from August 2016 that doc­u­ment­ed tac­ti­cal advice on one of Gabbard’s sig­na­ture poli­cies: pre­vent­ing the Unit­ed States from oust­ing then-Syr­i­an dic­ta­tor Bashar al-Assad.

    The memo quot­ed an unnamed advis­er say­ing she should reit­er­ate her oppo­si­tion to U.S. inter­ven­tion in Syria’s civ­il war, even as a shock­ing image of a wound­ed 5‑year-old made head­lines. “The CIA is the one that start­ed this thing,” the per­son said.

    Gab­bard made that claim pub­licly three years lat­er.

    As I exam­ined the doc­u­ment, eight months after Gabbard’s con­fir­ma­tion as direc­tor of nation­al intel­li­gence, I found it strik­ing that such deep sus­pi­cion of U.S. intel­li­gence appeared to have been fed to some­one who would lat­er coor­di­nate the CIA, the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Agency and more than a dozen sim­i­lar agen­cies.

    But­ler had expressed sim­i­lar skep­ti­cism of the nation­al secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ment. I had been read­ing SIF tran­scripts of his lec­tures, an archive of near­ly 7,000 pages that a for­mer mem­ber had shared with me. But­ler claimed the CIA and oth­er spy agen­cies had bugged his fam­i­ly home to mon­i­tor his father when he was a child. In one lec­ture, he warned the agen­cies were filled with demon­ic “pow­er-hun­gry mad­men” and want­ed to use psy­chic pow­ers to con­trol peo­ple.

    Read­ing over the doc­u­ments, I found more on Syr­ia, includ­ing a direc­tive Hoen sent to one of Gabbard’s per­son­al email accounts in 2014.

    “IMPORTANT TO DO: must tweet around 9am,” said the sub­ject line. It con­tained a pre-writ­ten tweet, with a link to a video, on the plight of Kur­dish fight­ers in the city of Kobane, which was under siege by the Islam­ic State.

    “Every word of the tweet lan­guage is approved,” Hoen wrote. She added lat­er that Gab­bard should tag senior Oba­ma admin­is­tra­tion offi­cials in iden­ti­cal fol­low-up posts. “He’d like them to see the video,” she wrote. Once again, “he” was not iden­ti­fied.

    I checked Gabbard’s page on Twit­ter, now known as X. I saw that she had post­ed the tweet ver­ba­tim that day and fol­lowed up with posts tag­ging the senior offi­cials. Then she emailed Hoen.

    “Sent tweet,” Gab­bard wrote.

    ...

    With Post col­league Aaron Schaf­fer, I com­pared Gabbard’s remarks in 32 TV inter­views between 2014 and 2016 with the talk­ing-points mem­os intend­ed for them. On 24 occa­sions, Gab­bard used lan­guage in the mem­os almost ver­ba­tim. In the eight oth­er instances, Gab­bard used dif­fer­ent words but pro­mot­ed some of the same ideas.

    The mem­os reflect­ed exact­ing judg­ment of Gabbard’s per­for­mances. The same unnamed speak­er who vent­ed about the “eye thing” also crit­i­cized her for seem­ing insin­cere, accord­ing to the tran­script of those remarks. “It’s like she’s try­ing to express some­thing, arti­fi­cial­ly. I don’t feel any­thing from her,” the speak­er com­plained. “It’s more like kind of remem­ber­ing talk­ing points.”

    Anoth­er memo, cir­cu­lat­ed to mem­bers of the team on the eve of a Fox News inter­view, doc­u­ment­ed a 75-minute call between an unnamed per­son and Gab­bard that went until 10:46 p.m. in Wash­ing­ton, accord­ing to a tran­script. “Now all you need is a good night’s sleep, know­ing that no mat­ter how bad­ly you f— it up, that me and Krish­na still love you,” the unnamed advis­er told her.

    ...

    As Gab­bard, then 33, began her sec­ond con­gres­sion­al term in 2015, the unnamed speak­er in one memo advised that “your posi­tion in gen­er­al” should be to offer an alter­na­tive to oth­er can­di­dates in the “dis­hon­est Demo­c­ra­t­ic par­ty.” Gab­bard is not named in the memo, but the file name has “TG” in it.

    Gab­bard ulti­mate­ly did not run for pres­i­dent that year and instead endorsed Sanders.

    As the gen­er­al elec­tion race got under­way, tran­scripts show, an unnamed advis­er spoke admir­ing­ly about Trump’s cam­paign mes­sag­ing. In one, the unnamed speak­er said Trump had staked out the kind of mav­er­ick posi­tion that Gab­bard might have tak­en.

    “This is right up your ally [sic],” the speak­er said about some of Trump’s remarks on “Islam­ic extrem­ists” in Amer­i­ca. “Too bad you’re not run­ning. It’s all falling into place, but for the wrong guy. Now Trump is going to be the one, and he’s a total idiot.”

    Mem­os sent before Trump entered pol­i­tics sug­gest­ed an affin­i­ty for some of the ideas he would lat­er adopt. In two of them, an unnamed advis­er said the gov­ern­ment need­ed to think “Amer­i­ca first,” which famous­ly became a slo­gan of Trump’s move­ment. Anoth­er rec­om­mend­ed occu­py­ing inner cities with the Nation­al Guard.

    Dur­ing the 2016 cam­paign, But­ler devo­tees researched senior Trump advis­ers, includ­ing Stephen Miller and Lt. Gen. Michael Fly­nn, emails show.

    In July of 2016, Gab­bard deliv­ered the nom­i­nat­ing speech for Sanders at the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Con­ven­tion in Philadel­phia. It was a break­out moment for her, plac­ing her in the nation­al spot­light as a ris­ing star — how­ev­er briefly — in the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Party’s pro­gres­sive wing.

    Lat­er that sum­mer, Gab­bard said that she would vote for Hillary Clin­ton, by then the Demo­c­ra­t­ic nom­i­nee. That evening, a memo shows, an unnamed speak­er advised against shar­ing a Face­book post that was crit­i­cal of Trump — an unusu­al move for a Demo­c­ra­t­ic mem­ber of Con­gress. “Just stay out of the pres­i­den­tial race,” the speak­er in the memo said.

    After Trump won in Novem­ber 2016, Gab­bard shocked Democ­rats by meet­ing him at Trump Tow­er.

    Hun­dreds of oth­er doc­u­ments in Saltzburg’s trove told the sto­ry of the effort to inflate the appear­ance of pub­lic sup­port for Gab­bard on social media and in the com­ments sec­tions of news web­sites.

    Cen­tral to the com­ment­ing effort were dozens of social media accounts that were anonymized, and oth­er accounts that one doc­u­ment referred to as “pseu­do­nym pro­files,” which dis­played fake names. Some of those fea­tured bogus biogra­phies, includ­ing false edu­ca­tion and job his­to­ries, or avatar pho­tographs copied from else­where online, accord­ing to a report cir­cu­lat­ed among But­ler devo­tees at the time.

    The doc­u­ments show, for instance, that pro­files for “Sandy Thomas” and “Jere­my K” were actu­al­ly con­trolled by some­one named Anna. “James Cade” — a pur­port­ed father, gui­tar play­er, wood­work­er and tree planter — was a woman named Becky. And accounts for a “Jason” and a “Sara” were both con­trolled by a per­son named Ellen. The three peo­ple behind the accounts did not respond to my ques­tions.

    Saltzburg told me she had a promi­nent role in the project, at times effec­tive­ly lead­ing it.

    ...

    Saltzburg allowed me to view emails and Skype mes­sages where she advised mem­bers of the com­ment­ing group on how to keep their efforts from being detect­ed. “When­ev­er pos­si­ble, use different/anonymous names for new accounts,” she wrote in one memo. For each post they made about Gab­bard, they were to make two that were not about her. And if they lived abroad, they should use encrypt­ed ser­vices to mask their loca­tions.

    The group ener­get­i­cal­ly com­ment­ed on sto­ries about Gab­bard on the web­sites of the Hon­olu­lu Star-Adver­tis­er, Hawaii’s biggest news­pa­per, and Hon­olu­lu Civ­il Beat, a non­prof­it news orga­ni­za­tion. The effort grew to include oth­er pub­li­ca­tions, along with posts about Gab­bard on social plat­forms includ­ing Face­book, Twit­ter, Red­dit and Medi­um.

    Some­times, Gab­bard her­self appeared to weigh in. In group chats, mes­sages from her per­son­al Skype account flagged online arti­cles and social media posts as war­rant­i­ng replies. Some of those mes­sages dic­tat­ed what the com­ments should say and chid­ed the group if it failed to defend her.

    “Why didn’t we get our talk­ers to com­ment?” a mes­sage from her account asked in one chat, after no one replied to a 2018 arti­cle about what it called her “loony for­eign pol­i­cy posi­tions.”

    ...

    Gab­bard con­tributed to Skype group chats where the use of pseu­do­ny­mous pro­files in the com­ment­ing effort was explic­it­ly dis­cussed, but it’s not clear from the chats whether she was aware of them. One mes­sage sug­gest­ed to me that she may have been. In Sep­tem­ber 2014, Gab­bard emailed Saltzburg from her con­gres­sion­al account to rec­om­mend adding an avatar to a Twit­ter account Saltzburg was using in the com­ment­ing oper­a­tion. “The egg shape icon is a red flag that it’s not a real account,” Gab­bard wrote.

    The effort appears to have been over­seen by a per­son occa­sion­al­ly referred to by the team as “he” or “him,” or some­times “our friend,” mes­sages show. Some­times, com­menters referred to the per­son as “S.” Accord­ing to Saltzburg and four oth­er for­mer mem­bers, “S” is a short­hand for But­ler, who is known as Sri­la Prab­hu­pa­da and Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa. (Often, ref­er­ences to But­ler also include the title “Jagad Guru,” which means spir­i­tu­al teacher.)

    In Octo­ber 2014, the com­menters feared reporters were about to expose their use of bogus pro­files. A flur­ry of mem­os shows an unnamed per­son — an indi­vid­ual referred to as “our friend” — demand­ing answers from lead­ers of the com­ment­ing group about poten­tial weak­ness­es in the biogra­phies, includ­ing one that claimed the user attend­ed the Uni­ver­si­ty of Hawaii, Butler’s alma mater. The per­son instruct­ed Hoen to search the university’s online direc­to­ry to see if it was com­plete, in which case reporters could use the absence of the fake name to dis­prove the atten­dance claim. “See if my name is in it,” accord­ing to a tran­script.

    “I found Kurt But­ler, but not Kris or Chris But­ler,” Hoen replied.

    ...

    The mem­os told devo­tees how to defend Gab­bard, SIF and But­ler online, and pro­vid­ed them with lan­guage to use in their posts. Lead­ers of the com­ment­ing group “sent up” reports, some­times dai­ly, on com­ments they had post­ed. The reports were then sent back, from a Nine Isles address, unsigned but anno­tat­ed with com­men­tary — often scathing — about the qual­i­ty of the work.

    In a memo sug­gest­ing com­ments for the Fox News web­site, the unnamed speak­er warned that since reg­u­lar inter­net users “speak stu­pid­ly,” the group would need to dumb down approved posts to make them sound authen­tic. “I’m too smart, so it looks like it’s the same guy, a smart guy writ­ing some­thing here,” the speak­er said. “Want to make some of the com­ments stu­pid­er too, like idiot talk rather than all thought­ful.”

    A sep­a­rate memo, after some­one on Face­book ques­tioned Gabbard’s cre­den­tials as a mil­i­tary expert, doc­u­ment­ed a com­plaint from an unnamed speak­er that the com­menters “didn’t f—ing do any­thing.”

    “Why the hell did this go on and we don’t have any of our peo­ple respond­ing, defend­ing TG?” the speak­er said. Records show that a bogus account then post­ed a defense of Gab­bard using points the speak­er had sug­gest­ed.

    And in a phone call, a per­son who was not iden­ti­fied harsh­ly crit­i­cized Gab­bard for allow­ing neg­a­tive com­ments to sit uncon­test­ed on her offi­cial Face­book page, accord­ing to a tran­script.

    “Could you please explain that to me?” the per­son asked.

    “I don’t have an expla­na­tion,” she replied.

    ...

    In March, I wrote detailed let­ters to But­ler, Gab­bard and Khe­maney, out­lin­ing the mem­os I had seen and what I had been told about them. Under­stand­ing that But­ler doesn’t use a com­put­er and has no email address, I sent the let­ter meant for him to SIF Pres­i­dent Jean­nie Bish­op.

    Nei­ther Gab­bard nor her spokes­woman answered my ques­tions. Instead, the spokes­woman urged me to drop the sto­ry. “I can­not imag­ine WaPo’s read­ers would be inter­est­ed in yet anoth­er uncred­i­ble, big­ot­ed attack on the DNI’s faith,” she wrote.

    Bish­op sent a let­ter say­ing that SIF would not answer my spe­cif­ic ques­tions because they includ­ed “many embed­ded premis­es and char­ac­ter­i­za­tions that we do not accept.” She did not spec­i­fy what she was dis­put­ing. She asked, though, that I make clear But­ler “was fol­low­ing a dif­fer­ent spir­i­tu­al path” in 1970, when fol­low­ers told a reporter they would kill them­selves for him. Two years lat­er, he was ini­ti­at­ed as a dis­ci­ple of the Hare Krish­na movement’s founder and “began a fun­da­men­tal­ly dif­fer­ent chap­ter of his life,” Bish­op wrote.

    A vice pres­i­dent at a Man­hat­tan-based pub­lic rela­tions firm also con­tact­ed me on SIF’s behalf. He agreed to speak if he was not iden­ti­fied in the sto­ry, and he pro­vid­ed me with a state­ment: “Hindu­pho­bia, anti-Hin­du reli­gious big­otry, that’s all this is,” the state­ment said. “When a Hin­du pub­lic fig­ure has a spir­i­tu­al teacher or shares views with a Hin­du reli­gious fig­ure, that alone is some­how evi­dence of sin­is­ter con­trol.”

    The state­ment claimed that the source of the sto­ry — Saltzburg — was a “mali­cious liar.”

    ...

    While attack­ing Saltzburg’s moti­va­tions, SIF did not ques­tion the authen­tic­i­ty of any of the mate­r­i­al she shared with me. I sent Gabbard’s par­ents and Hoen let­ters with detailed descrip­tions of and ques­tions about the doc­u­ments I had stud­ied. None of them replied.

    But then I heard from Khe­maney. He offered an expla­na­tion that sur­prised me. In ret­ro­spect, per­haps I should have antic­i­pat­ed it.

    Khe­maney claimed that he, not But­ler, was behind most of the mem­os.

    “The vast major­i­ty of these mate­ri­als from more than a decade ago came from me and oth­er advis­ers, includ­ing her father, State Sen. Mike Gab­bard. I worked with Con­gress­woman Gab­bard on media, speech­es, and pol­i­cy mes­sag­ing over many years,” Khe­maney told me in an email. “One or two may have come from Chris But­ler, specif­i­cal­ly regard­ing the teach­ings of the Bha­gavad-gita, Hin­duism, and the Vedic guru sys­tem.”

    Then Khe­maney said some­thing that high­light­ed how the unusu­al nature of the mem­os made his asser­tion hard to assess. “There is no evi­dence sup­port­ing the claim that this body of work can be attrib­uted to Chris But­ler,” he said. “File names, short­hand, and selec­tive excerpts do not estab­lish author­ship.”

    I thanked Khe­maney and asked him to spec­i­fy which man had writ­ten which mem­os. He did not reply. I asked again a cou­ple of weeks lat­er. He still didn’t respond.

    Sev­er­al things I had noticed over the past 18 months — about the doc­u­ments, SIF and the organization’s unortho­dox ways of com­mu­ni­cat­ing — seemed at odds with Khemaney’s expla­na­tion.

    Deep with­in the 173-page com­pi­la­tion of pol­i­cy advice for Gab­bard, in a sec­tion on immi­gra­tion and jobs, was a rem­i­nis­cence about work­ing as a teenag­er in Hawaii. But­ler grew up in Hawaii. Nei­ther Khe­maney nor Mike Gab­bard was raised there.

    Oth­er mem­os con­tained far more direct indi­ca­tions of author­ship. In a March 2015 dis­cus­sion about whether Gab­bard should reveal in a press inter­view that she was a But­ler dis­ci­ple, the speak­er expressed con­cern that she would be made to answer for Butler’s past con­tro­ver­sies.

    “Every­thing I have taught, said, lec­tures is going to all be laid on you. So that’s my con­cern,” the advis­er said.

    There were oth­ers like that. Even­tu­al­ly I found the advis­er appeared to iden­ti­fy him­self as But­ler in 19 mem­os. Per­haps unsur­pris­ing­ly, those mem­os tend­ed to be about Gabbard’s faith — where the iden­ti­ty of her guru was an inevitable talk­ing point — rather than mat­ters of pol­i­tics or pol­i­cy.

    Noth­ing in those doc­u­ments dis­tin­guished them from the hun­dreds of oth­ers where the unnamed advis­er did not self-iden­ti­fy. If, as Khe­maney claimed, these files con­tained a mix of advice from dif­fer­ent peo­ple includ­ing him­self and Mike Gab­bard, how were the recip­i­ents to know whose advice they were read­ing? A more log­i­cal expla­na­tion, it seemed, was that there was only one unnamed advis­er.

    Oth­er clues point­ed toward But­ler, too. In a hand­ful of the doc­u­ments, team mem­bers referred to requests from “S,” the nick­name for But­ler. Despite his first ini­tial being S, Khe­maney is wide­ly known with­in SIF as “Syd,” accord­ing to doc­u­ments and for­mer mem­bers. Syd is an abbre­vi­a­tion of Sya­ma­sun­dara Das, the “ini­ti­ate name” he was giv­en when he became a But­ler dis­ci­ple, accord­ing to for­mer mem­bers. One memo I found about a SIF legal issue was addressed from Syd to S, indi­cat­ing they are dif­fer­ent peo­ple.

    ...

    The anonymi­ty in the mem­os was in keep­ing with the secre­cy that for­mer SIF mem­bers told me But­ler demand­ed. By con­trast, Khe­maney open­ly advised Gab­bard when she was in Con­gress. He accom­pa­nied her on offi­cial trips and on the cam­paign trail. He car­ried a Gab­bard cam­paign busi­ness card. Sim­i­lar­ly, Gab­bard and her father had spo­ken can­did­ly about their polit­i­cal dis­cus­sions and dis­agree­ments. I could see in Saltzburg’s doc­u­ments that Khe­maney and Gabbard’s father both open­ly emailed Gab­bard about pol­i­tics. So why would they in oth­er moments shield their pri­vate advice to her behind anonymi­ty and encrypt­ed doc­u­ments?

    ...

    There were peo­ple in Butler’s inner cir­cle from that peri­od who prob­a­bly knew the truth. Almost all ignored my calls, and none agreed to speak. I expand­ed my search to ear­li­er years, for peo­ple who might have known how Butler’s office oper­at­ed, even if they weren’t present for Gabbard’s rise.

    I spoke with a fam­i­ly mem­ber of one of the can­di­dates who had run for Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment in 1976. She said she feared ret­ri­bu­tion from SIF and agreed to talk with me as long as I didn’t pub­lish her name. She told me that But­ler had advised the IGG can­di­dates while work­ing to hide his con­nec­tions to them, and that he avoid­ed writ­ten com­mu­ni­ca­tions, instead using inter­me­di­aries to deliv­er his cam­paign advice. She said But­ler was obsessed with pol­i­tics.

    He want­ed, she said, “to rule the world.”

    The time frame of doc­u­ments we reviewed meant they could not show whether Gab­bard con­tin­ued receiv­ing guid­ance after she left Con­gress and even­tu­al­ly joined the Trump admin­is­tra­tion. But I found echoes of years-old guid­ance in her more recent remarks. One phrase in par­tic­u­lar stood out.

    In 2014, Hoen emailed Gab­bard a state­ment for post­ing online that said Gab­bard made every deci­sion through the prism of “the safe­ty, secu­ri­ty, and free­dom of the Amer­i­can peo­ple.” She repeat­ed that phrase in the first para­graph of her 2024 mem­oir, and after she was nom­i­nat­ed by Trump, Gab­bard made it her mantra, using it in her Sen­ate con­fir­ma­tion hear­ing, her inau­gur­al state­ment as DNI, her pre­sen­ta­tion of this year’s annu­al threat assess­ment and many oth­er occa­sions.

    On May 20, hav­ing received no answers from Gab­bard to my ques­tions for two months, I emailed her, her press sec­re­tary and her chief of staff. I let them know we planned to pro­ceed with a sto­ry about her asso­ci­a­tion with But­ler. I again invit­ed Gab­bard to address my ques­tions.

    _Two days lat­er, Fox News report­ed that Gab­bard — whose depar­ture had been rumored for months — would be leav­ing the posi­tion of DNI this month because her hus­band had been diag­nosed with a rare bone can­cer. Some com­men­ta­tors observed that she still had a promis­ing polit­i­cal future, maybe even more so because she was not aligned with Trump on the Iran war and oth­er unpop­u­lar poli­cies.

    ...

    As I had worked on this sto­ry, I had kept tabs on the social media accounts that had been part of the cam­paign to defend and boost Gab­bard online while she was in Con­gress.

    At least sev­en of those accounts were still post­ing about Gab­bard on X in ear­ly 2025 as she went through the Sen­ate con­fir­ma­tion process, I found. By fol­low­ing a link buried with­in the years-old Skype mes­sages Saltzburg had pro­vid­ed, I also found a Google Doc where the com­ment­ing group flagged social media posts about Gab­bard for poten­tial response. The doc­u­ment was still being updat­ed dai­ly as recent­ly as April of last year.

    Some of the accounts piped up again in the days after Gab­bard announced her res­ig­na­tion, post­ing a set of sounda­like com­ments.

    “DNI Gab­bard is a true patri­ot and will be missed,” wrote @ImACruzn, who describes her­self as “Just an island girl liv­ing the island dream.”

    The Sandy Thomas account repost­ed a sim­i­lar mes­sage: “Tul­si Gab­bard is a Patri­ot. She will be great­ly missed.”

    A third account, named only as Dawn, echoed the sen­ti­ment: “Tul­si will be missed! She is tru­ly one of a kind and a true patri­ot!”

    ———–

    “Tul­si Gab­bard, her guru and the mys­te­ri­ous mes­sages that helped shape her polit­i­cal career” By Jon Swaine; The Wash­ing­ton Post; 06/22/2026

    “Some for­mer mem­bers, how­ev­er, have called the group a cult and said dis­ci­ples were iso­lat­ed from the out­side world, char­ac­ter­i­za­tions the group has denied. For­mer devo­tees had been telling me for weeks that But­ler con­trolled his fol­low­ers’ major life deci­sions and demand­ed total obe­di­ence and secre­cy. They said he spent years work­ing to extend his reach into pol­i­tics — and they sus­pect­ed Gabbard’s rise in Wash­ing­ton was the cul­mi­na­tion of that effort.

    A cult oper­at­ing around demands of total obe­di­ence and secre­cy, run by a man with ambi­tions to extend his reach into pol­i­tics. That’s how for­mer mem­bers of Chris But­ler’s Sci­ence of Iden­ti­ty Foun­da­tion (SIF) char­ac­ter­ized Tul­si Gab­bard’s polit­i­cal career. It was the cul­mi­na­tion of But­ler’s cult guru ambi­tions. This isn’t a new rev­e­la­tion. What is new is the access to a trove of inter­nal emails from the 2011–2017 peri­od pro­vid­ed by for­mer SIF mem­ber Rebec­ca Saltzburg. Emails from the NineIsles.com email domain used exclu­sive­ly by But­ler and his sec­re­taries and select dis­ci­ples that demon­strate just how exten­sive But­ler’s pup­peteer­ing of Gab­bard real­ly was dur­ing her two terms in the House from 2013–2017:

    ...
    The first time I spoke with Rebec­ca Saltzburg, she told me Tul­si Gab­bard was a free­thinker who took orders from no one.

    ...

    Nine months lat­er, Saltzburg, then 53, got back in touch. This time, she had a dif­fer­ent sto­ry to tell. She didn’t want to say much on a reg­u­lar phone line, so we switched to an encrypt­ed mes­sag­ing app.

    Saltzburg told me she had worked for But­ler as a sec­re­tary in the 1990s, and lived for a time with Gabbard’s par­ents and oth­er devo­tees in a rent­ed prop­er­ty. She said she had recent­ly fall­en out with the lead­ers of SIF, who she believed were mis­han­dling alle­ga­tions of phys­i­cal and sex­u­al abuse by some mem­bers of the orga­ni­za­tion. A few months ear­li­er, she said, she had been arrest­ed for briefly hous­ing a teenage run­away who alleged abuse by a par­ent asso­ci­at­ed with the group. Saltzburg claimed SIF mem­bers had engi­neered her arrest.

    It all seemed a lit­tle con­spir­a­to­r­i­al and hard to fol­low, and I was deep into anoth­er sto­ry. But there was a minor mys­tery that had been nag­ging at me since I had looked into SIF the pre­vi­ous year, a name I’d stum­bled on deep with­in some records.

    “One ques­tion,” I wrote to Saltzburg last Sep­tem­ber. “Do you know what Nine Isles is?”

    Her answer sur­prised me, and it sent me on a near­ly year-long quest to bet­ter under­stand Gab­bard, who left office last week.

    Saltzburg told me NineIsles.com was an email domain used by Butler’s office, one reserved for his sec­re­taries and select dis­ci­ples. She said she her­self had received emails from Nine Isles address­es when she worked on Gabbard’s cam­paigns.

    She thought she had delet­ed most of them, she said. But when Saltzburg logged into an old Gmail account, she found hun­dreds of emails from her SIF days, many from Nine Isles accounts. She shared some with me.

    ...

    Saltzburg kept search­ing her email and social media accounts, and send­ing doc­u­ments. Even­tu­al­ly, the files she shared ran to more than 25,000 pages, includ­ing hun­dreds of mem­os reflect­ing guid­ance for Gab­bard between 2011 and 2017, most from her first two terms in Con­gress.

    ...

    While attack­ing Saltzburg’s moti­va­tions, SIF did not ques­tion the authen­tic­i­ty of any of the mate­r­i­al she shared with me. I sent Gabbard’s par­ents and Hoen let­ters with detailed descrip­tions of and ques­tions about the doc­u­ments I had stud­ied. None of them replied.
    ...

    Inter­est­ing­ly, while But­ler was seem­ing­ly the author of many of these emails that deliv­ered harsh crit­i­cisms and stern demands of Gab­bard, But­ler rarely signed his mes­sages, which appears to be a reflec­tion of his fix­a­tion on secre­cy:

    ...
    I noticed that Gab­bard for the most part was not list­ed as a recip­i­ent of these emails, though many went to peo­ple around her, includ­ing her par­ents. The attached mem­os appeared to be tran­scripts, often frag­men­tary, of spo­ken remarks or con­ver­sa­tions.

    Some of the mem­os had file names that includ­ed “Call with TG” and attrib­uted remarks to Gab­bard, while in oth­ers the spo­ken remarks referred to Gab­bard in third per­son. But the main speak­er in each memo — the per­son who appeared to be issu­ing direc­tives and some­times cas­ti­gat­ing Gab­bard — wasn’t named. There was sim­ply no attri­bu­tion or men­tion of who they were.

    When I asked Saltzburg about this, she seemed amused. It was But­ler, of course, she said. No one else could speak to Gab­bard like that, she added. Saltzburg said the mem­os were unat­trib­uted pre­cise­ly to mask Butler’s iden­ti­ty if they ever became pub­lic.

    ...

    The lim­it­ed remarks attrib­uted to Gab­bard in the mem­os appeared to show her enthu­si­as­ti­cal­ly embrac­ing the guid­ance. “TG: That’s per­fect, that line right there,” said one tran­script labeled “Iraq notes — call.” A line attrib­uted to “TG” in anoth­er tran­script said, “That’s a great way to put it.”

    The doc­u­ments, togeth­er with Saltzburg’s expla­na­tion of them, raised remark­able ques­tions: Had a reclu­sive guru been secret­ly try­ing to steer Gabbard’s actions as a pub­lic offi­cial? And could that shed light on the improb­a­ble arc traced by one of the most uncon­ven­tion­al shape-shifters in mod­ern Amer­i­can pol­i­tics?

    ...

    Accord­ing to Saltzburg, every­one who received the mem­os knew that the voice behind them was Butler’s. They spoke about it open­ly but had been told by But­ler to avoid writ­ing his name down, she said.
    ...

    Notably, it appears But­ler’s group has effec­tive­ly renounced his polit­i­cal lean­ings from decades ago when he first formed the Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment (IGG) polit­i­cal par­ty in 1975. Accord­ing to a fam­i­ly mem­ber of one of those IGG can­di­dates, But­ler was obsessed with pol­i­tics and want­ed “to rule the world”. And that was 1975. 50 years lat­er, and one of his dis­ci­ples was the DNI:

    ...
    The son of a rad­i­cal left-wing physi­cian, But­ler began teach­ing Krish­naism and med­i­ta­tion after drop­ping out of the Uni­ver­si­ty of Hawaii in the late 1960s. Tall, lean and charis­mat­ic, he attract­ed devot­ed fol­low­ers who believed that he was in direct com­mu­ni­ca­tion with Krish­na. In 1970, two devo­tees told a reporter for the Hon­olu­lu Adver­tis­er that they would do any­thing But­ler asked, includ­ing kill them­selves.

    I found But­ler had said in a 1975 pam­phlet that “inept politi­cians should be removed from their seats.” He sug­gest­ed they be replaced by what he called “saint­ly per­sons.”

    The fol­low­ing year, a new polit­i­cal par­ty, Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment, sprung up in Hawaii with 14 can­di­dates for fed­er­al, state and local offices, records show. IGG claimed to be non­sec­tar­i­an.

    ...

    In 1977, But­ler for­mal­ly incor­po­rat­ed his own orga­ni­za­tion and even­tu­al­ly set­tled on the SIF name. His teach­ings belonged to no polit­i­cal tribe: He inveighed against Mus­lims, homo­sex­u­al­i­ty, gun con­trol and pub­lic schools, but also pro­mot­ed envi­ron­men­tal­ism and anti-cap­i­tal­ism.

    ...

    In March, I wrote detailed let­ters to But­ler, Gab­bard and Khe­maney, out­lin­ing the mem­os I had seen and what I had been told about them. Under­stand­ing that But­ler doesn’t use a com­put­er and has no email address, I sent the let­ter meant for him to SIF Pres­i­dent Jean­nie Bish­op.

    ...

    Bish­op sent a let­ter say­ing that SIF would not answer my spe­cif­ic ques­tions because they includ­ed “many embed­ded premis­es and char­ac­ter­i­za­tions that we do not accept.” She did not spec­i­fy what she was dis­put­ing. She asked, though, that I make clear But­ler “was fol­low­ing a dif­fer­ent spir­i­tu­al path” in 1970, when fol­low­ers told a reporter they would kill them­selves for him. Two years lat­er, he was ini­ti­at­ed as a dis­ci­ple of the Hare Krish­na movement’s founder and “began a fun­da­men­tal­ly dif­fer­ent chap­ter of his life,” Bish­op wrote.

    ...

    I spoke with a fam­i­ly mem­ber of one of the can­di­dates who had run for Inde­pen­dents for God­ly Gov­ern­ment in 1976. She said she feared ret­ri­bu­tion from SIF and agreed to talk with me as long as I didn’t pub­lish her name. She told me that But­ler had advised the IGG can­di­dates while work­ing to hide his con­nec­tions to them, and that he avoid­ed writ­ten com­mu­ni­ca­tions, instead using inter­me­di­aries to deliv­er his cam­paign advice. She said But­ler was obsessed with pol­i­tics.

    He want­ed, she said, “to rule the world.”
    ...

    Adding to the ques­tions of how But­ler might abuse his DNI guru author­i­ty is the fact that he appar­ent­ly thought the CIA want­ed to use psy­chic pow­ers to con­trol peo­ple. What kind of wild direc­tives was he giv­ing Tul­si dur­ing her time as DNI? What are the odds But­ler was­n’t direct­ing Tul­si when it came to her many pub­lic com­ments while DNI hint­ing at the exis­tence of aliens? It’s hard to imag­ine But­ler was ask­ing Gab­bard to give him access to all sorts of state secrets:

    ...
    As I exam­ined the doc­u­ment, eight months after Gabbard’s con­fir­ma­tion as direc­tor of nation­al intel­li­gence, I found it strik­ing that such deep sus­pi­cion of U.S. intel­li­gence appeared to have been fed to some­one who would lat­er coor­di­nate the CIA, the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Agency and more than a dozen sim­i­lar agen­cies.

    But­ler had expressed sim­i­lar skep­ti­cism of the nation­al secu­ri­ty estab­lish­ment. I had been read­ing SIF tran­scripts of his lec­tures, an archive of near­ly 7,000 pages that a for­mer mem­ber had shared with me. But­ler claimed the CIA and oth­er spy agen­cies had bugged his fam­i­ly home to mon­i­tor his father when he was a child. In one lec­ture, he warned the agen­cies were filled with demon­ic “pow­er-hun­gry mad­men” and want­ed to use psy­chic pow­ers to con­trol peo­ple.
    ...

    And then there’s the fact that Gab­bard’s for­mer chief of staff, Kain­oa Penaroza, also hap­pened to be a But­ler devo­tee, which rais­es the ques­tion of how many more SIF mem­bers did she have in her con­gres­sion­al del­e­ga­tion?

    ...
    I also drove to the home of Kain­oa Penaroza, a for­mer Gab­bard chief of staff and, for­mer SIF mem­bers say, a But­ler devo­tee. He is also the son of the 1976 IGG can­di­date Bill Penaroza.
    ...

    It’s also rather notable that Tul­si’s father, Mike Gab­bard, had a polit­i­cal par­ty switch of his own when he ran for a seat in the state Sen­ate as a Repub­li­can but then became a Demo­c­rat once in office:

    ...
    Among Butler’s dis­ci­ples were Mike and Car­ol Gab­bard, who moved to Hawaii in the ear­ly 1980s with their chil­dren, includ­ing young Tul­si. Mike Gab­bard for a time also over­saw Butler’s per­son­al affairs — until he was fired for laps­es that includ­ed fail­ing to ensure a sup­ply of fresh man­goes for Butler’s break­fasts, accord­ing to an inter­nal SIF memo.

    In the ear­ly 1990s, the Gab­bards stepped into the polit­i­cal spot­light. With SIF’s back­ing, the fam­i­ly launched a force­ful cam­paign against same-sex mar­riage in Hawaii. It includ­ed a TV ad that fea­tured Tul­si, then a teenag­er, and that warned legal­iza­tion would lead to peo­ple mar­ry­ing their dogs. (Tul­si lat­er declared her sup­port for same-sex mar­riage and apol­o­gized for her past stance.)

    Car­ol Gab­bard, who has described her­self as Hin­du, was elect­ed to the Hawaii state edu­ca­tion board in a non­par­ti­san con­test in 2000. She acknowl­edged on an ethics form that she served as SIF’s sec­re­tary, but nei­ther she nor her hus­band has said much pub­licly about their asso­ci­a­tion with the group. Mike Gab­bard, who has said he is Catholic, ran for a seat in the state Sen­ate as a Repub­li­can six years lat­er and then defect­ed to the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty once in office.
    ...

    Intrigu­ing­ly, in 2016, Gab­bard did­n’t just resign her role as vice chair of DNC in order to endorse Bernie Sanders. But­ler was effec­tive­ly telling Gab­bard to ‘stay out of the race’ in 2016 after it became clear it was a race between Hillary Clin­ton and Trump. And then Gab­bard met with Trump at Trump Tow­er in Novem­ber of 2016. Which is also a reminder that Gab­bard was per­fect­ly sit­u­a­tion to serve as a mole who could have, say, leaked emails or oth­er sen­si­tive doc­u­ments while she was in that senior DNC role:

    ...
    With Post col­league Aaron Schaf­fer, I com­pared Gabbard’s remarks in 32 TV inter­views between 2014 and 2016 with the talk­ing-points mem­os intend­ed for them. On 24 occa­sions, Gab­bard used lan­guage in the mem­os almost ver­ba­tim. In the eight oth­er instances, Gab­bard used dif­fer­ent words but pro­mot­ed some of the same ideas.

    ...

    As Gab­bard, then 33, began her sec­ond con­gres­sion­al term in 2015, the unnamed speak­er in one memo advised that “your posi­tion in gen­er­al” should be to offer an alter­na­tive to oth­er can­di­dates in the “dis­hon­est Demo­c­ra­t­ic par­ty.” Gab­bard is not named in the memo, but the file name has “TG” in it.

    Gab­bard ulti­mate­ly did not run for pres­i­dent that year and instead endorsed Sanders.

    As the gen­er­al elec­tion race got under­way, tran­scripts show, an unnamed advis­er spoke admir­ing­ly about Trump’s cam­paign mes­sag­ing. In one, the unnamed speak­er said Trump had staked out the kind of mav­er­ick posi­tion that Gab­bard might have tak­en.

    “This is right up your ally [sic],” the speak­er said about some of Trump’s remarks on “Islam­ic extrem­ists” in Amer­i­ca. “Too bad you’re not run­ning. It’s all falling into place, but for the wrong guy. Now Trump is going to be the one, and he’s a total idiot.”

    Mem­os sent before Trump entered pol­i­tics sug­gest­ed an affin­i­ty for some of the ideas he would lat­er adopt. In two of them, an unnamed advis­er said the gov­ern­ment need­ed to think “Amer­i­ca first,” which famous­ly became a slo­gan of Trump’s move­ment. Anoth­er rec­om­mend­ed occu­py­ing inner cities with the Nation­al Guard.

    ...

    In July of 2016, Gab­bard deliv­ered the nom­i­nat­ing speech for Sanders at the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Con­ven­tion in Philadel­phia. It was a break­out moment for her, plac­ing her in the nation­al spot­light as a ris­ing star — how­ev­er briefly — in the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Party’s pro­gres­sive wing.

    Lat­er that sum­mer, Gab­bard said that she would vote for Hillary Clin­ton, by then the Demo­c­ra­t­ic nom­i­nee. That evening, a memo shows, an unnamed speak­er advised against shar­ing a Face­book post that was crit­i­cal of Trump — an unusu­al move for a Demo­c­ra­t­ic mem­ber of Con­gress. “Just stay out of the pres­i­den­tial race,” the speak­er in the memo said.

    After Trump won in Novem­ber 2016, Gab­bard shocked Democ­rats by meet­ing him at Trump Tow­er.
    ...

    And then there’s the social media dimen­sion to Gab­bard’s role as a SIF oper­a­tive, where teams of SIF mem­bers cre­at­ed an array of make online pro­files designed to seem authen­tic but strate­gic serve as pro-Gab­bard mes­sen­gers. Impor­tant­ly, at least sev­en of these known sock pup­pet accounts appeared to still be active in 2025. So while the email trove pro­vid­ed for this report only went up to 2017, we should­n’t assume Gab­bard’s role as a SIF oper­a­tive sud­den­ly end­ed:

    ...
    In the months to come, the doc­u­ments would reveal that some of the same SIF mem­bers who received the mem­os were involved in a sep­a­rate effort that used fake social media accounts to boost and defend Gab­bard online.

    ...

    Hun­dreds of oth­er doc­u­ments in Saltzburg’s trove told the sto­ry of the effort to inflate the appear­ance of pub­lic sup­port for Gab­bard on social media and in the com­ments sec­tions of news web­sites.

    Cen­tral to the com­ment­ing effort were dozens of social media accounts that were anonymized, and oth­er accounts that one doc­u­ment referred to as “pseu­do­nym pro­files,” which dis­played fake names. Some of those fea­tured bogus biogra­phies, includ­ing false edu­ca­tion and job his­to­ries, or avatar pho­tographs copied from else­where online, accord­ing to a report cir­cu­lat­ed among But­ler devo­tees at the time.

    ...

    Saltzburg allowed me to view emails and Skype mes­sages where she advised mem­bers of the com­ment­ing group on how to keep their efforts from being detect­ed. “When­ev­er pos­si­ble, use different/anonymous names for new accounts,” she wrote in one memo. For each post they made about Gab­bard, they were to make two that were not about her. And if they lived abroad, they should use encrypt­ed ser­vices to mask their loca­tions.

    ...

    The effort appears to have been over­seen by a per­son occa­sion­al­ly referred to by the team as “he” or “him,” or some­times “our friend,” mes­sages show. Some­times, com­menters referred to the per­son as “S.” Accord­ing to Saltzburg and four oth­er for­mer mem­bers, “S” is a short­hand for But­ler, who is known as Sri­la Prab­hu­pa­da and Sid­dhaswaru­panan­da Parama­ham­sa. (Often, ref­er­ences to But­ler also include the title “Jagad Guru,” which means spir­i­tu­al teacher.)

    ...

    The mem­os told devo­tees how to defend Gab­bard, SIF and But­ler online, and pro­vid­ed them with lan­guage to use in their posts. Lead­ers of the com­ment­ing group “sent up” reports, some­times dai­ly, on com­ments they had post­ed. The reports were then sent back, from a Nine Isles address, unsigned but anno­tat­ed with com­men­tary — often scathing — about the qual­i­ty of the work.

    In a memo sug­gest­ing com­ments for the Fox News web­site, the unnamed speak­er warned that since reg­u­lar inter­net users “speak stu­pid­ly,” the group would need to dumb down approved posts to make them sound authen­tic. “I’m too smart, so it looks like it’s the same guy, a smart guy writ­ing some­thing here,” the speak­er said. “Want to make some of the com­ments stu­pid­er too, like idiot talk rather than all thought­ful.”

    ...

    As I had worked on this sto­ry, I had kept tabs on the social media accounts that had been part of the cam­paign to defend and boost Gab­bard online while she was in Con­gress.

    At least sev­en of those accounts were still post­ing about Gab­bard on X in ear­ly 2025 as she went through the Sen­ate con­fir­ma­tion process, I found. By fol­low­ing a link buried with­in the years-old Skype mes­sages Saltzburg had pro­vid­ed, I also found a Google Doc where the com­ment­ing group flagged social media posts about Gab­bard for poten­tial response. The doc­u­ment was still being updat­ed dai­ly as recent­ly as April of last year.
    ...

    Last­ly, note how the announce­ment of Gab­bard’s res­ig­na­tion as DNI came just two days after Jon Swaine noti­fied Gab­bard that he was going to pro­ceed with the sto­ry:

    ...

    On May 20, hav­ing received no answers from Gab­bard to my ques­tions for two months, I emailed her, her press sec­re­tary and her chief of staff. I let them know we planned to pro­ceed with a sto­ry about her asso­ci­a­tion with But­ler. I again invit­ed Gab­bard to address my ques­tions.

    _Two days lat­er, Fox News report­ed that Gab­bard — whose depar­ture had been rumored for months — would be leav­ing the posi­tion of DNI this month because her hus­band had been diag­nosed with a rare bone can­cer. Some com­men­ta­tors observed that she still had a promis­ing polit­i­cal future, maybe even more so because she was not aligned with Trump on the Iran war and oth­er unpop­u­lar poli­cies.
    ...

    Welp, she’s gone now, replaced with Trump shill Bill Pulte fill­ing in her place. Some­one who, incred­i­bly, might be even more dan­ger­ous that Gab­bard in that posi­tion. Maybe. Or maybe not. Only Chris But­ler, and his NineIsles.com crew, real­ly knows.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | June 26, 2026, 8:55 pm

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