Spitfire List Web site and blog of anti-fascist researcher and radio personality Dave Emory.

For The Record  

FTR #949 Walkin’ the Snake with Breitbart, Part 2

Dave Emory’s entire life­time of work is avail­able on a flash dri­ve that can be obtained HERE. The new dri­ve is a 32-giga­byte dri­ve that is cur­rent as of the pro­grams and arti­cles post­ed by ear­ly win­ter of 2017. The new dri­ve (avail­able for a tax-deductible con­tri­bu­tion of $65.00 or more.) 

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This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment.

Serpent's WalkIntro­duc­tion: The title of the pro­gram refers to the Nazi tract Ser­pen­t’s Walk. The back cov­er of that book sums up the essence of the tome: ” . . . It assumes that Hitler’s war­rior elite — the SS — did­n’t give up their strug­gle for a White world when they lost the Sec­ond World War. Instead their sur­vivors went under­ground and adopt­ed some of the tac­tics of their ene­mies: they began build­ing their eco­nom­ic mus­cle and buy­ing into the opin­ion-form­ing media. A cen­tu­ry after the war they are ready to chal­lenge the democ­rats and Jews for the hearts and minds of White Amer­i­cans, who have begun to have their fill of gov­ern­ment-enforced mul­ti-cul­tur­al­ism and ‘equal­i­ty.’ . . .”

The “opin­ion-form­ing media” in 2017 has crys­tal­lized into a fright­en­ing­ly dom­i­nant enti­ty, the Bre­it­bart­ian engine of Steven Ban­non, Robert Mer­cer, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and the lat­ter’s par­ent com­pa­ny SCL. An arti­cle from The Guardian sets forth this ter­ri­fy­ing devel­op­ment. (Note that, due to the lim­i­ta­tions of time, we were not able to read the entire sto­ry in FTR #948.)

Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, and its par­ent com­pa­ny SCL, spe­cial­ize in using AI and Big Data psy­cho­me­t­ric analy­sis on hun­dreds of mil­lions of Amer­i­cans in order to mod­el indi­vid­ual behav­ior. SCL devel­ops strate­gies to use that infor­ma­tion, and manip­u­late search engine results to change pub­lic opin­ion (the Trump cam­paign was appar­ent­ly very big into AI and Big Data dur­ing the cam­paign).

Indi­vid­ual social media users receive mes­sages craft­ed to influ­ence them, gen­er­at­ed by the (in effec­tr) Nazi AI at the core of this media engine, using Big Data to tar­get the indi­vid­ual user!

As the arti­cle notes, not only are Cam­bridge Analytica/SCL are using their pro­pa­gan­da tech­niques to shape US pub­lic opin­ion in a fas­cist direc­tion, but they are achiev­ing this by uti­liz­ing their pro­pa­gan­da machine to char­ac­ter­ize all news out­lets to the left of Bri­et­bart as “fake news” that can’t be trust­ed.

In short, the secre­tive far-right bil­lion­aire (Robert Mer­cer), joined at the hip with Steve Ban­non, is run­ning mul­ti­ple firms spe­cial­iz­ing in mass psy­cho­me­t­ric pro­fil­ing based on data col­lect­ed from Face­book and oth­er social media. Mercer/Bannon/Cambridge Analytica/SCL are using Naz­i­fied AI and Big Data to devel­op mass pro­pa­gan­da cam­paigns to turn the pub­lic against every­thing that isn’t Bri­et­bart­ian by con­vinc­ing the pub­lic that all non-Bri­et­bart­ian media out­lets are con­spir­ing to lie to the pub­lic.

This is the ulti­mate Ser­pen­t’s Walk scenario–a Naz­i­fied Arti­fi­cial Intel­li­gence draw­ing on Big Data gleaned from the world’s inter­net and social media oper­a­tions to shape pub­lic opin­ion, tar­get indi­vid­ual users, shape search engine results and even feed­back to Trump while he is giv­ing press con­fer­ences!

We note that SCL, the par­ent com­pa­ny of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, has been deeply involved with “psy­ops” in places like Afghanistan and Pak­istan. Now, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, their Big Data and AI com­po­nents, Mer­cer mon­ey and Ban­non polit­i­cal savvy are apply­ing that to con­tem­po­rary soci­ety.

At the end of the pro­gram we note that Ban­non had turned Bre­it­bart toward sup­port­ing Naren­dra Mod­i’s BJP Par­ty in India.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

  • Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca’s par­ent cor­po­ra­tion SCL, deeply involved with “psy­ops” in Afghanistan and Pak­istan. ” . . . But there was anoth­er rea­son why I recog­nised Robert Mercer’s name: because of his con­nec­tion to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, a small data ana­lyt­ics com­pa­ny. He is report­ed to have a $10m stake in the com­pa­ny, which was spun out of a big­ger British com­pa­ny called SCL Group. It spe­cialis­es in ‘elec­tion man­age­ment strate­gies’ and ‘mes­sag­ing and infor­ma­tion oper­a­tions’, refined over 25 years in places like Afghanistan and Pak­istan. In mil­i­tary cir­cles this is known as ‘psy­ops’ – psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions. (Mass pro­pa­gan­da that works by act­ing on people’s emo­tions.) . . .”
  • The use of mil­lions of “bots” to manip­u­late pub­lic opin­ion: ” . . . .‘It does seem pos­si­ble. And it does wor­ry me. There are quite a few pieces of research that show if you repeat some­thing often enough, peo­ple start invol­un­tar­i­ly to believe it. And that could be lever­aged, or weaponised for pro­pa­gan­da. We know there are thou­sands of auto­mat­ed bots out there that are try­ing to do just that.’ . . .”
  • The use of Arti­fi­cial Intel­li­gence: ” . . . There’s noth­ing acci­den­tal about Trump’s behav­iour, Andy Wig­more tells me. ‘That press con­fer­ence. It was absolute­ly bril­liant. I could see exact­ly what he was doing. There’s feed­back going on con­stant­ly. That’s what you can do with arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence. You can mea­sure every reac­tion to every word. He has a word room, where you fix key words. We did it. So with immi­gra­tion, there are actu­al­ly key words with­in that sub­ject mat­ter which peo­ple are con­cerned about. So when you are going to make a speech, it’s all about how can you use these trend­ing words.’ . . .”
  • The use of bio-psy­cho-social pro­fil­ing: ” . . . Bio-psy­cho-social pro­fil­ing, I read lat­er, is one offen­sive in what is called ‘cog­ni­tive war­fare’. Though there are many oth­ers: ‘recod­ing the mass con­scious­ness to turn patri­o­tism into col­lab­o­ra­tionism,’ explains a Nato brief­ing doc­u­ment on coun­ter­ing Russ­ian dis­in­for­ma­tion writ­ten by an SCL employ­ee. ‘Time-sen­si­tive pro­fes­sion­al use of media to prop­a­gate nar­ra­tives,’ says one US state depart­ment white paper. ‘Of par­tic­u­lar impor­tance to psy­op per­son­nel may be pub­licly and com­mer­cial­ly avail­able data from social media plat­forms.’ . . .”
  • The use and/or cre­ation of a cog­ni­tive casu­al­ty: ” . . . . Yet anoth­er details the pow­er of a ‘cog­ni­tive casu­al­ty’ – a ‘moral shock’ that ‘has a dis­abling effect on empa­thy and high­er process­es such as moral rea­son­ing and crit­i­cal think­ing’. Some­thing like immi­gra­tion, per­haps. Or ‘fake news’. Or as it has now become: ‘FAKE news!!!!’ . . . ”
  • All of this adds up to a “cyber Ser­pen­t’s Walk.” ” . . . . How do you change the way a nation thinks? You could start by cre­at­ing a main­stream media to replace the exist­ing one with a site such as Bre­it­bart. [Ser­pen­t’s Walk sce­nario with Bre­it­bart becom­ing “the opin­ion form­ing media”!–D.E.] You could set up oth­er web­sites that dis­place main­stream sources of news and infor­ma­tion with your own def­i­n­i­tions of con­cepts like “lib­er­al media bias”, like CNSnews.com. And you could give the rump main­stream media, papers like the ‘fail­ing New York Times!’ what it wants: sto­ries. Because the third prong of Mer­cer and Bannon’s media empire is the Gov­ern­ment Account­abil­i­ty Insti­tute. . . .”

1. The Guardian has a long and crit­i­cal piece on Robert Mer­cer and the Mer­cer clan’s role in the rise of Bre­it­bart as the dom­i­nant ‘out­sider’ con­ser­v­a­tive media out­let, and how deeply inter­twined that endeav­or is with the Mer­cers’ oth­er big invest­ments.

Of par­tic­u­lar inter­est are the firms Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and its par­ent com­pa­ny SCL, where Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca spe­cial­izes in using AI and Big Data psy­cho­me­t­ric analy­sis on hun­dreds of mil­lions of Amer­i­cans in order to mod­el indi­vid­ual behav­ior. SCL devel­ops strate­gies to use that infor­ma­tion, and manip­u­late search engine results to change pub­lic opin­ion (the Trump cam­paign was appar­ent­ly very big into AI and Big Data dur­ing the cam­paign).

As the arti­cle notes, not only are Cam­bridge Analytica/SCL are using their pro­pa­gan­da tech­niques to shape the US pub­lic opin­ion in a fas­cist direc­tion, but this for­mi­da­ble pha­lanx is going about achiev­ing this shift in atti­tudes by uti­liz­ing its pro­pa­gan­da machine to char­ac­ter­ize all news out­lets to the left of Bri­et­bart as “fake news” that can’t be trust­ed.

Only far-right media can be trust­ed. That’s the meme dis­sem­i­nat­ed by this the Mercer/Bannon meme-machine.

In short, the secre­tive far-right bil­lion­aire (Robert Mer­cer), joined at the hip with Steve Ban­non, is run­ning mul­ti­ple firms spe­cial­iz­ing in mass psy­cho­me­t­ric pro­fil­ing based on data col­lect­ed from Face­book and oth­er social media. Mercer/Bannon/Cambridge Analytica/SCL are using Naz­i­fied AI and Big Data to devel­op mass pro­pa­gan­da cam­paigns to turn the pub­lic against every­thing that isn’t Bri­et­bart­ian by con­vinc­ing the pub­lic that all non-Bri­et­bart­ian media out­lets are con­spir­ing to lie to the pub­lic.

This is the ulti­mate Ser­pen­t’s Walk scenario–a Nazi Arti­fi­cial Intel­li­gence draw­ing on Big Data gleaned from the world’s inter­net and social media oper­a­tions to shape pub­lic opin­ion, tar­get indi­vid­ual users, shape search engine results and even feed­back to Trump while he is giv­ing press con­fer­ences.

And you were wor­ried about the NSA. Wor­ry about THIS!

“Robert Mer­cer: The Big Data Bil­lion­aire Wag­ing War on Main­stream Media” Car­ole Cad­wal­ladr; The Guardian; 2/26/2017.

With links to Don­ald Trump, Steve Ban­non and Nigel Farage, the rightwing US com­put­er sci­en­tist is at the heart of a mul­ti­mil­lion-dol­lar pro­pa­gan­da net­work

Just over a week ago, Don­ald Trump gath­ered mem­bers of the world’s press before him and told them they were liars. “The press, hon­est­ly, is out of con­trol,” he said. “The pub­lic doesn’t believe you any more.” CNN was described as “very fake news… sto­ry after sto­ry is bad”. The BBC was “anoth­er beauty”.That night I did two things. First, I typed “Trump” in the search box of Twit­ter. My feed was report­ing that he was crazy, a lunatic, a rav­ing mad­man. But that wasn’t how it was play­ing out else­where. The results pro­duced a stream of “Go Don­ald!!!!”, and “You show ’em!!!” There were star-span­gled ban­ner emo­jis and thumbs-up emo­jis and clips of Trump lay­ing into the “FAKE news MSM liars!”

Trump had spo­ken, and his audi­ence had heard him. Then I did what I’ve been doing for two and a half months now. I Googled “main­stream media is…” And there it was. Google’s auto­com­plete sug­ges­tions: “main­stream media is… dead, dying, fake news, fake, fin­ished”. Is it dead, I won­der? Has FAKE news won? Are we now the FAKE news? Is the main­stream media – we, us, I – dying?

I click Google’s first sug­gest­ed link. It leads to a web­site called CNSnews.com and an arti­cle: “The Main­stream media are dead.” They’re dead, I learn, because they – we, I – “can­not be trust­ed”. How had it, an obscure site I’d nev­er heard of, dom­i­nat­ed Google’s search algo­rithm on the top­ic? In the “About us” tab, I learn CNSnews is owned by the Media Research Cen­ter, which a click lat­er I learn is “America’s media watch­dog”, an organ­i­sa­tion that claims an “unwa­ver­ing com­mit­ment to neu­tral­is­ing left­wing bias in the news, media and pop­u­lar cul­ture”.

Anoth­er cou­ple of clicks and I dis­cov­er that it receives a large bulk of its fund­ing – more than $10m in the past decade – from a sin­gle source, the hedge fund bil­lion­aire Robert Mer­cer. If you fol­low US pol­i­tics you may recog­nise the name. Robert Mer­cer is the mon­ey behind Don­ald Trump. But then, I will come to learn, Robert Mer­cer is the mon­ey behind an awful lot of things. He was Trump’s sin­gle biggest donor. Mer­cer start­ed back­ing Ted Cruz, but when he fell out of the pres­i­den­tial race he threw his mon­ey – $13.5m of it – behind the Trump cam­paign.

It’s mon­ey he’s made as a result of his career as a bril­liant but reclu­sive com­put­er sci­en­tist. He start­ed his career at IBM, where he made what the Asso­ci­a­tion for Com­pu­ta­tion­al Lin­guis­tics called “rev­o­lu­tion­ary” break­throughs in lan­guage pro­cess­ing – a sci­ence that went on to be key in devel­op­ing today’s AI – and lat­er became joint CEO of Renais­sance Tech­nolo­gies, a hedge fund that makes its mon­ey by using algo­rithms to mod­el and trade on the finan­cial mar­kets.

One of its funds, Medal­lion, which man­ages only its employ­ees’ mon­ey, is the most suc­cess­ful in the world – gen­er­at­ing $55bn so far. And since 2010, Mer­cer has donat­ed $45m to dif­fer­ent polit­i­cal cam­paigns – all Repub­li­can – and anoth­er $50m to non-prof­its – all rightwing, ultra-con­ser­v­a­tive. This is a bil­lion­aire who is, as bil­lion­aires are wont, try­ing to reshape the world accord­ing to his per­son­al beliefs.

Robert Mer­cer very rarely speaks in pub­lic and nev­er to jour­nal­ists, so to gauge his beliefs you have to look at where he chan­nels his mon­ey: a series of yachts, all called Sea Owl; a $2.9m mod­el train set; cli­mate change denial (he funds a cli­mate change denial think tank, the Heart­land Insti­tute); and what is maybe the ulti­mate rich man’s play­thing – the dis­rup­tion of the main­stream media. In this he is helped by his close asso­ciate Steve Ban­non, Trump’s cam­paign man­ag­er and now chief strate­gist.The mon­ey he gives to the Media Research Cen­ter, with its mis­sion of cor­rect­ing “lib­er­al bias” is just one of his media plays. There are oth­er big­ger, and even more delib­er­ate strate­gies, and shin­ing bright­ly, the star at the cen­tre of the Mer­cer media galaxy, is Bre­it­bart.

It was $10m of Mercer’s mon­ey that enabled Ban­non to fund Bre­it­bart – a rightwing news site, set up with the express inten­tion of being a Huff­in­g­ton Post for the right. It has launched the careers of Milo Yiannopou­los and his like, reg­u­lar­ly hosts anti­se­mit­ic and Islam­o­pho­bic views, and is cur­rent­ly being boy­cotted by more than 1,000 brands after an activist cam­paign. It has been phe­nom­e­nal­ly suc­cess­ful: the 29th most pop­u­lar site in Amer­i­ca with 2bn page views a year. It’s big­ger than its inspi­ra­tion, the Huff­in­g­ton Post, big­ger, even, than Porn­Hub. It’s the biggest polit­i­cal site on Face­book. The biggest on Twit­ter.

Promi­nent rightwing jour­nal­ist Andrew Bre­it­bart, who found­ed the site but died in 2012, told Ban­non that they had “to take back the cul­ture”. And, arguably, they have, though Amer­i­can cul­ture is only the start of it. In 2014, Ban­non launched Bre­it­bart Lon­don, telling the New York Times it was specif­i­cal­ly timed ahead of the UK’s forth­com­ing elec­tion. It was, he said, the lat­est front “in our cur­rent cul­tur­al and polit­i­cal war”. France and Ger­many are next.

But there was anoth­er rea­son why I recog­nised Robert Mercer’s name: because of his con­nec­tion to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, a small data ana­lyt­ics com­pa­ny. He is report­ed to have a $10m stake in the com­pa­ny, which was spun out of a big­ger British com­pa­ny called SCL Group. It spe­cialis­es in “elec­tion man­age­ment strate­gies” and “mes­sag­ing and infor­ma­tion oper­a­tions”, refined over 25 years in places like Afghanistan and Pak­istan. In mil­i­tary cir­cles this is known as “psy­ops” – psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions. (Mass pro­pa­gan­da that works by act­ing on people’s emo­tions.)

Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca worked for the Trump cam­paign and, so I’d read, the Leave cam­paign. When Mer­cer sup­port­ed Cruz, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca worked with Cruz. When Robert Mer­cer start­ed sup­port­ing Trump, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca came too. And where Mercer’s mon­ey is, Steve Ban­non is usu­al­ly close by: it was report­ed that until recent­ly he had a seat on the board.

Last Decem­ber, I wrote about Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca in a piece about how Google’s search results on cer­tain sub­jects were being dom­i­nat­ed by rightwing and extrem­ist sites. Jonathan Albright, a pro­fes­sor of com­mu­ni­ca­tions at Elon Uni­ver­si­ty, North Car­oli­na, who had mapped the news ecosys­tem and found mil­lions of links between rightwing sites “stran­gling” the main­stream media, told me that track­ers from sites like Bre­it­bart could also be used by com­pa­nies like Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca to fol­low peo­ple around the web and then, via Face­book, tar­get them with ads.
[Wow–Google and Face­book dom­i­nat­ed by Cam­bridge Analytica–D.E.]

On its web­site, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca makes the aston­ish­ing boast that it has psy­cho­log­i­cal pro­files based on 5,000 sep­a­rate pieces of data on 220 mil­lion Amer­i­can vot­ers – its USP is to use this data to under­stand people’s deep­est emo­tions and then tar­get them accord­ing­ly. The sys­tem, accord­ing to Albright, amount­ed to a “pro­pa­gan­da machine”.

A few weeks lat­er, the Observ­er received a let­ter. Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca was not employed by the Leave cam­paign, it said. Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca “is a US com­pa­ny based in the US. It hasn’t worked in British pol­i­tics.”

Which is how, ear­li­er this week, I end­ed up in a Pret a Manger near West­min­ster with Andy Wig­more, Leave.EU’s affa­ble com­mu­ni­ca­tions direc­tor, look­ing at snap­shots of Don­ald Trump on his phone. It was Wig­more who orches­trat­ed Nigel Farage’s trip to Trump Tow­er – the PR coup that saw him become the first for­eign politi­cian to meet the pres­i­dent elect.

Wig­more scrolls through the snaps on his phone. “That’s the one I took,” he says point­ing at the now glob­al­ly famous pho­to of Farage and Trump in front of his gold­en ele­va­tor door giv­ing the thumbs-up sign. Wig­more was one of the “bad boys of Brex­it” – a term coined by Arron Banks, the Bris­tol-based busi­ness­man who was Leave.EU’s co-founder.

Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca had worked for them, he said. It had taught them how to build pro­files, how to tar­get peo­ple and how to scoop up mass­es of data from people’s Face­book pro­files. A video on YouTube shows one of Cam­bridge Analytica’s and SCL’s employ­ees, Brit­tany Kaiser, sit­ting on the pan­el at Leave.EU’s launch event.

Face­book was the key to the entire cam­paign, Wig­more explained. A Face­book ‘like’, he said, was their most “potent weapon”. “Because using arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence, as we did, tells you all sorts of things about that indi­vid­ual and how to con­vince them with what sort of advert. And you knew there would also be oth­er peo­ple in their net­work who liked what they liked, so you could spread. And then you fol­low them. The com­put­er nev­er stops learn­ing and it nev­er stops mon­i­tor­ing.”

It sounds creepy, I say.

“It is creepy! It’s real­ly creepy! It’s why I’m not on Face­book! I tried it on myself to see what infor­ma­tion it had on me and I was like, ‘Oh my God!’ What’s scary is that my kids had put things on Insta­gram and it picked that up. It knew where my kids went to school.”

They hadn’t “employed” Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, he said. No mon­ey changed hands. “They were hap­py to help.”

Why?

Because Nigel is a good friend of the Mer­cers. And Robert Mer­cer intro­duced them to us. He said, ‘Here’s this com­pa­ny we think may be use­ful to you.’ What they were try­ing to do in the US and what we were try­ing to do had mas­sive par­al­lels. We shared a lot of infor­ma­tion. Why wouldn’t you?” Behind Trump’s cam­paign and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, he said, were “the same peo­ple. It’s the same fam­i­ly.”

There were already a lot of ques­tions swirling around Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, and Andy Wig­more has opened up a whole lot more. Such as: are you sup­posed to declare ser­vices-in-kind as some sort of dona­tion? The Elec­toral Com­mis­sion says yes, if it was more than £7,500. And was it declared? The Elec­toral Com­mis­sion says no. Does that mean a for­eign bil­lion­aire had pos­si­bly influ­enced the ref­er­en­dum with­out that influ­ence being appar­ent? It’s cer­tain­ly a ques­tion worth ask­ing.

In the last month or so, arti­cles in first the Swiss and the US press have asked exact­ly what Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is doing with US vot­ers’ data. In a state­ment to the Observ­er, the Infor­ma­tion Commissioner’s Office said: “Any busi­ness col­lect­ing and using per­son­al data in the UK must do so fair­ly and law­ful­ly. We will be con­tact­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and ask­ing ques­tions to find out how the com­pa­ny is oper­at­ing in the UK and whether the law is being fol­lowed.”

Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca said last Fri­day they are in touch with the ICO and are com­plete­ly com­pli­ant with UK and EU data laws. It did not answer oth­er ques­tions the Observ­er put to it this week about how it built its psy­cho­me­t­ric mod­el, which owes its ori­gins to orig­i­nal research car­ried out by sci­en­tists at Cam­bridge University’s Psy­cho­me­t­ric Cen­tre, research based on a per­son­al­i­ty quiz on Face­book that went viral. More than 6 mil­lion peo­ple end­ed up doing it, pro­duc­ing an aston­ish­ing trea­sure trove of data.

These Face­book pro­files – espe­cial­ly people’s “likes” – could be cor­re­lat­ed across mil­lions of oth­ers to pro­duce uncan­ni­ly accu­rate results. Michal Kosin­s­ki, the centre’s lead sci­en­tist, found that with knowl­edge of 150 likes, their mod­el could pre­dict someone’s per­son­al­i­ty bet­ter than their spouse. With 300, it under­stood you bet­ter than your­self. “Com­put­ers see us in a more robust way than we see our­selves,” says Kosin­s­ki.

But there are strict eth­i­cal reg­u­la­tions regard­ing what you can do with this data. Did SCL Group have access to the university’s mod­el or data, I ask Pro­fes­sor Jonathan Rust, the centre’s direc­tor? “Cer­tain­ly not from us,” he says. “We have very strict rules around this.”

A sci­en­tist, Alek­san­dr Kogan, from the cen­tre was con­tract­ed to build a mod­el for SCL, and says he col­lect­ed his own data. Pro­fes­sor Rust says he doesn’t know where Kogan’s data came from. “The evi­dence was con­trary. I report­ed it.” An inde­pen­dent adju­di­ca­tor was appoint­ed by the uni­ver­si­ty. “But then Kogan said he’d signed a non-dis­clo­sure agree­ment with SCL and he couldn’t con­tin­ue [answer­ing ques­tions].”

Kogan dis­putes this and says SCL sat­is­fied the university’s inquiries. But per­haps more than any­one, Pro­fes­sor Rust under­stands how the kind of infor­ma­tion peo­ple freely give up to social media sites could be used.

“The dan­ger of not hav­ing reg­u­la­tion around the sort of data you can get from Face­book and else­where is clear. With this, a com­put­er can actu­al­ly do psy­chol­o­gy, it can pre­dict and poten­tial­ly con­trol human behav­iour. It’s what the sci­en­tol­o­gists try to do but much more pow­er­ful. It’s how you brain­wash some­one. It’s incred­i­bly dan­ger­ous.

“It’s no exag­ger­a­tion to say that minds can be changed. Behav­iour can be pre­dict­ed and con­trolled. I find it incred­i­bly scary. I real­ly do. Because nobody has real­ly fol­lowed through on the pos­si­ble con­se­quences of all this. Peo­ple don’t know it’s hap­pen­ing to them. Their atti­tudes are being changed behind their backs.”

Mer­cer invest­ed in Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, the Wash­ing­ton Post report­ed, “dri­ven in part by an assess­ment that the right was lack­ing sophis­ti­cat­ed tech­nol­o­gy capa­bil­i­ties”. But in many ways, it’s what Cam­bridge Analytica’s par­ent com­pa­ny does that rais­es even more ques­tions.

Emma Bri­ant, a pro­pa­gan­da spe­cial­ist at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Sheffield, wrote about SCL Group in her 2015 book, Pro­pa­gan­da and Counter-Ter­ror­ism: Strate­gies for Glob­al Change.Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca has the tech­no­log­i­cal tools to effect behav­iour­al and psy­cho­log­i­cal change, she said, but it’s SCL that strate­gis­es it. It has spe­cialised, at the high­est lev­el – for Nato, the MoD, the US state depart­ment and oth­ers – in chang­ing the behav­iour of large groups. It mod­els mass pop­u­la­tions and then it changes their beliefs.

SCL was found­ed by some­one called Nigel Oakes, who worked for Saatchi & Saatchi on Mar­garet Thatcher’s image, says Bri­ant, and the com­pa­ny had been “mak­ing mon­ey out of the pro­pa­gan­da side of the war on ter­ror­ism over a long peri­od of time. There are dif­fer­ent arms of SCL but it’s all about reach and the abil­i­ty to shape the dis­course. They are try­ing to ampli­fy par­tic­u­lar polit­i­cal nar­ra­tives. And they are selec­tive in who they go for: they are not doing this for the left.

In the course of the US elec­tion, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca amassed a data­base, as it claims on its web­site, of almost the entire US vot­ing pop­u­la­tion – 220 mil­lion peo­ple – and the Wash­ing­ton Post report­ed last week that SCL was increas­ing staffing at its Wash­ing­ton office and com­pet­ing for lucra­tive new con­tracts with Trump’s admin­is­tra­tion. “It seems sig­nif­i­cant that a com­pa­ny involved in engi­neer­ing a polit­i­cal out­come prof­its from what fol­lows. Par­tic­u­lar­ly if it’s the manip­u­la­tion, and then res­o­lu­tion, of fear,” says Bri­ant.

It’s the data­base, and what may hap­pen to it, that par­tic­u­lar­ly exer­cis­es Paul-Olivi­er Dehaye, a Swiss math­e­mati­cian and data activist who has been inves­ti­gat­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and SCL for more than a year. “How is it going to be used?” he says. “Is it going to be used to try and manip­u­late peo­ple around domes­tic poli­cies? Or to fer­ment con­flict between dif­fer­ent com­mu­ni­ties? It is poten­tial­ly very scary. Peo­ple just don’t under­stand the pow­er of this data and how it can be used against them.”

There are two things, poten­tial­ly, going on simul­ta­ne­ous­ly: the manip­u­la­tion of infor­ma­tion on a mass lev­el, and the manip­u­la­tion of infor­ma­tion at a very indi­vid­ual lev­el. Both based on the lat­est under­stand­ings in sci­ence about how peo­ple work, and enabled by tech­no­log­i­cal plat­forms built to bring us togeth­er.

Are we liv­ing in a new era of pro­pa­gan­da, I ask Emma Bri­ant? One we can’t see, and that is work­ing on us in ways we can’t under­stand? Where we can only react, emo­tion­al­ly, to its mes­sages? “Def­i­nite­ly. The way that sur­veil­lance through tech­nol­o­gy is so per­va­sive, the col­lec­tion and use of our data is so much more sophis­ti­cat­ed. It’s total­ly covert. And peo­ple don’t realise what is going on.”

Pub­lic mood and pol­i­tics goes through cycles. You don’t have to sub­scribe to any con­spir­a­cy the­o­ry, Bri­ant says, to see that a mass change in pub­lic sen­ti­ment is hap­pen­ing. Or that some of the tools in action are straight out of the military’s or SCL’s play­book.

But then there’s increas­ing evi­dence that our pub­lic are­nas – the social media sites where we post our hol­i­day snaps or make com­ments about the news – are a new bat­tle­field where inter­na­tion­al geopol­i­tics is play­ing out in real time. It’s a new age of pro­pa­gan­da. But whose? This week, Rus­sia announced the for­ma­tion of a new branch of the mil­i­tary: “infor­ma­tion war­fare troops”.

Sam Wool­ley of the Oxford Inter­net Institute’s com­pu­ta­tion­al pro­pa­gan­da insti­tute tells me that one third of all traf­fic on Twit­ter before the EU ref­er­en­dum was auto­mat­ed “bots” – accounts that are pro­grammed to look like peo­ple, to act like peo­ple, and to change the con­ver­sa­tion, to make top­ics trend. And they were all for Leave. Before the US elec­tion, they were five-to-one in favour of Trump – many of them Russ­ian. Last week they have been in action in the Stoke byelec­tion – Russ­ian bots, organ­ised by who? – attack­ing Paul Nut­tall.

You can take a trend­ing top­ic, such as fake news, and then weaponise it, turn it against the media that uncov­ered it

“Pol­i­tics is war,” said Steve Ban­non last year in the Wall Street Jour­nal. And increas­ing­ly this looks to be true.

There’s noth­ing acci­den­tal about Trump’s behav­iour, Andy Wig­more tells me. “That press con­fer­ence. It was absolute­ly bril­liant. I could see exact­ly what he was doing. There’s feed­back going on con­stant­ly. That’s what you can do with arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence. You can mea­sure every reac­tion to every word. He has a word room, where you fix key words. We did it. So with immi­gra­tion, there are actu­al­ly key words with­in that sub­ject mat­ter which peo­ple are con­cerned about. So when you are going to make a speech, it’s all about how can you use these trend­ing words.”

Wig­more met with Trump’s team right at the start of the Leave cam­paign. “And they said the holy grail was arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence.”

Who did?

“Jared Kush­n­er and Jason Miller.

Lat­er, when Trump picked up Mer­cer and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, the game changed again. “It’s all about the emo­tions. This is the big dif­fer­ence with what we did. They call it bio-psy­cho-social pro­fil­ing. It takes your phys­i­cal, men­tal and lifestyle attrib­ut­es and works out how peo­ple work, how they react emo­tion­al­ly.”

Bio-psy­cho-social pro­fil­ing, I read lat­er, is one offen­sive in what is called “cog­ni­tive war­fare”. Though there are many oth­ers: “recod­ing the mass con­scious­ness to turn patri­o­tism into col­lab­o­ra­tionism,” explains a Nato brief­ing doc­u­ment on coun­ter­ing Russ­ian dis­in­for­ma­tion writ­ten by an SCL employ­ee. “Time-sen­si­tive pro­fes­sion­al use of media to prop­a­gate nar­ra­tives,” says one US state depart­ment white paper. “Of par­tic­u­lar impor­tance to psy­op per­son­nel may be pub­licly and com­mer­cial­ly avail­able data from social media plat­forms.”

Yet anoth­er details the pow­er of a “cog­ni­tive casu­al­ty” – a “moral shock” that “has a dis­abling effect on empa­thy and high­er process­es such as moral rea­son­ing and crit­i­cal think­ing”. Some­thing like immi­gra­tion, per­haps. Or “fake news”. Or as it has now become: “FAKE news!!!!”

How do you change the way a nation thinks? You could start by cre­at­ing a main­stream media to replace the exist­ing one with a site such as Bre­it­bart. [Ser­pen­t’s Walk sce­nario with Bre­it­bart becom­ing “the opin­ion form­ing media”!–D.E.] You could set up oth­er web­sites that dis­place main­stream sources of news and infor­ma­tion with your own def­i­n­i­tions of con­cepts like “lib­er­al media bias”, like CNSnews.com. And you could give the rump main­stream media, papers like the “fail­ing New York Times!” what it wants: sto­ries. Because the third prong of Mer­cer and Bannon’s media empire is the Gov­ern­ment Account­abil­i­ty Insti­tute.

Ban­non co-found­ed it with $2m of Mercer’s mon­ey. Mercer’s daugh­ter, Rebekah, was appoint­ed to the board. Then they invest­ed in expen­sive, long-term inves­tiga­tive jour­nal­ism. “The mod­ern eco­nom­ics of the news­room don’t sup­port big inves­tiga­tive report­ing staffs,” Ban­non told Forbes mag­a­zine. “You wouldn’t get a Water­gate, a Pen­ta­gon Papers today, because nobody can afford to let a reporter spend sev­en months on a sto­ry. We can. We’re work­ing as a sup­port func­tion.”

Wel­come to the future of jour­nal­ism in the age of plat­form cap­i­tal­ism. News organ­i­sa­tions have to do a bet­ter job of cre­at­ing new finan­cial mod­els. But in the gaps in between, a deter­mined plu­to­crat and a bril­liant media strate­gist can, and have, found a way to mould jour­nal­ism to their own ends.

In 2015, Steve Ban­non described to Forbes how the GAI oper­at­ed, employ­ing a data sci­en­tist to trawl the dark web (in the arti­cle he boasts of hav­ing access to $1.3bn worth of super­com­put­ers) to dig up the kind of source mate­r­i­al Google can’t find. One result has been a New York Times best­seller, Clin­ton Cash: The Untold Sto­ry of How and Why For­eign Gov­ern­ments and Busi­ness­es Helped Make Bill and Hillary Rich, writ­ten by GAI’s pres­i­dent, Peter Schweiz­er and lat­er turned into a film pro­duced by Rebekah Mer­cer and Steve Ban­non.

This, Ban­non explained, is how you “weaponise” the nar­ra­tive you want. With hard researched facts. With those, you can launch it straight on to the front page of the New York Times, as the sto­ry of Hillary Clinton’s cash did. Like Hillary’s emails it turned the news agen­da, and, most cru­cial­ly, it divert­ed the atten­tion of the news cycle. Anoth­er clas­sic psy­ops approach. “Strate­gic drown­ing” of oth­er mes­sages.

This is a strate­gic, long-term and real­ly quite bril­liant play. In the 1990s, Ban­non explained, con­ser­v­a­tive media couldn’t take Bill Clin­ton down because “they wound up talk­ing to them­selves in an echo cham­ber”.

As, it turns out, the lib­er­al media is now. We are scat­tered, sep­a­rate, squab­bling among our­selves and being picked off like tar­gets in a shoot­ing gallery. Increas­ing­ly, there’s a sense that we are talk­ing to our­selves. And whether it’s Mercer’s mil­lions or oth­er fac­tors, Jonathan Albright’s map of the news and infor­ma­tion ecosys­tem shows how rightwing sites are dom­i­nat­ing sites like YouTube and Google, bound tight­ly togeth­er by mil­lions of links.

Is there a cen­tral intel­li­gence to that, I ask Albright? “There has to be. There has to be some type of coor­di­na­tion. You can see from look­ing at the map, from the archi­tec­ture of the sys­tem, that this is not acci­den­tal. It’s clear­ly being led by mon­ey and pol­i­tics.”

There’s been a lot of talk in the echo cham­ber about Ban­non in the last few months, but it’s Mer­cer who pro­vid­ed the mon­ey to remake parts of the media land­scape. And while Ban­non under­stands the media, Mer­cer under­stands big data. He under­stands the struc­ture of the inter­net. He knows how algo­rithms work.

Robert Mer­cer did not respond to a request for com­ment for this piece. Nick Pat­ter­son, a British cryp­tog­ra­ph­er, who worked at Renais­sance Tech­nolo­gies in the 80s and is now a com­pu­ta­tion­al geneti­cist at MIT, described to me how he was the one who tal­ent-spot­ted Mer­cer. “There was an elite group work­ing at IBM in the 1980s doing speech research, speech recog­ni­tion, and when I joined Renais­sance I judged that the math­e­mat­ics we were try­ing to apply to finan­cial mar­kets were very sim­i­lar.”

He describes Mer­cer as “very, very con­ser­v­a­tive. He tru­ly did not like the Clin­tons. He thought Bill Clin­ton was a crim­i­nal. And his basic pol­i­tics, I think, was that he’s a rightwing lib­er­tar­i­an, he wants the gov­ern­ment out of things.”

He sus­pects that Mer­cer is bring­ing the bril­liant com­pu­ta­tion­al skills he brought to finance to bear on anoth­er very dif­fer­ent sphere. “We make math­e­mat­i­cal mod­els of the finan­cial mar­kets which are prob­a­bil­i­ty mod­els, and from those we try and make pre­dic­tions. What I sus­pect Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca do is that they build prob­a­bil­i­ty mod­els of how peo­ple vote. And then they look at what they can do to influ­ence that.”

Find­ing the edge is what quants do. They build quan­ti­ta­tive mod­els that auto­mate the process of buy­ing and sell­ing shares and then they chase tiny gaps in knowl­edge to cre­ate huge wins. Renais­sance Tech­nolo­gies was one of the first hedge funds to invest in AI. But what it does with it, how it’s been pro­grammed to do it, is com­plete­ly unknown. It is, Bloomberg reports, the “black­est box in finance”.

Johan Bollen, asso­ciate pro­fes­sor at Indi­ana Uni­ver­si­ty School of Infor­mat­ics and Com­put­ing, tells me how he dis­cov­ered one pos­si­ble edge: he’s done research that shows you can pre­dict stock mar­ket moves from Twit­ter. You can mea­sure pub­lic sen­ti­ment and then mod­el it. “Soci­ety is dri­ven by emo­tions, which it’s always been dif­fi­cult to mea­sure, col­lec­tive­ly. But there are now pro­grammes that can read text and mea­sure it and give us a win­dow into those col­lec­tive emo­tions.”

The research caused a huge rip­ple among two dif­fer­ent con­stituen­cies. “We had a lot atten­tion from hedge funds. They are look­ing for sig­nals every­where and this is a huge­ly inter­est­ing sig­nal. My impres­sion is hedge funds do have these algo­rithms that are scan­ning social feeds. The flash crash­es we’ve had – sud­den huge drops in stock prices – indi­cates these algo­rithms are being used at large scale. And they are engaged in some­thing of an arms race.”

The oth­er peo­ple inter­est­ed in Bollen’s work are those who want not only to mea­sure pub­lic sen­ti­ment, but to change it. Bollen’s research shows how it’s pos­si­ble. Could you reverse engi­neer the nation­al, or even the glob­al, mood? Mod­el it, and then change it?

“It does seem pos­si­ble. And it does wor­ry me. There are quite a few pieces of research that show if you repeat some­thing often enough, peo­ple start invol­un­tar­i­ly to believe it. And that could be lever­aged, or weaponised for pro­pa­gan­da. We know there are thou­sands of auto­mat­ed bots out there that are try­ing to do just that.”

The war of the bots is one of the wilder and weird­er aspects of the elec­tions of 2016. At the Oxford Inter­net Institute’s Unit for Com­pu­ta­tion­al Pro­pa­gan­da, its direc­tor, Phil Howard, and direc­tor of research, Sam Wool­ley, show me all the ways pub­lic opin­ion can be mas­saged and manip­u­lat­ed. But is there a smok­ing gun, I ask them, evi­dence of who is doing this? “There’s not a smok­ing gun,” says Howard. “There are smok­ing machine guns. There are mul­ti­ple pieces of evi­dence.”

“Look at this,” he says and shows me how, before the US elec­tion, hun­dreds upon hun­dreds of web­sites were set up to blast out just a few links, arti­cles that were all pro-Trump. “This is being done by peo­ple who under­stand infor­ma­tion struc­ture, who are bulk buy­ing domain names and then using automa­tion to blast out a cer­tain mes­sage. To make Trump look like he’s a con­sen­sus.”

And that requires mon­ey?

“That requires organ­i­sa­tion and mon­ey. And if you use enough of them, of bots and peo­ple, and clev­er­ly link them togeth­er, you are what’s legit­i­mate. You are cre­at­ing truth.”

You can take an exist­ing trend­ing top­ic, such as fake news, and then weaponise it. You can turn it against the very media that uncov­ered it. Viewed in a cer­tain light, fake news is a sui­cide bomb at the heart of our infor­ma­tion sys­tem. Strapped to the live body of us – the main­stream media.

One of the things that con­cerns Howard most is the hun­dreds of thou­sands of “sleep­er” bots they’ve found. Twit­ter accounts that have tweet­ed only once or twice and are now sit­ting qui­et­ly wait­ing for a trig­ger: some sort of cri­sis where they will rise up and come togeth­er to drown out all oth­er sources of infor­ma­tion.

Like zom­bies?

“Like zom­bies.” . . .

2. Here’s a reminder that Steve Bannon’s vision of an inter­na­tion­al net­work of Bre­it­bart branch­es push­ing a far-right, pro-cor­po­ratist eth­no-nation­al­ist agen­da – in oth­er words, cor­po­ratist glob­al­ism with an eth­no-nation­al­ist pati­na – isn’t lim­it­ed to Breitbart’s expan­sion into Europe. Bre­it­bart India is on the agen­da too and has been for a while.

This dynam­ic also bears exam­i­na­tion in the con­text of Tul­si Gab­bard, one of the dri­ving forces behind the Bernie Sanders phe­nom­e­non and a net­work­ing part­ner of Ban­non, Modi, the BJP and the RSS. (We dis­cussed Gab­bard in FTR #‘s 941, 942 and 945.)

In FTR #795, we not­ed that Naren­dra Modi was polit­i­cal­ly evolved from the Hin­du nationalist/fascist milieu of the RSS. (An “alum­nus” of that polit­i­cal envi­ron­ment mur­dered Gand­hi.) In addi­tion, we have seen that Mod­i’s elec­tion was heav­i­ly but­tressed by Ebay’s Pierre Omid­yar, who has under­writ­ten Glenn Green­wald’s recent jour­nal­is­tic ven­tures and par­tial­ly bankrolled the 2014 Ukraine coup that brought the heirs of the OUN/B to pow­er.

For an overview of the res­o­nance between the RSS/BJP and Ital­ian and Ger­man fas­cism, check out this post.

“Inside Steve Bannon’s Failed Bre­it­bart India Scheme” by Asaw­in Sueb­saeng; The Dai­ly Beast; 3/02/2017.

Before he was the president’s right-hand man, Steve Ban­non was bent on world dom­i­na­tion of a dif­fer­ent kind.

If Stephen K. Ban­non had had his way, there would already be a Bre­it­bart India.

Well before he entered the Trump White House with an eye toward influ­enc­ing and affect­ing for­eign pol­i­cy, Ban­non was already try­ing to wield his Bre­it­bart media empire to influ­ence the pol­i­tics of for­eign democ­ra­cies, in favor of right-wing nation­al­ist upheavals.

Until he became Pres­i­dent Trump’s chief strate­gist, Ban­non was on a mis­sion to open new Bre­it­bart oper­a­tions in sev­er­al Euro­pean coun­tries. Accord­ing to mul­ti­ple reports, he want­ed these for­eign offices opened for the pur­pose of back­ing nation­al­ist, anti-immi­grant polit­i­cal par­ties such as the Nation­al Front in France.

Anoth­er coun­try Ban­non had eyed for set­ting up shop was India, so his right-wing news and pro­pa­gan­da net­work could lend its sup­port to Prime Min­is­ter Naren­dra Modi, anoth­er nation­al­ist, huge­ly con­tro­ver­sial fig­ure whom Ban­non has come to admire great­ly.

“On Novem­ber 17 2015, I sat oppo­site Steve Ban­non in [a New York City] office as he asked me if I’d be inter­est­ed in start­ing Bre­it­bart India,” Mum­bai-based writer Amit Var­ma wrote in a lit­tle-noticed blog post late last year.

“A lady who was one of the fun­ders of [Bre­it­bart], and of cer­tain lead­ers in the Repub­li­can Par­ty, got in touch with [oth­ers] to ask if she could meet me. (It’s not fair of me to name her because she’s not real­ly a pub­lic fig­ure.),” Var­ma con­tin­ued. “She’d been impressed by my speech, and thus this meet­ing [with her and Ban­non].”

Though Var­ma declined to name the “lady,” two sources, who request­ed anonymi­ty, with knowl­edge of the meet­ing con­firmed to The Dai­ly Beast that the woman present in the room with Ban­non was in fact Rebekah Mer­cer, the Repub­li­can megadonor with deep ties to Trump and Ban­non. Last week, Bre­it­bart con­firmed that the Mer­cer fam­i­ly does in fact co-own Bre­it­bart.

Mer­cer did not respond to requests for com­ment on this sto­ry. Nei­ther did Ban­non.

Var­ma blogged that he “didn’t know much about Bre­it­bart” or the Amer­i­can alt-right, though he knew right off the bat that launch­ing Bre­it­bart India wasn’t the gig for him. Bre­it­bart was a con­ser­v­a­tive vehi­cle, both in the Unit­ed States and at its off­shoots abroad. Var­ma iden­ti­fies as a pro-immi­gra­tion, pro-gay-rights lib­er­tar­i­an. More­over, he says that he advised them that there wasn’t even a point to hav­ing a web­site like Bre­it­bart col­o­nize India.

“It’s incon­gru­ent,” he recalled telling Ban­non and Mer­cer. “There is no ana­log of Amer­i­can con­ser­vatism in India. The Indi­an right is dri­ven by big­otry and nativism, with no deep­er guid­ing phi­los­o­phy behind it. [Con­sid­er the irony of these words.] You will not find any Burkean con­ser­v­a­tives here. Don’t come.”

“Well, we think that Modi is India’s Rea­gan,” Ban­non replied, accord­ing to Var­ma.

Var­ma writes that he “laughed” in Bannon’s face when he said that, and had to tell them that “Modi was no Rea­gan.”

Sub­se­quent­ly, “the lady” present attempt­ed to con­vince Var­ma that she was “actu­al­ly” a lib­er­tar­i­an, as well, before launch­ing into “dia­tribes” against same-sex mar­riage and “immi­grants in Amer­i­ca, and how the cul­tur­al fab­ric of Europe was being torn apart by their immi­grants.”

Fol­low­ing Trump’s elec­tion-night upset, Var­ma wrote that he is “still glad that I didn’t explore their offer fur­ther. I could have been some­what rich­er, maybe even influ­en­tial, if I’d tak­en it up—but I sleep well at night now, and that’s what mat­ters.”

In a brief phone con­ver­sa­tion, Var­ma told The Dai­ly Beast that he did not wish to com­ment fur­ther than what he wrote in his orig­i­nal post, but added that he found Ban­non to be warm and “very nice to me.”

Modi is a con­tro­ver­sial nation­al­ist, right-wing leader. The U.S., along with Eng­land and oth­er West­ern coun­tries, had imposed a visa ban on him after human-rights orga­ni­za­tions impli­cat­ed Modi in a 2002 slaugh­ter of Mus­lims in his state. The Indi­an Supreme Court even­tu­al­ly exon­er­at­ed Modi years lat­er, but by then many wit­ness­es had been tam­pered with, had died, or had been killed.

Dur­ing a con­fer­ence held inside the Vat­i­can in 2014, Ban­non praised Modi, a Hin­du nation­al­ist, for being at the cen­ter of a transna­tion­al “revolt.”

“That cen­ter-right revolt is real­ly a glob­al revolt,” Ban­non said, accord­ing to Buz­zFeed. “I think you’re going to see it in Latin Amer­i­ca, I think you’re going to see it in Asia, I think you’ve already seen it in India. Modi’s great vic­to­ry was very much based on these Rea­ganesque prin­ci­ples, so I think this is a glob­al revolt, and we are very for­tu­nate and proud to be the news site that is report­ing that through­out the world.”

The inter­sec­tion of pro-Modi and pro-Trump sen­ti­ments with­in Trump’s inner polit­i­cal cir­cle didn’t stop there. The Repub­li­can Hin­du Coali­tion (RHC), which was very sup­port­ive of Trump’s pres­i­den­tial cam­paign and was favor­ably cov­ered on Bre­it­bart mul­ti­ple times, has been in close con­tact with Ban­non, via its leader and GOP donor Sha­l­abh “Shal­li” Kumar.

In mid-Octo­ber of last year short­ly before the elec­tion, Kumar orga­nized an RHC event in New Jer­sey fea­tur­ing and cel­e­brat­ing Don­ald J. Trump. The event also includ­ed Kumar, as well as “Bol­ly­wood Stars, and major Hin­du spir­i­tu­al lead­ers,” accord­ing to the invi­ta­tion.

Kumar, chair­man of the Repub­li­can Hin­du Coali­tion, told The Dai­ly Beast this week, that Ban­non worked with him to get the event planned around the Repub­li­can pres­i­den­tial nominee’s busy sched­ule.

“I have had sev­er­al inter­faces with [Steve Ban­non] in per­son, as well as over the phone and over email,” Kumar said.

Kumar said that he first met Ban­non in late August 2016, and that he was a “very, very nice guy”—not the the “rude, angry-type per­son” he had seen por­trayed in the news. Dur­ing his August vis­it to Trump Tow­er to plan the Bol­ly­wood-tinged, pro-Trump event, Kumar met with Kellyanne Con­way and Ban­non.

“Gen­er­al­ly, we were talk­ing about the reach­ing-out to Hin­du Amer­i­cans, and [Ban­non] was all for it—I do remem­ber him being inter­est­ed in talk­ing to the pow­ers at be from India,” Kumar recalled. “At the end of the meet­ing, Kellyanne had to dis­ap­pear for a moment into a dif­fer­ent room, and I had for­got­ten to ask her some ques­tions… So Steve went with me from room, to room, to room [in Trump Tow­er] to find her to get my ques­tions answered.”

Kumar said he chat­ted with Ban­non mul­ti­ple times regard­ing the impor­tance of a “nation­al­ist econ­o­my,” Indi­an pol­i­tics, and tak­ing “tough stands against rad­i­cal Islam­ic ter­ror­ism.”

“[Steve] had a clear phi­los­o­phy that you could still be in nation­al­ism, and still be a glob­al pow­er,” he con­tin­ued.

Kumar says he is still in touch with Ban­non, and com­mu­ni­cat­ed as recent­ly as last month. When asked about the for­mer Bre­it­bart chief’s plans to try to mount a Bre­it­bart India, Kumar said he had not heard about them, but that it “would be great” if Bre­it­bart did do that.

“Steve Ban­non is the guy who straight­ened out the Trump cam­paign in August,” the Indi­an-Amer­i­can busi­ness­man said. “He almost seemed like a mil­i­tary com­man­der… One of my favorite guys in his­to­ry is Gen. Pat­ton, and—you know—he could be like Gen. Pat­ton.”

3. Anoth­er exam­ple of the glob­al nature of the “Alt-Right’s” attempts to rebrand far-right ide­olo­gies. Check out the image on the main ban­ner used in a Lithuan­ian far-right march cel­e­brat­ing the WWII pro-Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tionist Kazys Skir­pa: Pepe the frog. Or, more pre­cise­ly, Kazy Skir­pa as Pepe the frog.

“ . . . The ban­ner also includ­ed a quote attrib­uted to the Pepe-like por­trait of Skir­pa, an envoy of the pro-Nazi move­ment in Lithua­nia to Berlin, that read ‘Lithua­nia will con­tribute to new and bet­ter Euro­pean order.’ . . . ”

As we can see, the “Alt-Right” Pepe-fica­tion of Europe is well under­way, and it’s going to include Europe’s many WWII his­tor­i­cal revi­sion­ism move­ments: all of those Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tors were actu­al­ly mis­un­der­stood free­dom fight­ers. Here’s a fun “Alt-Right” meme about them. But don’t call them Nazis.

“Lithuan­ian Nation­al­ists Cel­e­brate Holo­caust-era Quis­ling, Pepe the Frog Near Exe­cu­tion Site:” Jew­ish Tele­graph Agency; 2/17/2017.

Lithuan­ian ultra­na­tion­al­ists marched near exe­cu­tion sites of Jews with ban­ners cel­e­brat­ing a pro-Nazi col­lab­o­ra­tionist who called for eth­nic cleans­ing and a sym­bol pop­u­lar with mem­bers of the U.S. “alt-right” move­ment.

Approx­i­mate­ly 170 peo­ple attend­ed Thursday’s annu­al march in Kau­nas, Lithuania’s sec­ond city that is also known as Kovno, the web­site Defend­ing His­to­ry report­ed.

The main ban­ner fea­tured a pic­ture of the col­lab­o­ra­tionist Kazys Skir­pa mod­i­fied to resem­ble Pepe the Frog, a car­toon fig­ure that was used by hate groups in the Unit­ed States dur­ing the 2016 pres­i­den­tial elec­tions, accord­ing to the Anti-Defama­tion League.

The ban­ner also includ­ed a quote attrib­uted to the Pepe-like por­trait of Skir­pa, an envoy of the pro-Nazi move­ment in Lithua­nia to Berlin, that read “Lithua­nia will con­tribute to new and bet­ter Euro­pean order.”

Skir­pa, who has a street named for him in Kau­nas, “ele­vat­ed anti-Semi­tism to a polit­i­cal lev­el” that “could have encour­aged a por­tion of Lithuania’s res­i­dents to get involved in the Holo­caust,” the Geno­cide and Resis­tance Research Cen­ter of Lithua­nia assert­ed in 2015. But Skir­pa “pro­posed to solve ‘the Jew­ish prob­lem’ not by geno­cide but by the method of expul­sion from Lithua­nia,” the cen­ter said.

The pro­ces­sion passed near the Lietovus Garage, where in 1941 locals butchered dozens of Jews. Thou­sands more were killed in an around Kau­nas by local col­lab­o­ra­tors of the Nazis and by Ger­man sol­diers in the fol­low­ing months.

“Kau­nas is ground zero of the Lithuan­ian Holo­caust,” Dovid Katz, a U.S.-born schol­ar and the founder of Defend­ing His­to­ry, told JTA on Fri­day. He con­demned local author­i­ties for allow­ing the march by “folks who glo­ri­fy the very Holo­caust-col­lab­o­ra­tors, the­o­reti­cians and per­pe­tra­tors who unleashed the geno­cide local­ly.” Katz was one of five peo­ple who attend­ed the march to protest and doc­u­ment it.

Lithua­nia is the only coun­try that offi­cial­ly defines its dom­i­na­tion by the for­mer Sovi­et Union as a form of geno­cide. The name of the state-fund­ed enti­ty that wrote about Skir­pa in 2005 refers both to the Holo­caust and the so-called Sovi­et occu­pa­tion.

The Muse­um of Geno­cide Vic­tims in Vil­nius, which until 2011 did not men­tion the more than 200,000 Lithuan­ian Jews who died in the Nazi Holo­caust, was estab­lished in 1992 to memo­ri­al­ize Lithua­ni­ans killed by the Nazi, but most­ly Sovi­et, states.

 

Discussion

8 comments for “FTR #949 Walkin’ the Snake with Breitbart, Part 2”

  1. Hi Dave, This post is amaz­ing and so time­ly, I was sur­prised to see it since this is all I’ve been focused on for the last two weeks. I just fin­ished a short doc about Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and the 2016 elec­tion.

    Please share if you’d like!
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3nnYwsj5BWk

    best, Kris

    Posted by Kris Kelvin | March 11, 2017, 7:12 pm
  2. Here’s an arti­cle about a top­ic that’s only going to be increas­ing­ly top­i­cal as the sci­ence of arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence con­tin­ues to advance while human­i­ty’s polit­i­cal par­a­digms con­tin­ue to regress and far-right author­i­tar­i­an­ism con­sol­i­dates its grip in soci­eties across the globe: Microsoft research Kate Craw­ford gave a speech about her research on the social impact of machine learn­ing and large-scale data sys­tem at the SXSW con­fer­ence. The take home mes­sage? That fas­cists and oth­er author­i­tar­i­ans are going to LOVE arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence. In par­tic­u­lar AI sys­tems that com­bine with Big Data and promise to do things like watch over a pop­u­lace and iden­ti­fy poten­tial crim­i­nals. Or maybe sub­tly tar­get indi­vid­u­als to change their opin­ions. Or cre­ate var­i­ous pop­u­la­tion data­bas­es and reg­istries. Or what­ev­er else they can think of to keep a pop­u­la­tion under con­trol.

    In oth­er words, by del­e­gat­ing pow­ers to Bid Data-dri­ven AIs those AIs could become fas­cist’s dream: Incred­i­ble pow­er over the lives of oth­ers with min­i­mal account­abil­i­ty:

    The Guardian

    Arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence is ripe for abuse, tech researcher warns: ‘a fas­cist’s dream’

    Microsoft’s Kate Craw­ford tells SXSW that soci­ety must pre­pare for author­i­tar­i­an move­ments to test the ‘pow­er with­out account­abil­i­ty’ of AI

    Olivia Solon in Austin, Texas

    Mon­day 13 March 2017 07.30 EDT

    As arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence becomes more pow­er­ful, peo­ple need to make sure it’s not used by author­i­tar­i­an regimes to cen­tral­ize pow­er and tar­get cer­tain pop­u­la­tions, Microsoft Research’s Kate Craw­ford warned on Sun­day.

    In her SXSW ses­sion, titled Dark Days: AI and the Rise of Fas­cism, Craw­ford, who stud­ies the social impact of machine learn­ing and large-scale data sys­tems, explained ways that auto­mat­ed sys­tems and their encod­ed bias­es can be mis­used, par­tic­u­lar­ly when they fall into the wrong hands.

    “Just as we are see­ing a step func­tion increase in the spread of AI, some­thing else is hap­pen­ing: the rise of ultra-nation­al­ism, rightwing author­i­tar­i­an­ism and fas­cism,” she said.

    All of these move­ments have shared char­ac­ter­is­tics, includ­ing the desire to cen­tral­ize pow­er, track pop­u­la­tions, demo­nize out­siders and claim author­i­ty and neu­tral­i­ty with­out being account­able. Machine intel­li­gence can be a pow­er­ful part of the pow­er play­book, she said.

    One of the key prob­lems with arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence is that it is often invis­i­bly cod­ed with human bias­es. She described a con­tro­ver­sial piece of research from Shang­hai Jiao Tong Uni­ver­si­ty in Chi­na, where authors claimed to have devel­oped a sys­tem that could pre­dict crim­i­nal­i­ty based on someone’s facial fea­tures. The machine was trained on Chi­nese gov­ern­ment ID pho­tos, ana­lyz­ing the faces of crim­i­nals and non-crim­i­nals to iden­ti­fy pre­dic­tive fea­tures. The researchers claimed it was free from bias.

    “We should always be sus­pi­cious when machine learn­ing sys­tems are described as free from bias if it’s been trained on human-gen­er­at­ed data,” Craw­ford said. “Our bias­es are built into that train­ing data.”

    In the Chi­nese research it turned out that the faces of crim­i­nals were more unusu­al than those of law-abid­ing cit­i­zens. “Peo­ple who had dis­sim­i­lar faces were more like­ly to be seen as untrust­wor­thy by police and judges. That’s encod­ing bias,” Craw­ford said. “This would be a ter­ri­fy­ing sys­tem for an auto­crat to get his hand on.”

    Craw­ford then out­lined the “nasty his­to­ry” of peo­ple using facial fea­tures to “jus­ti­fy the unjus­ti­fi­able”. The prin­ci­ples of phrenol­o­gy, a pseu­do­science that devel­oped across Europe and the US in the 19th cen­tu­ry, were used as part of the jus­ti­fi­ca­tion of both slav­ery and the Nazi per­se­cu­tion of Jews.

    With AI this type of dis­crim­i­na­tion can be masked in a black box of algo­rithms, as appears to be the case with a com­pa­ny called Face­cep­tion, for instance, a firm that promis­es to pro­file people’s per­son­al­i­ties based on their faces. In its own mar­ket­ing mate­r­i­al, the com­pa­ny sug­gests that Mid­dle East­ern-look­ing peo­ple with beards are “ter­ror­ists”, while white look­ing women with trendy hair­cuts are “brand pro­mot­ers”.

    Anoth­er area where AI can be mis­used is in build­ing reg­istries, which can then be used to tar­get cer­tain pop­u­la­tion groups. Craw­ford not­ed his­tor­i­cal cas­es of reg­istry abuse, includ­ing IBM’s role in enabling Nazi Ger­many to track Jew­ish, Roma and oth­er eth­nic groups with the Hol­lerith Machine, and the Book of Life used in South Africa dur­ing apartheid.

    Don­ald Trump has float­ed the idea of cre­at­ing a Mus­lim reg­istry. “We already have that. Face­book has become the default Mus­lim reg­istry of the world,” Craw­ford said, men­tion­ing research from Cam­bridge Uni­ver­si­ty that showed it is pos­si­ble to pre­dict people’s reli­gious beliefs based on what they “like” on the social net­work. Chris­tians and Mus­lims were cor­rect­ly clas­si­fied in 82% of cas­es, and sim­i­lar results were achieved for Democ­rats and Repub­li­cans (85%). That study was con­clud­ed in 2013, since when AI has made huge leaps.

    Craw­ford was con­cerned about the poten­tial use of AI in pre­dic­tive polic­ing sys­tems, which already gath­er the kind of data nec­es­sary to train an AI sys­tem. Such sys­tems are flawed, as shown by a Rand Cor­po­ra­tion study of Chicago’s pro­gram. The pre­dic­tive polic­ing did not reduce crime, but did increase harass­ment of peo­ple in “hotspot” areas. Ear­li­er this year the jus­tice depart­ment con­clud­ed that Chicago’s police had for years reg­u­lar­ly used “unlaw­ful force”, and that black and His­pan­ic neigh­bor­hoods were most affect­ed.

    Anoth­er wor­ry relat­ed to the manip­u­la­tion of polit­i­cal beliefs or shift­ing vot­ers, some­thing Face­book and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca claim they can already do. Craw­ford was skep­ti­cal about giv­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca cred­it for Brex­it and the elec­tion of Don­ald Trump, but thinks what the firm promis­es – using thou­sands of data points on peo­ple to work out how to manip­u­late their views – will be pos­si­ble “in the next few years”.

    “This is a fascist’s dream,” she said. “Pow­er with­out account­abil­i­ty.”

    Such black box sys­tems are start­ing to creep into gov­ern­ment. Palan­tir is build­ing an intel­li­gence sys­tem to assist Don­ald Trump in deport­ing immi­grants.

    “It’s the most pow­er­ful engine of mass depor­ta­tion this coun­try has ever seen,” she said.

    ...

    ““This is a fascist’s dream,” she said. “Pow­er with­out account­abil­i­ty.””

    Yep, and note how much of that fas­cist dream is already real­i­ty:

    ...
    Don­ald Trump has float­ed the idea of cre­at­ing a Mus­lim reg­istry. “We already have that. Face­book has become the default Mus­lim reg­istry of the world,” Craw­ford said, men­tion­ing research from Cam­bridge Uni­ver­si­ty that showed it is pos­si­ble to pre­dict people’s reli­gious beliefs based on what they “like” on the social net­work. Chris­tians and Mus­lims were cor­rect­ly clas­si­fied in 82% of cas­es, and sim­i­lar results were achieved for Democ­rats and Repub­li­cans (85%). That study was con­clud­ed in 2013, since when AI has made huge leaps.

    Craw­ford was con­cerned about the poten­tial use of AI in pre­dic­tive polic­ing sys­tems, which already gath­er the kind of data nec­es­sary to train an AI sys­tem. Such sys­tems are flawed, as shown by a Rand Cor­po­ra­tion study of Chicago’s pro­gram. The pre­dic­tive polic­ing did not reduce crime, but did increase harass­ment of peo­ple in “hotspot” areas. Ear­li­er this year the jus­tice depart­ment con­clud­ed that Chicago’s police had for years reg­u­lar­ly used “unlaw­ful force”, and that black and His­pan­ic neigh­bor­hoods were most affect­ed.

    Anoth­er wor­ry relat­ed to the manip­u­la­tion of polit­i­cal beliefs or shift­ing vot­ers, some­thing Face­book and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca claim they can already do. Craw­ford was skep­ti­cal about giv­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca cred­it for Brex­it and the elec­tion of Don­ald Trump, but thinks what the firm promis­es – using thou­sands of data points on peo­ple to work out how to manip­u­late their views – will be pos­si­ble “in the next few years”.

    ...

    Such black box sys­tems are start­ing to creep into gov­ern­ment. Palan­tir is build­ing an intel­li­gence sys­tem to assist Don­ald Trump in deport­ing immi­grants.

    “It’s the most pow­er­ful engine of mass depor­ta­tion this coun­try has ever seen,” she said.
    ...

    And you have love this part: “Craw­ford was skep­ti­cal about giv­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca cred­it for Brex­it and the elec­tion of Don­ald Trump, but thinks what the firm promis­es – using thou­sands of data points on peo­ple to work out how to manip­u­late their views – will be pos­si­ble “in the next few years”.” So if Craw­ford is cor­rect, the poten­tial pow­er of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca to psy­cho­an­a­lyze the mass­es and shape pub­lic opin­ion (for the ben­e­fit of Don­ald Trump) is all hype...for now. But in the next few years it might not be just hype. At least that’s where she sees the tech­nol­o­gy at this point. Trump isn’t even ful­ly har­ness­ing the pow­er of AI-dri­ven opin­ion-shap­ing yet but he just might have that pow­er by the next elec­tion.

    In oth­er words, we’re already liv­ing in that AI-dri­ven fas­cist dream but this is just the first phase of that dream so we haven’t real­ly noticed it yet. The full-blown night­mare phase is yet to come. But it’s com­ing.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | March 14, 2017, 2:46 pm
  3. Here’s a strange mys­tery sur­round­ing Bre­it­bart News and the Mer­cers: So Bre­it­bart wants to be admit­ted to the big boy polit­i­cal jour­nal­ism club and become a cre­den­tialed mem­ber of the Sen­ate Dai­ly Press Gallery, which would put them on par with out­lets like The New York Times and USA TODAY in terms of press access in the Cap­i­tal. But in order to that, Bre­it­bart has to engage in some­thing it clear­ly has had no inter­est­ing in doing to date: trans­paren­cy in things like who actu­al­ly owns Breibart. And as the arti­cle below notes, Bre­it­bart is loathe to do so. But they are at least will­ing to acknowl­edge that the Mer­cer fam­i­ly are co-own­ers. But they refuse to say which mem­bers of the Mer­cer fam­i­ly are actu­al own­ers. So who knows why Bre­it­bart is so hes­i­tant to say which Mer­cer is a par­tial own­er but it’s pret­ty clear they don’t want that spe­cif­ic info divulged. It’s a mys­tery. A pos­si­bly point­less mys­tery, but a mys­tery nonethe­less:

    USA TODAY

    Steve Ban­non’s rise forces Bre­it­bart News out of the shad­ows, and the base­ment

    Paul Singer
    Pub­lished 10:26 a.m. ET March 23, 2017 | Updat­ed

    WASHINGTON — Bre­it­bart News has stepped out of the fringes of Amer­i­can pol­i­tics and is now, quite lit­er­al­ly, mov­ing out of the base­ment as well.

    The bare-knuck­led con­ser­v­a­tive news orga­ni­za­tion has moved its office out of the house where for­mer chief Steve Ban­non lived, has begun to reluc­tant­ly dis­close its own­er­ship, and, in its quest for offi­cial recog­ni­tion, may even go so far as to pub­licly declare who runs the place.

    Bre­it­bart has for the past sev­er­al years oper­at­ed, basi­cal­ly, out of Bannon’s house. Ban­non was the exec­u­tive chair­man of Bre­it­bart News and the ide­o­log­i­cal engine behind the site’s bareknuck­led anti-immi­gra­tion, anti-gov­ern­ment ide­ol­o­gy. He and the site both oper­at­ed out of a town­house on Capi­tol Hill a cou­ple of blocks behind the Supreme Court. It became known as the “Bre­it­bart Embassy,” site of lav­ish par­ties upstairs and the typ­ing of a staff of young reporters down­stairs, whom Ban­non  referred to as “the Valkyries.”

    But then Ban­non became Trump’s cam­paign man­ag­er last sum­mer and is now chief strate­gist in the White House.

    Bre­it­bart is ris­ing with Ban­non and is now try­ing to become a cre­den­tialed mem­ber of the Sen­ate Dai­ly Press Gallery, join­ing The New York Times, USA TODAY and oth­er main­stream news out­lets. This would giv­en them access to the Capi­tol that is on par with con­gres­sion­al staff. It would also allow them to par­tic­i­pate in White House “pools,” pro­vid­ing cov­er­age of events to the rest of the press corps when space for reporters is lim­it­ed.

    But mem­ber­ship in that club requires a lev­el of trans­paren­cy Bre­it­bart News has long shunned. The office loca­tion is the first hur­dle. Bre­it­bart News has declared the Bre­it­bart Embassy as its office address, but that is not real­ly true.

    ...

    Wash­ing­ton, D.C., prop­er­ty records show the build­ing it is owned by Moustafa El-Gindy, a for­mer Egypt­ian mem­ber of Par­lia­ment who has occa­sion­al­ly been quot­ed in Bre­it­bart news sto­ries. El-Gindy is receiv­ing a home­stead deduc­tion on the prop­er­ty, a $72,000 tax cred­it that requires the own­er to main­tain res­i­dence in the build­ing. He could not be locat­ed for com­ment on this sto­ry.

    Bre­it­bart CEO Lar­ry Solov told the Sen­ate press gallery that the com­pa­ny has a soon-to-expire lease in the build­ing for cor­po­rate hous­ing, offices and enter­tain­ment. But zon­ing rules for the block do not allow com­mer­cial leas­es.

    “That area of Capi­tol Hill is zoned only for res­i­den­tial uses, with a very nar­row set of ‘home occu­pa­tion’ excep­tions allow­ing a res­i­dent (as opposed to a rotat­ing group of occa­sion­al vis­i­tors) to work as an in-home tai­lor, music tutor, doc­tor, or the like, or to run a small bed & break­fast,” said Mark Eck­en­wiler, long­time chair of the zon­ing com­mit­tee for the local Advi­so­ry Neigh­bor­hood Com­mis­sion, the city gov­ern­ment unit for that area.

    The uses Solov described to the press gallery “appear to vio­late the D.C. zon­ing reg­u­la­tions applic­a­ble to that loca­tion,” Eck­en­wiler said. Since the lease is not pub­lic, it is impos­si­ble to know whether the terms meet the neigh­bor­hoods restric­tions.

    When Bre­it­bart does get a new office, it will pre­sum­ably make the address more pub­lic than the cur­rent address, which appears nowhere on the Bre­it­bart news site. The site also pro­vides no phone num­ber and no way to con­tact the edi­tors or reporters.

    Beyond the address, Bre­it­bart’s appli­ca­tion for press cre­den­tials is also shin­ing new light on the com­pa­ny’s man­age­ment and own­er­ship struc­ture.

    The site offers no “mast­head,” the ros­ter of edi­tors and man­agers that news orga­ni­za­tions tra­di­tion­al­ly pub­lish in print edi­tions or post on their web­sites. Solov told the Stand­ing Com­mit­tee of Cor­re­spon­dents last month that he would con­sid­er pro­duc­ing a mast­head, but it still has not appeared on the site.

    The big­ger ques­tion is who owns the site, a piece of infor­ma­tion Solov admit­ted he was loath to dis­close.

    The press gallery rules state that to qual­i­fy, a reporter “must not be engaged in any lob­by­ing or paid advo­ca­cy, adver­tis­ing, pub­lic­i­ty or pro­mo­tion work for any indi­vid­ual, polit­i­cal par­ty, cor­po­ra­tion, orga­ni­za­tion, or agency of the U.S. Gov­ern­ment, or in pros­e­cut­ing any claim before Con­gress or any fed­er­al gov­ern­ment depart­ment, and will not do so while a mem­ber of the Dai­ly Press Gal­leries. Appli­cants’ pub­li­ca­tions must be edi­to­ri­al­ly inde­pen­dent of any insti­tu­tion, foun­da­tion or inter­est group that lob­bies the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment, or that is not prin­ci­pal­ly a gen­er­al news orga­ni­za­tion.”

    Solov reluc­tant­ly told the Stand­ing Com­mit­tee in Feb­ru­ary that Bre­it­bart is part­ly owned by the Mer­cer fam­i­ly, one the largest sources of mon­ey behind com­mit­tees sup­port­ing Pres­i­dent Trump’s cam­paign last year. Solov would not say which of the Mer­cers was an own­er. Rebekah Mer­cer helped per­suade Trump to hire Ban­non as cam­paign CEO last sum­mer, and she served on the exec­u­tive com­mit­tee of Trump’s tran­si­tion team after the elec­tion.

    Solov also told the com­mit­tee that Ban­non resigned from Bre­it­bart last fall, short­ly after the elec­tion, but was unable to pro­vide any for­mal doc­u­men­ta­tion to that effect. He said Ban­non sim­ply called him to say he is step­ping down. The Stand­ing Com­mit­tee has asked for more details before its next meet­ing on Fri­day.

    And while Solov says Ban­non is no longer con­nect­ed to Bre­it­bart News, his influ­ence clear­ly still lingers at the Bre­it­bart Embassy.

    Answer­ing the door at the Bre­it­bart Embassy on Mon­day was Dan Fleuette, who lists him­self on LinkedIn as vice pres­i­dent of pro­duc­tion of Vic­to­ry Film Group, Ban­non’s polit­i­cal film enter­prise. Fleuette shares screen­writ­ing and pro­duc­tion cred­its on sev­er­al Ban­non films, includ­ing the 2016 film Clin­ton Cash. Fleuette has also writ­ten for Bre­it­bart News, large­ly as a sports colum­nist, but he said he is not on staff now.

    “The big­ger ques­tion is who owns the site, a piece of infor­ma­tion Solov admit­ted he was loath to dis­close.”

    So Bre­it­bart CEO Lar­ry Solov real­ly does­n’t want to reveal that the Mer­cer clan are investors. And even after that dis­clo­sure he still won’t say which Mer­cer:

    ...
    Solov reluc­tant­ly told the Stand­ing Com­mit­tee in Feb­ru­ary that Bre­it­bart is part­ly owned by the Mer­cer fam­i­ly, one the largest sources of mon­ey behind com­mit­tees sup­port­ing Pres­i­dent Trump’s cam­paign last year. Solov would not say which of the Mer­cers was an own­er. Rebekah Mer­cer helped per­suade Trump to hire Ban­non as cam­paign CEO last sum­mer, and she served on the exec­u­tive com­mit­tee of Trump’s tran­si­tion team after the elec­tion.
    ...

    And this is despite the fact that it’s basi­cal­ly a choice of 1. Robert Mer­cer. 2. His daugh­ter Rebekah. 3. Both of them. 4. Some oth­er mys­tery Mer­cer.

    So unless it’s some oth­er mys­tery Mer­cer it’s a pret­ty point­less mys­tery. Although there’s still a mys­tery as to how much of Bre­it­bart the Mer­cers own. And based on Solov’s tes­ti­mo­ny to the Stand­ing Com­mit­tee in Feb­ru­ary, it would­n’t be sur­pris­ing of the Mer­cers’ share was quite large since Solov told the com­mit­tee that Bre­it­bart has just three own­ers: Lar­ry Solov, Susie Bre­it­bart (Andrew Bre­it­bart’s wid­ow), and the Mer­cers. That, accord­ing to Solov’s tes­ti­mo­ny, is it:

    USA TODAY

    CEO con­firms Mer­cers, top GOP donors, are part own­ers of Bre­it­bart

    Paul Singer
    Pub­lished 4:04 p.m. ET Feb. 24, 2017 | Updat­ed 4:23 p.m. ET Feb. 24, 2017

    Bre­it­bart News Net­work CEO Lar­ry Solov acknowl­edged Fri­day that the Mer­cer fam­i­ly — top Repub­li­can donors and key back­ers of Pres­i­dent Trump’s cam­paign — are part own­ers of the con­tro­ver­sial news site, but he said they have no edi­to­r­i­al role.

    Pres­i­den­tial advis­er Steve Ban­non has resigned his edi­to­r­i­al and finan­cial roles with the site, Solov said, but there is no for­mal paper­work to that effect.

    The own­er­ship of Bre­it­bart has been a close­ly guard­ed secret, and Solov said he was reluc­tant to dis­close it pub­licly. Bre­it­bart is apply­ing for press cre­den­tials through the Sen­ate Dai­ly Press Gallery, and the Stand­ing Com­mit­tee of Cor­re­spon­dents that serve as the gallery lead­er­ship had request­ed infor­ma­tion about the site’s own­er­ship to ensure Bre­it­bart meets the gallery’s require­ments for edi­to­r­i­al inde­pen­dence.

    The press gallery rules state that to qual­i­fy, a reporter “must not be engaged in any lob­by­ing or paid advo­ca­cy, adver­tis­ing, pub­lic­i­ty or pro­mo­tion work for any indi­vid­ual, polit­i­cal par­ty, cor­po­ra­tion, orga­ni­za­tion, or agency of the U.S. Gov­ern­ment, or in pros­e­cut­ing any claim before Con­gress or any fed­er­al gov­ern­ment depart­ment, and will not do so while a mem­ber of the Dai­ly Press Gal­leries. Appli­cants’ pub­li­ca­tions must be edi­to­ri­al­ly inde­pen­dent of any insti­tu­tion, foun­da­tion or inter­est group that lob­bies the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment, or that is not prin­ci­pal­ly a gen­er­al news orga­ni­za­tion.”

    Solov told the com­mit­tee Fri­day that the three own­ers are him, the Mer­cer fam­i­ly and Andrew Bre­it­bart’s wid­ow, Susie.

    ...

    Last August, after Ban­non joined the Trump cam­paign, Bre­it­bart announced that Ban­non had tak­en a tem­po­rary leave of absence, but the com­mit­tee had asked for more details about Ban­non’s rela­tion­ship with the site. Solov said that Ban­non called him short­ly after the elec­tion to resign from the com­pa­ny, and that it is a total sev­er­ing of ties, but he said there is no writ­ten doc­u­men­ta­tion of his res­ig­na­tion, and he could not pro­vide an exact date for the con­ver­sa­tion. Solov said he would be will­ing to write a let­ter stat­ing that Ban­non has left the com­pa­ny.

    ...

    Solov told the com­mit­tee that as a pri­vate lim­it­ed lia­bil­i­ty cor­po­ra­tion, “I want to dis­close as lit­tle as pos­si­ble about our finan­cial and own­er­ship struc­ture.” But he also said he under­stood the gallery’s need to under­stand who owns Bre­it­bart and who makes edi­to­r­i­al deci­sions. The site has nev­er had a mast­head like a tra­di­tion­al news oper­a­tion, list­ing top edi­tors and man­agers, but Solov appeared will­ing to pro­vide that to the gallery as well.

    Get­ting cre­den­tials in the press gallery is not a require­ment for reporters to cov­er Con­gress — Bre­it­bart reporters already run the halls of the Capi­tol with the rest of the press pack — but it pro­vides some pre­rog­a­tives for reporters cov­er­ing news events on Capi­tol Hill and makes it much eas­i­er to get around. A Sen­ate press pass also can be a step­ping­stone to get­ting a White House press pass.

    “Solov told the com­mit­tee Fri­day that the three own­ers are him, the Mer­cer fam­i­ly and Andrew Bre­it­bart’s wid­ow, Susie.”

    So while we don’t know exact­ly how much of Bre­it­bart the Mer­cers own, we know the own­er­ship is divid­ed between those three enti­ties. And based on how much the Mer­cers invest­ed and when they made that invest­ment, it’s a pret­ty safe bet that the Mer­cers own a lot of Bre­it­bart since they report­ed­ly invest­ed $10 mil­lion back in 2011 when the site was strug­gling:

    Bloomberg Pol­i­tics

    What Kind of Man Spends Mil­lions to Elect Ted Cruz?

    Robert Mer­cer is one of the wealth­i­est, most secre­tive, influ­en­tial, and reac­tionary Repub­li­cans in the coun­try.

    by Zachary Mider
    Jan 20, 2016 4:45 AM CST

    ...

    Breitbart.com, which devot­ed at least six sto­ries to the sum­mit, has proven to be one of Mercer’s bet­ter polit­i­cal wagers. He invest­ed $10 mil­lion in the media out­let when it was strug­gling in 2011, accord­ing to a per­son with knowl­edge of the trans­ac­tion. Since then, its audi­ence has explod­ed. In Decem­ber it announced its bil­lionth page view of the year.

    ...

    “He invest­ed $10 mil­lion in the media out­let when it was strug­gling in 2011, accord­ing to a per­son with knowl­edge of the trans­ac­tion. Since then, its audi­ence has explod­ed. In Decem­ber it announced its bil­lionth page view of the year.”

    That sure sounds like the Mer­cers got to invest at a moment when Bre­it­bart was extra cheap. It also sounds like Robert Mer­cer is the one doing the invest­ing since the report says “He invest­ed $10 mil­lion...”. If so, we may have solved the point­less mys­tery of pre­cise­ly which Mer­cer did the actu­al invest­ing. Yay?

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | March 23, 2017, 3:05 pm
  4. Oh look at that: Robert Mer­cer is being sued by David Mager­man, a for­mer research sci­en­tist who worked at Mer­cer’s hedge fund, for being wrong­ful­ly fired. So what are the grounds for the law­suit? Well, Mager­man is also one of the indi­vid­u­als who has spo­ken out about Mer­cer’s scary pol­i­tics and he makes a pret­ty strong case that his recent ter­mi­na­tion is in retal­i­a­tion for exact­ly that. And while, as the arti­cle below notes, pri­vate sec­tor employ­ees are gen­er­al­ly not pro­tect­ed from polit­i­cal dis­crim­i­na­tion, in this case Mager­man may have a case. Because he was­n’t just ter­mi­nat­ed over pol­i­tics. He was ter­mi­nat­ed over his com­plaints about how Robert Mer­cer expressed appalling­ly racist, pro-seg­re­ga­tion views:

    Bloomberg
    Pol­i­tics

    Mer­cer Sued by Hedge Fund Work­er Fired After Blast­ing Trump

    by Erik Lar­son

    May 8, 2017, 8:49 AM CDT
    updat­ed May 8, 2017, 3:04 PM CDT

    * David Mager­man says Renais­sance co-CEO went on racist rant
    * Pol­i­cy pro­hibits employ­ees from pub­licly crit­i­ciz­ing com­pa­ny

    Hedge fund mogul Robert Mer­cer, one of the biggest finan­cial back­ers of Don­ald Trump’s pres­i­den­tial cam­paign, was sued by a for­mer employ­ee who claims he was fired for call­ing Mer­cer racist and pub­licly crit­i­ciz­ing his sup­port of Trump.

    The com­plaint by David Mager­man, a research sci­en­tist who worked at Renais­sance Tech­nolo­gies LLC for two decades, alleges he was wrong­ful­ly fired April 29 after his rela­tion­ship with Mer­cer and his fam­i­ly became tox­ic. For exam­ple, Mager­man alleges that Mercer’s daugh­ter, Rebekah Mer­cer, a mem­ber of Trump’s tran­si­tion team, called him “pond scum” at a celebri­ty pok­er tour­na­ment.

    The con­fronta­tion “just shows the hos­til­i­ty that the Mer­cers had toward Mr. Mager­man because he dared to chal­lenge their polit­i­cal views,” his lawyer, H. Robert Fiebach, said in a phone call on Mon­day.

    Mer­cer, a major investor in Trump-friend­ly Bre­it­bart News, advised the pres­i­dent to hire two of the Mer­cer family’s long­time polit­i­cal advis­ers, Stephen Ban­non and Kellyanne Con­way. Mercer’s pol­i­tics have “taint­ed” the hedge fund, while inter­nal poli­cies that pro­hib­it “polite­ly” speak­ing out against the com­pa­ny in pub­lic are “unfair and unten­able,” Mager­man said in the com­plaint, filed May 5 in fed­er­al court in Philadel­phia.

    A spokesman for Renais­sance had no imme­di­ate com­ment. Mer­cer emerged as one of the most influ­en­tial Repub­li­can donors in the 2016 elec­tion, giv­ing at least $2 mil­lion to Make Amer­i­ca Num­ber 1, a polit­i­cal action com­mit­tee that began back­ing Trump in July. Rebekah Mer­cer was named to Trump’s tran­si­tion team in Novem­ber.

    Wrong Direc­tion

    The dis­pute start­ed on Jan. 16 when Mager­man called Mer­cer and asked to have a con­ver­sa­tion about his sup­port of Trump, accord­ing to the com­plaint. Dur­ing the chat, Mer­cer said the U.S. had start­ed going in the wrong direc­tion “after the pas­sage of the Civ­il Rights Act in the 1960s,” accord­ing to the com­plaint. Mer­cer also said that black Amer­i­cans “were doing fine” in the late 1950s and are the “only racist peo­ple remain­ing in the U.S.,” accord­ing to the com­plaint.

    “Mager­man was stunned by these com­ments and pushed back,” accord­ing to the com­plaint. Remind­ed of the racial seg­re­ga­tion that exist­ed at the time, Mer­cer alleged­ly respond­ed by say­ing those issues weren’t impor­tant.

    After the phone call, Mager­man com­plained about Mercer’s com­ments to Co-Chief Exec­u­tive Offi­cer Peter Brown, who “expressed dis­be­lief” and urged the two men to speak again, accord­ing to the com­plaint. Mager­man agreed and called Mer­cer back on Feb. 5.

    “I hear you’re going around say­ing I’m a white suprema­cist,” Mer­cer said, accord­ing to the com­plaint. Dur­ing the call, Mer­cer “scoffed” at the idea that seg­re­ga­tion was degrad­ing and destruc­tive, Mager­man said.

    Mager­man lat­er crit­i­cized Mercer’s sup­port for Trump in a sto­ry pub­lished in the Wall Street Jour­nal on Feb. 23. Mager­man said he had sent an email advis­ing the hedge fund’s gen­er­al coun­sel, Car­la Porter, and its chief finan­cial offi­cer, Mark Sil­ber, about what he intend­ed to tell the news­pa­per and was told by Sil­ber that it was per­mis­si­ble under com­pa­ny pol­i­cy. He was sus­pend­ed a day lat­er, he said.

    Pok­er Tour­na­ment

    On April 20, Mager­man attend­ed a celebri­ty pok­er tour­na­ment in New York City, where many Renais­sance staffers were present, accord­ing to the suit. Mager­man told the Wall Street Jour­nal that he attend­ed the event to repair his frayed rela­tion­ship with the firm, accord­ing to an April 28 arti­cle.

    Rebekah Mer­cer alleged­ly con­front­ed Mager­man, call­ing him “pond scum” and say­ing kar­ma “is a bitch,” accord­ing to the com­plaint.

    Mager­man was fired April 29, accord­ing to the suit. Mager­man seeks “sub­stan­tial dam­ages,” his lawyer said.

    Renaissance’s employ­ee hand­book bars work­ers from dis­parag­ing the hedge fund or any of its work­ers, though such poli­cies are “ille­gal and unen­force­able,” accord­ing to the com­plaint.

    Mager­man said he designed math­e­mat­i­cal and sta­tis­ti­cal algo­rithms to direct Renaissance’s invest­ment deci­sions on inter­na­tion­al finan­cial mar­kets, result­ing in bil­lions of dol­lars in rev­enue for the hedge fund.

    Based in East Setauket, New York, Renais­sance was start­ed in 1982 by Jim Simons, a for­mer mil­i­tary code crack­er. He stepped away from the busi­ness at the end of 2009. Mer­cer and Brown took over the fol­low­ing year.

    Pri­vate sec­tor employ­ees are gen­er­al­ly not pro­tect­ed from polit­i­cal dis­crim­i­na­tion, said Robert Young, an employ­ment lawyer with Bowditch & Dewey LLP in Boston. But Mager­man may have a claim if he can prove he was retal­i­at­ed against for com­plain­ing about race bias by Mer­cer.

    “That may be the more viable of the two claims because there does seem to be a con­nec­tion between object­ing to those com­ments and ter­mi­na­tion,” Young, who isn’t involved in the case, said in a phone call.

    ...

    “The dis­pute start­ed on Jan. 16 when Mager­man called Mer­cer and asked to have a con­ver­sa­tion about his sup­port of Trump, accord­ing to the com­plaint. Dur­ing the chat, Mer­cer said the U.S. had start­ed going in the wrong direc­tion “after the pas­sage of the Civ­il Rights Act in the 1960s,” accord­ing to the com­plaint. Mer­cer also said that black Amer­i­cans “were doing fine” in the late 1950s and are the “only racist peo­ple remain­ing in the U.S.,” accord­ing to the com­plaint.

    Black Amer­i­cans who don’t approve of seg­re­ga­tion are the only racist peo­ple left in Robert Mer­cer’s Amer­i­ca. He appar­ent­ly actu­al­ly said that. And who knows, maybe that’s part of why the guy report­ed­ly almost nev­er talks. Maybe he can’t stop say­ing incred­i­bly racist things or scoff­ing at the idea that seg­re­ga­tion was degrad­ing and destruc­tive:

    ...
    “Mager­man was stunned by these com­ments and pushed back,” accord­ing to the com­plaint. Remind­ed of the racial seg­re­ga­tion that exist­ed at the time, Mer­cer alleged­ly respond­ed by say­ing those issues weren’t impor­tant.

    After the phone call, Mager­man com­plained about Mercer’s com­ments to Co-Chief Exec­u­tive Offi­cer Peter Brown, who “expressed dis­be­lief” and urged the two men to speak again, accord­ing to the com­plaint. Mager­man agreed and called Mer­cer back on Feb. 5.

    “I hear you’re going around say­ing I’m a white suprema­cist,” Mer­cer said, accord­ing to the com­plaint. Dur­ing the call, Mer­cer “scoffed” at the idea that seg­re­ga­tion was degrad­ing and destruc­tive, Mager­man said.
    ...

    “I hear you’re going around say­ing I’m a white suprema­cist,” says the guy who financed the con­ver­sion of Bri­et­bart into a plat­form for the Alt Right. And while it’s pret­ty clear from his words and actions that Robert Mer­cer is incred­i­bly racist, what isn’t clear at this point is whether or not he can be fined for fir­ing some­one for point­ing out his incred­i­ble racism. That’s going to be for the courts to decide:

    ...
    Pri­vate sec­tor employ­ees are gen­er­al­ly not pro­tect­ed from polit­i­cal dis­crim­i­na­tion, said Robert Young, an employ­ment lawyer with Bowditch & Dewey LLP in Boston. But Mager­man may have a claim if he can prove he was retal­i­at­ed against for com­plain­ing about race bias by Mer­cer.

    “That may be the more viable of the two claims because there does seem to be a con­nec­tion between object­ing to those com­ments and ter­mi­na­tion,” Young, who isn’t involved in the case, said in a phone call.
    ...

    So that’s going to be a case to watch. And let’s hope Mager­man gets the “sub­stan­tial dam­ages” he’s fight­ing for and ide­al­ly a set­tle­ment that direct­ly impacts the Mer­cers’ wealth. After all, if there’s one thing clear at this point it’s that Mer­cer mon­ey is basi­cal­ly neo-Nazi mon­ey. So hope­ful­ly they’ll have a lot less white suprema­cist mon­ey once this case is over.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 9, 2017, 3:14 pm
  5. Britain’s polit­i­cal roller coast­er ride may not be com­ing to an end any time soon: The June 8th ear­ly elec­tion called back in April that were look­ing like an easy win for There­sa May and her Con­ser­v­a­tives is now look­ing like a real con­test. A con­test that could end up being so close that one par­tic­u­lar group is already being declared the big losers fol­low­ing their big loss­es from the Brex­it ref­er­en­dum: British poll­sters:

    The New York Times

    There­sa May’s Lead in British Elec­tion Nar­rows After Mis­steps

    By DAN BILEFSKY
    MAY 31, 2017

    LONDON — When Prime Min­is­ter There­sa May called an ear­ly elec­tion in April, there was an air of inevitabil­i­ty about her vic­to­ry. Some even pre­dict­ed the biggest land­slide in decades in the June 8 vote.

    No longer.

    While Mrs. May is still expect­ed to win, the pre­vi­ous­ly yawn­ing gap between her and the Labour Par­ty leader, Jere­my Cor­byn, has nar­rowed, reflect­ing, experts say, a grow­ing con­sen­sus that her cam­paign has stum­bled bad­ly. A more lim­it­ed win could poten­tial­ly under­mine her author­i­ty as she nego­ti­ates Britain’s tor­tur­ous depar­ture from the Euro­pean Union.

    One analy­sis, pub­lished Wednes­day, pre­dicts that nei­ther major par­ty will win an out­right major­i­ty, poten­tial­ly forc­ing the for­ma­tion of a messy coali­tion gov­ern­ment.

    But British poll­sters have been among the biggest losers in recent elec­tions — includ­ing fail­ing to pre­dict the 2015 gen­er­al elec­tion and, in many cas­es, get­ting last year’s Brex­it vote wrong.

    ...

    Who­ev­er wins, Ed Miliband, the for­mer Labour leader who lost bad­ly in 2015 after pre­dic­tions of a close race, warned against giv­ing cre­dence to the poll­sters, who had shown their fal­li­bil­i­ty.

    “The poll­sters have been off my Christ­mas card list since 2015,” he wrote on Twit­ter.

    “But British poll­sters have been among the biggest losers in recent elec­tions — includ­ing fail­ing to pre­dict the 2015 gen­er­al elec­tion and, in many cas­es, get­ting last year’s Brex­it vote wrong.”

    It isn’t easy being a poll­ster dur­ing times of sud­den sig­nif­i­cant change. Espe­cial­ly if you’re past recent pre­dic­tions have all been wrong. So while There­sa May’s Con­ser­v­a­tives still appear to have the edge in the upcom­ing elec­tions, things can change in pol­i­tics. Espe­cial­ly in the age of Face­book, Big Data, and the appli­ca­tion of psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare tech­niques and hyper-tar­get­ed mes­sag­ing in the polit­i­cal are­na. So don’t write off a big Labour sur­prise surge yet. Although when you con­sid­er­ing that the com­pa­ny lead­ing the way in the appli­ca­tion of Big Data and polit­i­cal pysops is Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is prob­a­bly a lot more like­ly to be help­ing the Con­ser­v­a­tives if it’s par­tic­i­pat­ing at all in this elec­tion, that bet­ter be a big surge:

    The Guardian
    The Observ­er

    The great British Brex­it rob­bery: how our democ­ra­cy was hijacked

    A shad­owy glob­al oper­a­tion involv­ing big data, bil­lion­aire friends of Trump and the dis­parate forces of the Leave cam­paign influ­enced the result of the EU ref­er­en­dum. As Britain heads to the polls again, is our elec­toral process still fit for pur­pose?

    by Car­ole Cad­wal­ladr
    Sun­day 7 May 2017 04.00 EDT

    “The con­nec­tiv­i­ty that is the heart of glob­al­i­sa­tion can be exploit­ed by states with hos­tile intent to fur­ther their aims.[…] The risks at stake are pro­found and rep­re­sent a fun­da­men­tal threat to our sov­er­eign­ty.”
    Alex Younger, head of MI6, Decem­ber, 2016

    “It’s not MI6’s job to warn of inter­nal threats. It was a very strange speech. Was it one branch of the intel­li­gence ser­vices send­ing a shot across the bows of anoth­er? Or was it point­ed at There­sa May’s gov­ern­ment? Does she know some­thing she’s not telling us?”
    Senior intel­li­gence ana­lyst, April 2017

    In June 2013, a young Amer­i­can post­grad­u­ate called Sophie was pass­ing through Lon­don when she called up the boss of a firm where she’d pre­vi­ous­ly interned. The com­pa­ny, SCL Elec­tions, went on to be bought by Robert Mer­cer, a secre­tive hedge fund bil­lion­aire, renamed Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, and achieved a cer­tain noto­ri­ety as the data ana­lyt­ics firm that played a role in both Trump and Brex­it cam­paigns. But all of this was still to come. Lon­don in 2013 was still bask­ing in the after­glow of the Olympics. Britain had not yet Brex­it­ed. The world had not yet turned.

    “That was before we became this dark, dystopi­an data com­pa­ny that gave the world Trump,” a for­mer Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca employ­ee who I’ll call Paul tells me. “It was back when we were still just a psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare firm.”

    Was that real­ly what you called it, I ask him. Psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare? “Total­ly. That’s what it is. Psy­ops. Psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions – the same meth­ods the mil­i­tary use to effect mass sen­ti­ment change. It’s what they mean by win­ning ‘hearts and minds’. We were just doing it to win elec­tions in the kind of devel­op­ing coun­tries that don’t have many rules.”

    Why would any­one want to intern with a psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare firm, I ask him. And he looks at me like I am mad. “It was like work­ing for MI6. Only it’s MI6 for hire. It was very posh, very Eng­lish, run by an old Eton­ian and you got to do some real­ly cool things. Fly all over the world. You were work­ing with the pres­i­dent of Kenya or Ghana or wher­ev­er. It’s not like elec­tion cam­paigns in the west. You got to do all sorts of crazy shit.”

    On that day in June 2013, Sophie met up with SCL’s chief exec­u­tive, Alexan­der Nix, and gave him the germ of an idea. “She said, ‘You real­ly need to get into data.’ She real­ly drummed it home to Alexan­der. And she sug­gest­ed he meet this firm that belonged to some­one she knew about through her father.”

    Who’s her father?

    “Eric Schmidt.”

    Eric Schmidt – the chair­man of Google?

    “Yes. And she sug­gest­ed Alexan­der should meet this com­pa­ny called Palan­tir.”

    I had been speak­ing to for­mer employ­ees of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca for months and heard dozens of hair-rais­ing sto­ries, but it was still a gob­s­mack­ing moment. To any­one con­cerned about sur­veil­lance, Palan­tir is prac­ti­cal­ly now a trig­ger word. The data-min­ing firm has con­tracts with gov­ern­ments all over the world – includ­ing GCHQ and the NSA. It’s owned by Peter Thiel, the bil­lion­aire co-founder of eBay and Pay­Pal, who became Sil­i­con Valley’s first vocal sup­port­er of Trump.

    In some ways, Eric Schmidt’s daugh­ter show­ing up to make an intro­duc­tion to Palan­tir is just anoth­er weird detail in the weird­est sto­ry I have ever researched.

    A weird but telling detail. Because it goes to the heart of why the sto­ry of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is one of the most pro­found­ly unset­tling of our time. Sophie Schmidt now works for anoth­er Sil­i­con Val­ley megafirm: Uber. And what’s clear is that the pow­er and dom­i­nance of the Sil­i­con Val­ley – Google and Face­book and a small hand­ful of oth­ers – are at the cen­tre of the glob­al tec­ton­ic shift we are cur­rent­ly wit­ness­ing.

    It also reveals a crit­i­cal and gap­ing hole in the polit­i­cal debate in Britain. Because what is hap­pen­ing in Amer­i­ca and what is hap­pen­ing in Britain are entwined. Brex­it and Trump are entwined. The Trump administration’s links to Rus­sia and Britain are entwined. And Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is one point of focus through which we can see all these rela­tion­ships in play; it also reveals the ele­phant in the room as we hur­tle into a gen­er­al elec­tion: Britain tying its future to an Amer­i­ca that is being remade — in a rad­i­cal and alarm­ing way — by Trump.

    There are three strands to this sto­ry. How the foun­da­tions of an author­i­tar­i­an sur­veil­lance state are being laid in the US. How British democ­ra­cy was sub­vert­ed through a covert, far-reach­ing plan of coor­di­na­tion enabled by a US bil­lion­aire. And how we are in the midst of a mas­sive land grab for pow­er by bil­lion­aires via our data. Data which is being silent­ly amassed, har­vest­ed and stored. Who­ev­er owns this data owns the future.

    My entry point into this sto­ry began, as so many things do, with a late-night Google. Last Decem­ber, I took an unset­tling tum­ble into a worm­hole of Google auto­com­plete sug­ges­tions that end­ed with “did the holo­caust hap­pen”. And an entire page of results that claimed it didn’t.

    Google’s algo­rithm had been gamed by extrem­ist sites and it was Jonathan Albright, a pro­fes­sor of com­mu­ni­ca­tions at Elon Uni­ver­si­ty, North Car­oli­na, who helped me get to grips with what I was see­ing. He was the first per­son to map and uncov­er an entire “alt-right” news and infor­ma­tion ecosys­tem and he was the one who first intro­duced me to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca.

    He called the com­pa­ny a cen­tral point in the right’s “pro­pa­gan­da machine”, a line I quot­ed in ref­er­ence to its work for the Trump elec­tion cam­paign and the ref­er­en­dum Leave cam­paign. That led to the sec­ond arti­cle fea­tur­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca – as a cen­tral node in the alter­na­tive news and infor­ma­tion net­work that I believed Robert Mer­cer and Steve Ban­non, the key Trump aide who is now his chief strate­gist, were cre­at­ing. I found evi­dence sug­gest­ing they were on a strate­gic mis­sion to smash the main­stream media and replace it with one com­pris­ing alter­na­tive facts, fake his­to­ry and rightwing pro­pa­gan­da.

    Mer­cer is a bril­liant com­put­er sci­en­tist, a pio­neer in ear­ly arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence, and the co-own­er of one of the most suc­cess­ful hedge funds on the plan­et (with a grav­i­ty-defy­ing 71.8% annu­al return). And, he is also, I dis­cov­ered, good friends with Nigel Farage. Andy Wig­more, Leave.EU’s com­mu­ni­ca­tions direc­tor, told me that it was Mer­cer who had direct­ed his com­pa­ny, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, to “help” the Leave cam­paign.

    The sec­ond arti­cle trig­gered two inves­ti­ga­tions, which are both con­tin­u­ing: one by the Infor­ma­tion Commissioner’s Office into the pos­si­ble ille­gal use of data. And a sec­ond by the Elec­toral Com­mis­sion which is “focused on whether one or more dona­tions – includ­ing ser­vices – accept­ed by Leave.EU was ‘imper­miss­able’”.

    What I then dis­cov­ered is that Mercer’s role in the ref­er­en­dum went far beyond this. Far beyond the juris­dic­tion of any UK law. The key to under­stand­ing how a moti­vat­ed and deter­mined bil­lion­aire could bypass our­elec­toral laws rests on Aggre­gateIQ, an obscure web ana­lyt­ics com­pa­ny based in an office above a shop in Vic­to­ria, British Colum­bia.

    It was with Aggre­gateIQ that Vote Leave (the offi­cial Leave cam­paign) chose to spend £3.9m, more than half its offi­cial £7m cam­paign bud­get. As did three oth­er affil­i­at­ed Leave cam­paigns: BeLeave, Vet­er­ans for Britain and the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Union­ist par­ty, spend­ing a fur­ther £757,750. “Coor­di­na­tion” between cam­paigns is pro­hib­it­ed under UK elec­toral law, unless cam­paign expen­di­ture is declared, joint­ly. It wasn’t. Vote Leave says the Elec­toral Com­mis­sion “looked into this” and gave it “a clean bill of health”.

    How did an obscure Cana­di­an com­pa­ny come to play such a piv­otal role in Brex­it? It’s a ques­tion that Mar­tin Moore, direc­tor of the cen­tre for the study of com­mu­ni­ca­tion, media and pow­er at King’s Col­lege Lon­don has been ask­ing too. “I went through all the Leave cam­paign invoic­es when the Elec­toral Com­mis­sion uploaded them to its site in Feb­ru­ary. And I kept on dis­cov­er­ing all these huge amounts going to a com­pa­ny that not only had I nev­er heard of, but that there was prac­ti­cal­ly noth­ing at all about on the inter­net. More mon­ey was spent with Aggre­gateIQ than with any oth­er com­pa­ny in any oth­er cam­paign in the entire ref­er­en­dum. All I found, at that time, was a one-page web­site and that was it. It was an absolute mys­tery.”

    Moore con­tributed to an LSE report pub­lished in April that con­clud­ed UK’s elec­toral laws were “weak and help­less” in the face of new forms of dig­i­tal cam­paign­ing. Off­shore com­pa­nies, mon­ey poured into data­bas­es, unfet­tered third par­ties… the caps on spend­ing had come off. The laws that had always under­pinned Britain’s elec­toral laws were no longer fit for pur­pose. Laws, the report said, that need­ed “urgent­ly review­ing by par­lia­ment”.

    Aggre­gateIQ holds the key to unrav­el­ling anoth­er com­pli­cat­ed net­work of influ­ence that Mer­cer has cre­at­ed. A source emailed me to say he had found that AggregateIQ’s address and tele­phone num­ber cor­re­spond­ed to a com­pa­ny list­ed on Cam­bridge Analytica’s web­site as its over­seas office: “SCL Cana­da”. A day lat­er, that online ref­er­ence van­ished.

    There had to be a con­nec­tion between the two com­pa­nies. Between the var­i­ous Leave cam­paigns. Between the ref­er­en­dum and Mer­cer. It was too big a coin­ci­dence. But every­one – Aggre­gateIQ, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, Leave.EU, Vote Leave – denied it. Aggre­gateIQ had just been a short-term “con­trac­tor” to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. There was noth­ing to dis­prove this. We pub­lished the known facts. On 29 March, arti­cle 50 was trig­gered.

    Then I meet Paul, the first of two sources for­mer­ly employed by Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. He is in his late 20s and bears men­tal scars from his time there. “It’s almost like post-trau­mat­ic shock. It was so… messed up. It hap­pened so fast. I just woke up one morn­ing and found we’d turned into the Repub­li­can fas­cist par­ty. I still can’t get my head around it.”

    He laughed when I told him the frus­trat­ing mys­tery that was Aggre­gateIQ. “Find Chris Wylie,” he said.

    Who’s Chris Wylie?

    “He’s the one who brought data and micro-tar­get­ing [indi­vid­u­alised polit­i­cal mes­sages] to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. And he’s from west Cana­da. It’s only because of him that Aggre­gateIQ exist. They’re his friends. He’s the one who brought them in.”

    There wasn’t just a rela­tion­ship between Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and Aggre­gateIQ, Paul told me. They were inti­mate­ly entwined, key nodes in Robert Mercer’s dis­trib­uted empire. “The Cana­di­ans were our back office. They built our soft­ware for us. They held our data­base. If Aggre­gateIQ is involved then Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is involved. And if Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is involved, then Robert Mer­cer and Steve Ban­non are involved. You need to find Chris Wylie.”

    I did find Chris Wylie. He refused to com­ment.

    Key to under­stand­ing how data would trans­form the com­pa­ny is know­ing where it came from. And it’s a let­ter from “Direc­tor of Defence Oper­a­tions, SCL Group”, that helped me realise this. It’s from “Com­man­der Steve Tatham, PhD, MPhil, Roy­al Navy (rtd)” com­plain­ing about my use in my Mer­cer arti­cle of the word “dis­in­for­ma­tion”.

    I wrote back to him point­ing out ref­er­ences in papers he’d writ­ten to “decep­tion” and “pro­pa­gan­da”, which I said I under­stood to be “rough­ly syn­ony­mous with ‘dis­in­for­ma­tion’.” It’s only lat­er that it strikes me how strange it is that I’m cor­re­spond­ing with a retired navy com­man­der about mil­i­tary strate­gies that may have been used in British and US elec­tions.

    What’s been lost in the US cov­er­age of this “data ana­lyt­ics” firm is the under­stand­ing of where the firm came from: deep with­in the mil­i­tary-indus­tri­al com­plex. A weird British cor­ner of it pop­u­lat­ed, as the mil­i­tary estab­lish­ment in Britain is, by old-school Tories. Geof­frey Pat­tie, a for­mer par­lia­men­tary under-sec­re­tary of state for defence pro­cure­ment and direc­tor of Mar­coni Defence Sys­tems, used to be on the board, and Lord Mar­land, David Cameron’s pro-Brex­it for­mer trade envoy, a share­hold­er.

    Steve Tatham was the head of psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions for British forces in Afghanistan. The Observ­er has seen let­ters endors­ing him from the UK Min­istry of Defence, the For­eign Office and Nato.

    SCL/Cambridge Ana­lyt­i­ca was not some start­up cre­at­ed by a cou­ple of guys with a Mac Power­Book. It’s effec­tive­ly part of the British defence estab­lish­ment. And, now, too, the Amer­i­can defence estab­lish­ment. An ex-com­mand­ing offi­cer of the US Marine Corps oper­a­tions cen­tre, Chris Naler, has recent­ly joined Iota Glob­al, a part­ner of the SCL group.

    This is not just a sto­ry about social psy­chol­o­gy and data ana­lyt­ics. It has to be under­stood in terms of a mil­i­tary con­trac­tor using mil­i­tary strate­gies on a civil­ian pop­u­la­tion. Us. David Miller, a pro­fes­sor of soci­ol­o­gy at Bath Uni­ver­si­ty and an author­i­ty in psy­ops and pro­pa­gan­da, says it is “an extra­or­di­nary scan­dal that this should be any­where near a democ­ra­cy. It should be clear to vot­ers where infor­ma­tion is com­ing from, and if it’s not trans­par­ent or open where it’s com­ing from, it rais­es the ques­tion of whether we are actu­al­ly liv­ing in a democ­ra­cy or not.”

    Paul and David, anoth­er ex-Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca employ­ee, were work­ing at the firm when it intro­duced mass data-har­vest­ing to its psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare tech­niques. “It brought psy­chol­o­gy, pro­pa­gan­da and tech­nol­o­gy togeth­er in this pow­er­ful new way,” David tells me.

    And it was Face­book that made it pos­si­ble. It was from Face­book that Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca obtained its vast dataset in the first place. Ear­li­er, psy­chol­o­gists at Cam­bridge Uni­ver­si­ty har­vest­ed Face­book data (legal­ly) for research pur­pos­es and pub­lished pio­neer­ing peer-reviewed work about deter­min­ing per­son­al­i­ty traits, polit­i­cal par­ti­san­ship, sex­u­al­i­ty and much more from people’s Face­book “likes”. And SCL/Cambridge Ana­lyt­i­ca con­tract­ed a sci­en­tist at the uni­ver­si­ty, Dr Alek­san­dr Kogan, to har­vest new Face­book data. And he did so by pay­ing peo­ple to take a per­son­al­i­ty quiz which also allowed not just their own Face­book pro­files to be har­vest­ed, but also those of their friends – a process then allowed by the social net­work.

    Face­book was the source of the psy­cho­log­i­cal insights that enabled Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca to tar­get indi­vid­u­als. It was also the mech­a­nism that enabled them to be deliv­ered on a large scale.

    The com­pa­ny also (per­fect­ly legal­ly) bought con­sumer datasets – on every­thing from mag­a­zine sub­scrip­tions to air­line trav­el – and unique­ly it append­ed these with the psych data to vot­er files. It matched all this infor­ma­tion to people’s address­es, their phone num­bers and often their email address­es. “The goal is to cap­ture every sin­gle aspect of every voter’s infor­ma­tion envi­ron­ment,” said David. “And the per­son­al­i­ty data enabled Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca to craft indi­vid­ual mes­sages.”

    Find­ing “per­suad­able” vot­ers is key for any cam­paign and with its trea­sure trove of data, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca could tar­get peo­ple high in neu­roti­cism, for exam­ple, with images of immi­grants “swamp­ing” the coun­try. The key is find­ing emo­tion­al trig­gers for each indi­vid­ual vot­er.

    Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca worked on cam­paigns in sev­er­al key states for a Repub­li­can polit­i­cal action com­mit­tee. Its key objec­tive, accord­ing to a memo the Observ­er has seen, was “vot­er dis­en­gage­ment” and “to per­suade Demo­c­rat vot­ers to stay at home”: a pro­found­ly dis­qui­et­ing tac­tic. It has pre­vi­ous­ly been claimed that sup­pres­sion tac­tics were used in the cam­paign, but this doc­u­ment pro­vides the first actu­al evi­dence.

    But does it actu­al­ly work? One of the crit­i­cisms that has been lev­elled at my and oth­ers’ arti­cles is that Cam­bridge Analytica’s “spe­cial sauce” has been over­sold. Is what it is doing any dif­fer­ent from any oth­er polit­i­cal con­sul­tan­cy?

    “It’s not a polit­i­cal con­sul­tan­cy,” says David. “You have to under­stand this is not a nor­mal com­pa­ny in any way. I don’t think Mer­cer even cares if it ever makes any mon­ey. It’s the prod­uct of a bil­lion­aire spend­ing huge amounts of mon­ey to build his own exper­i­men­tal sci­ence lab, to test what works, to find tiny sliv­ers of influ­ence that can tip an elec­tion. Robert Mer­cer did not invest in this firm until it ran a bunch of pilots – con­trolled tri­als. This is one of the smartest com­put­er sci­en­tists in the world. He is not going to splash $15m on bull­shit.”

    Tam­sin Shaw, an asso­ciate pro­fes­sor of phi­los­o­phy at New York Uni­ver­si­ty, helps me under­stand the con­text. She has researched the US military’s fund­ing and use of psy­cho­log­i­cal research for use in tor­ture. “The capac­i­ty for this sci­ence to be used to manip­u­late emo­tions is very well estab­lished. This is mil­i­tary-fund­ed tech­nol­o­gy that has been har­nessed by a glob­al plu­toc­ra­cy and is being used to sway elec­tions in ways that peo­ple can’t even see, don’t even realise is hap­pen­ing to them,” she says. “It’s about exploit­ing exist­ing phe­nom­e­non like nation­al­ism and then using it to manip­u­late peo­ple at the mar­gins. To have so much data in the hands of a bunch of inter­na­tion­al plu­to­crats to do with it what they will is absolute­ly chill­ing.

    “We are in an infor­ma­tion war and bil­lion­aires are buy­ing up these com­pa­nies, which are then employed to go to work in the heart of gov­ern­ment. That’s a very wor­ry­ing sit­u­a­tion.”

    A project that Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca car­ried out in Trinidad in 2013 brings all the ele­ments in this sto­ry togeth­er. Just as Robert Mer­cer began his nego­ti­a­tions with SCL boss Alexan­der Nix about an acqui­si­tion, SCL was retained by sev­er­al gov­ern­ment min­is­ters in Trinidad and Toba­go. The brief involved devel­op­ing a micro-tar­get­ing pro­gramme for the gov­ern­ing par­ty of the time. And Aggre­gateIQ – the same com­pa­ny involved in deliv­er­ing Brex­it for Vote Leave – was brought in to build the tar­get­ing plat­form.

    David said: “The stan­dard SCL/CA method is that you get a gov­ern­ment con­tract from the rul­ing par­ty. And this pays for the polit­i­cal work. So, it’s often some bull­shit health project that’s just a cov­er for get­ting the min­is­ter re-elect­ed. But in this case, our gov­ern­ment con­tacts were with Trinidad’s nation­al secu­ri­ty coun­cil.”

    The secu­ri­ty work was to be the prize for the polit­i­cal work. Doc­u­ments seen by the Observ­er show that this was a pro­pos­al to cap­ture cit­i­zens’ brows­ing his­to­ry en masse, record­ing phone con­ver­sa­tions and apply­ing nat­ur­al lan­guage pro­cess­ing to the record­ed voice data to con­struct a nation­al police data­base, com­plete with scores for each cit­i­zen on their propen­si­ty to com­mit crime.

    “The plan put to the min­is­ter was Minor­i­ty Report. It was pre-crime. And the fact that Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is now work­ing inside the Pen­ta­gon is, I think, absolute­ly ter­ri­fy­ing,” said David.

    These doc­u­ments throw light on a sig­nif­i­cant and under-report­ed aspect of the Trump admin­is­tra­tion. The com­pa­ny that helped Trump achieve pow­er in the first place has now been award­ed con­tracts in the Pen­ta­gon and the US state depart­ment. Its for­mer vice-pres­i­dent Steve Ban­non now sits in the White House. It is also report­ed to be in dis­cus­sions for “mil­i­tary and home­land secu­ri­ty work”.

    In the US, the gov­ern­ment is bound by strict laws about what data it can col­lect on indi­vid­u­als. But, for pri­vate com­pa­nies any­thing goes. Is it unrea­son­able to see in this the pos­si­ble begin­nings of an author­i­tar­i­an sur­veil­lance state?

    A state that is bring­ing cor­po­rate inter­ests into the heart of the admin­is­tra­tion. Doc­u­ments detail Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is involved with many oth­er right-lean­ing bil­lion­aires, includ­ing Rupert Mur­doch. One memo ref­er­ences Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca try­ing to place an arti­cle with a jour­nal­ist in Murdoch’s Wall Street Jour­nal: “RM re-chan­neled and con­nect­ed with Jamie McCauley from Robert Thom­son News Corp office,” it says.

    It makes me think again about the sto­ry involv­ing Sophie Schmidt, Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and Palan­tir. Is it a telling detail, or is it a clue to some­thing else going on? Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and Palan­tir both declined to com­ment for this arti­cle on whether they had any rela­tion­ship. But wit­ness­es and emails con­firm that meet­ings between Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and Palan­tir took place in 2013. The pos­si­bil­i­ty of a work­ing rela­tion­ship was at least dis­cussed.

    Fur­ther doc­u­ments seen by the Observ­er con­firm that at least one senior Palan­tir employ­ee con­sult­ed with Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca in rela­tion to the Trinidad project and lat­er polit­i­cal work in the US. But at the time, I’m told, Palan­tir decid­ed it was too much of a rep­u­ta­tion­al risk for a more for­mal arrange­ment. There was no upside to it. Palan­tir is a com­pa­ny that is trust­ed to han­dle vast datasets on UK and US cit­i­zens for GCHQ and the NSA, as well as many oth­er coun­tries.

    Now though, they are both owned by ide­o­log­i­cal­ly aligned bil­lion­aires: Robert Mer­cer and Peter Thiel. The Trump cam­paign has said that Thiel helped it with data. A cam­paign that was led by Steve Ban­non, who was then at Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca.

    A lead­ing QC who spends a lot of time in the inves­ti­ga­to­ry pow­ers tri­bunal said that the prob­lem with this tech­nol­o­gy was that it all depend­ed on whose hands it was in.

    “On the one hand, it’s being done by com­pa­nies and gov­ern­ments who say ‘you can trust us, we are good and demo­c­ra­t­ic and bake cakes at the week­end’. But then the same exper­tise can also be sold on to whichev­er repres­sive regime.”

    In Britain, we still trust our gov­ern­ment. We respect our author­i­ties to uphold our laws. We trust the rule of law. We believe we live in a free and fair democ­ra­cy. Which is what, I believe, makes the last part of this sto­ry so pro­found­ly unset­tling.

    The details of the Trinidad project final­ly unlocked the mys­tery that was Aggre­gateIQ. Trinidad was SCL’s first project using big data for micro-tar­get­ing before the firm was acquired by Mer­cer. It was the mod­el that Mer­cer was buy­ing into. And it brought togeth­er all the play­ers: the Cam­bridge psy­chol­o­gist Alek­san­dr Kogan, Aggre­gateIQ, Chris Wylie, and two oth­er indi­vid­u­als who would play a role in this sto­ry: Mark Get­tle­son, a focus group expert who had pre­vi­ous­ly worked for the Lib Dems. And Thomas Bor­wick, the son of Vic­to­ria Bor­wick, the Con­ser­v­a­tive MP for Kens­ing­ton.

    When my arti­cle link­ing Mer­cer and Leave.EU was pub­lished in Feb­ru­ary, no one was more upset about it than for­mer Tory advis­er Dominic Cum­mings, the cam­paign strate­gist for Vote Leave. He launched an irate Twit­ter tirade. The piece was “full of errors & itself spreads dis­in­for­ma­tion” “CA had ~0% role in Brex­it ref­er­en­dum”.

    A week lat­er the Observ­er revealed AggregateIQ’s pos­si­ble link to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. Cummings’s Twit­ter feed went qui­et. He didn’t return my mes­sages or my emails.

    Ques­tions had already been swirling about whether there had been any coor­di­na­tion between the Leave cam­paigns. In the week before the ref­er­en­dum, Vote Leave donat­ed mon­ey to two oth­er Leave groups – £625,000 to BeLeave, run by fash­ion stu­dent Dar­ren Grimes, and £100,000 to Vet­er­ans for Britain, who both then spent this mon­ey with Aggre­gateIQ.

    The Elec­toral Com­mis­sion has writ­ten to Aggre­gateIQ. A source close to the inves­ti­ga­tion said that Aggre­gateIQ respond­ed by say­ing it had signed a non-dis­clo­sure agree­ment. And since it was out­side British juris­dic­tion, that was the end of it. Vote Leave refers to this as the Elec­toral Com­mis­sion giv­ing it “a clean bill of health”.

    On his blog, Dominic Cum­mings has writ­ten thou­sands of words about the ref­er­en­dum cam­paign. What is miss­ing is any details about his data sci­en­tists. He “hired physi­cists” is all he’ll say. In the books on Brex­it, oth­er mem­bers of the team talk about “Dom’s astro­physi­cists”, who he kept “a tight­ly guard­ed secret”. They built mod­els, using data “scraped” off Face­book.

    Final­ly, after weeks of mes­sages, he sent me an email. We were agreed on one thing, it turned out. He wrote: “The law/regulatory agen­cies are such a joke the real­i­ty is that any­body who want­ed to cheat the law could do it eas­i­ly with­out peo­ple real­is­ing.” But, he says, “by encour­ag­ing peo­ple to focus on non-sto­ries like Mercer’s nonex­is­tent role in the ref­er­en­dum you are obscur­ing these impor­tant issues”.

    And to final­ly answer the ques­tion about how Vote Leave found this obscure Cana­di­an com­pa­ny on the oth­er side of the plan­et, he wrote: “Some­one found AIQ [Aggre­gateIQ] on the inter­net and inter­viewed them on the phone then told me – let’s go with these guys. They were clear­ly more com­pe­tent than any oth­ers we’d spo­ken to in Lon­don.”

    The most unfor­tu­nate aspect of this – for Dominic Cum­mings – is that this isn’t cred­i­ble. It’s the work of moments to put a date fil­ter on Google search and dis­cov­er that in late 2015 or ear­ly 2016, there are no Google hits for “Aggre­gate IQ”. There is no press cov­er­age. No ran­dom men­tions. It doesn’t even throw up its web­site. I have caught Dominic Cum­mings in what appears to be an alter­na­tive fact.

    But what is an actu­al fact is that Get­tle­son and Bor­wick, both pre­vi­ous­ly con­sul­tants for SCL and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, were both core mem­bers of the Vote Leave team. They’re both in the offi­cial Vote Leave doc­u­ments lodged with the Elec­toral Com­mis­sion, though they coy­ly describe their pre­vi­ous work for SCL/Cambridge Ana­lyt­i­ca as “micro-tar­get­ing in Antigua and Trinidad” and “direct com­mu­ni­ca­tions for sev­er­al PACs, Sen­ate and Gov­er­nor cam­paigns”.

    And Bor­wick wasn’t just any mem­ber of the team. He was Vote Leave’s chief tech­nol­o­gy offi­cer.

    This sto­ry may involve a com­plex web of con­nec­tions, but it all comes back to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. It all comes back to Mer­cer. Because the con­nec­tions must have been evi­dent. “Aggre­gateIQ may not have belonged to the Mer­cers but they exist with­in his world,” David told me. “Almost all of their con­tracts came from Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca or Mer­cer. They wouldn’t exist with­out them. Dur­ing the whole time the ref­er­en­dum was going on, they were work­ing every day on the [Ted] Cruz cam­paign with Mer­cer and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. Aggre­gateIQ built and ran Cam­bridge Analytica’s data­base plat­forms.”

    Cum­mings won’t say who did his mod­el­ling. But invoic­es lodged with the Elec­toral Com­mis­sion show pay­ments to a com­pa­ny called Advanced Skills Insti­tute. It takes me weeks to spot the sig­nif­i­cance of this because the com­pa­ny is usu­al­ly referred to as ASI Data Sci­ence, a com­pa­ny that has a revolv­ing cast of data sci­en­tists who have gone on to work with Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca and vice ver­sa. There are videos of ASI data sci­en­tists pre­sent­ing Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca per­son­al­i­ty mod­els and pages for events the two com­pa­nies have joint­ly host­ed. ASI told the Observ­er it had no for­mal rela­tion­ship with Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca.

    Here’s the cru­cial fact: dur­ing the US pri­ma­ry elec­tions, Aggre­gate IQ signed away its intel­lec­tu­al prop­er­ty (IP). It didn’t own its IP: Robert Mer­cer did. For Aggre­gateIQ to work with anoth­er cam­paign in Britain, the firm would have to have had the express per­mis­sion of Mer­cer. Asked if it would make any com­ment on finan­cial or busi­ness links between “Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, Robert Mer­cer, Steve Ban­non, Aggre­gateIQ, Leave.EU and Vote Leave”, a spokesper­son for Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca said: “Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca did no paid or unpaid work for Leave.EU.”

    This sto­ry isn’t about cun­ning Dominic Cum­mings find­ing a few loop­holes in the Elec­toral Commission’s rules. Find­ing a way to spend an extra mil­lion quid here. Or (as the Observ­er has also dis­cov­ered )under­de­clar­ing the costs of his physi­cists on the spend­ing returns by £43,000. This sto­ry is not even about what appears to be covert coor­di­na­tion between Vote Leave and Leave.EU in their use of Aggre­gateIQ and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. It’s about how a moti­vat­ed US bil­lion­aire – Mer­cer and his chief ide­o­logue, Ban­non – helped to bring about the biggest con­sti­tu­tion­al change to Britain in a cen­tu­ry.

    Because to under­stand where and how Brex­it is con­nect­ed to Trump, it’s right here. These rela­tion­ships, which thread through the mid­dle of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, are the result of a transat­lantic part­ner­ship that stretch­es back years. Nigel Farage and Ban­non have been close asso­ciates since at least 2012. Ban­non opened the Lon­don arm of his news web­site Bre­it­bart in 2014 to sup­port Ukip – the lat­est front “in our cur­rent cul­tur­al and polit­i­cal war”, he told the New York Times.

    Britain had always been key to Bannon’s plans, anoth­er ex-Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca employ­ee told me on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty. It was a cru­cial part of his strat­e­gy for chang­ing the entire world order.

    “He believes that to change pol­i­tics, you have to first change the cul­ture. And Britain was key to that. He thought that where Britain led, Amer­i­ca would fol­low. The idea of Brex­it was huge­ly sym­bol­i­cal­ly impor­tant to him.”

    On 29 March, the day arti­cle 50 was trig­gered, I called one of the small­er cam­paigns, Vet­er­ans for Britain. Cummings’s strat­e­gy was to tar­get peo­ple in the last days of the cam­paign and Vote Leave gave the small­er group £100,000 in the last week. A small num­ber of peo­ple they iden­ti­fied as “per­suad­able” were bom­bard­ed with more than a bil­lion ads, the vast major­i­ty in the last few days.

    I asked David Banks, Vet­er­ans for Britain’s head of com­mu­ni­ca­tions, why they spent the mon­ey with Aggre­gateIQ.

    “I didn’t find Agge­grateIQ. They found us. They rang us up and pitched us. There’s no con­spir­a­cy here. They were this Cana­di­an com­pa­ny which was open­ing an office in Lon­don to work in British pol­i­tics and they were doing stuff that none of the UK com­pa­nies could offer. Their tar­get­ing was based on a set of tech­nolo­gies that hadn’t reached the UK yet. A lot of it was pro­pri­etary, they’d found a way of tar­get­ing peo­ple based on behav­iour­al insights. They approached us.”

    It seems clear to me that David Banks didn’t know there might have been any­thing unto­ward about this. He’s a patri­ot­ic man who believes in British sov­er­eign­ty and British val­ues and British laws. I don’t think he knew about any over­lap with these oth­er cam­paigns. I can only think that he was played.

    And that we, the British peo­ple, were played. In his blog, Dominic Cum­mings writes that Brex­it came down to “about 600,000 peo­ple – just over 1% of reg­is­tered vot­ers”. It’s not a stretch to believe that a mem­ber of the glob­al 1% found a way to influ­ence this cru­cial 1% of British vot­ers. The ref­er­en­dum was an open goal too tempt­ing a tar­get for US bil­lion­aires not to take a clear shot at. Or I should say US bil­lion­aires and oth­er inter­est­ed par­ties, because in acknowl­edg­ing the transat­lantic links that bind Britain and Amer­i­ca, Brex­it and Trump, so tight­ly, we also must acknowl­edge that Rus­sia is wrapped some­where in this tight embrace too.

    For the last month, I’ve been writ­ing about the links between the British right, the Trump admin­is­tra­tion and the Euro­pean right. And these links lead to Rus­sia from mul­ti­ple direc­tions. Between Nigel Farage and Don­ald Trump and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca.

    A map shown to the Observ­er show­ing the many places in the world where SCL and Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca have worked includes Rus­sia, Lithua­nia, Latvia, Ukraine, Iran and Moldo­va. Mul­ti­ple Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca sources have revealed oth­er links to Rus­sia, includ­ing trips to the coun­try, meet­ings with exec­u­tives from Russ­ian state-owned com­pa­nies, and ref­er­ences by SCL employ­ees to work­ing for Russ­ian enti­ties.

    Arti­cle 50 has been trig­gered. Aggre­gateIQ is out­side British juris­dic­tion. The Elec­toral Com­mis­sion is pow­er­less. And anoth­er elec­tion, with these same rules, is just a month away. It is not that the author­i­ties don’t know there is cause for con­cern. The Observ­er has learned that the Crown Pros­e­cu­tion Ser­vice did appoint a spe­cial pros­e­cu­tor to assess whether there was a case for a crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tion into whether cam­paign finance laws were bro­ken. The CPS referred it back to the elec­toral com­mis­sion. Some­one close to the intel­li­gence select com­mit­tee tells me that “work is being done” on poten­tial Russ­ian inter­fer­ence in the ref­er­en­dum.

    Gavin Mil­lar, a QC and expert in elec­toral law, described the sit­u­a­tion as “high­ly dis­turb­ing”. He believes the only way to find the truth would be to hold a pub­lic inquiry. But a gov­ern­ment would need to call it. A gov­ern­ment that has just trig­gered an elec­tion specif­i­cal­ly to shore up its pow­er base. An elec­tion designed to set us into per­ma­nent align­ment with Trump’s Amer­i­ca.

    Mar­tin Moore of King’s Col­lege, Lon­don, point­ed out that elec­tions were a new­ly fash­ion­able tool for would-be author­i­tar­i­an states. “Look at Erdo­gan in Turkey. What There­sa May is doing is quite anti-demo­c­ra­t­ic in a way. It’s about enhanc­ing her pow­er very delib­er­ate­ly. It’s not about a bat­tle of pol­i­cy between two par­ties.”

    This is Britain in 2017. A Britain that increas­ing­ly looks like a “man­aged” democ­ra­cy. Paid for by a US bil­lion­aire. Using mil­i­tary-style tech­nol­o­gy. Deliv­ered by Face­book. And enabled by us. If we let this ref­er­en­dum result stand, we are giv­ing it our implic­it con­sent. This isn’t about Remain or Leave. It goes far beyond par­ty pol­i­tics. It’s about the first step into a brave, new, increas­ing­ly unde­mo­c­ra­t­ic world.

    ...

    Some names, ages and oth­er iden­ti­fy­ing details of sources in this arti­cle have been changed

    ———-

    “The great British Brex­it rob­bery: how our democ­ra­cy was hijacked” by Car­ole Cad­wal­ladr; The Guardian; 05/07/2017

    “What’s been lost in the US cov­er­age of this “data ana­lyt­ics” firm is the under­stand­ing of where the firm came from: deep with­in the mil­i­tary-indus­tri­al com­plex. A weird British cor­ner of it pop­u­lat­ed, as the mil­i­tary estab­lish­ment in Britain is, by old-school Tories. Geof­frey Pat­tie, a for­mer par­lia­men­tary under-sec­re­tary of state for defence pro­cure­ment and direc­tor of Mar­coni Defence Sys­tems, used to be on the board, and Lord Mar­land, David Cameron’s pro-Brex­it for­mer trade envoy, a share­hold­er.”

    Yep, the SCL/Cambridge Ana­lyt­i­ca psy­op empire has its roots in the British con­ser­v­a­tive mil­i­tary estab­lish­ment. So if it pick­ing sides in the upcom­ing elec­tion, it’s prob­a­bly not try­ing to help Labour. And note how the ser­vice they’re offer­ing is basi­cal­ly har­ness­ing the pow­er of Big Data to car­ry­ing out advanced mil­i­tary-grade psy­ops:

    ...
    In June 2013, a young Amer­i­can post­grad­u­ate called Sophie was pass­ing through Lon­don when she called up the boss of a firm where she’d pre­vi­ous­ly interned. The com­pa­ny, SCL Elec­tions, went on to be bought by Robert Mer­cer, a secre­tive hedge fund bil­lion­aire, renamed Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, and achieved a cer­tain noto­ri­ety as the data ana­lyt­ics firm that played a role in both Trump and Brex­it cam­paigns. But all of this was still to come. Lon­don in 2013 was still bask­ing in the after­glow of the Olympics. Britain had not yet Brex­it­ed. The world had not yet turned.

    “That was before we became this dark, dystopi­an data com­pa­ny that gave the world Trump,” a for­mer Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca employ­ee who I’ll call Paul tells me. “It was back when we were still just a psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare firm.”

    Was that real­ly what you called it, I ask him. Psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare? “Total­ly. That’s what it is. Psy­ops. Psy­cho­log­i­cal oper­a­tions – the same meth­ods the mil­i­tary use to effect mass sen­ti­ment change. It’s what they mean by win­ning ‘hearts and minds’. We were just doing it to win elec­tions in the kind of devel­op­ing coun­tries that don’t have many rules.”

    Why would any­one want to intern with a psy­cho­log­i­cal war­fare firm, I ask him. And he looks at me like I am mad. “It was like work­ing for MI6. Only it’s MI6 for hire. It was very posh, very Eng­lish, run by an old Eton­ian and you got to do some real­ly cool things. Fly all over the world. You were work­ing with the pres­i­dent of Kenya or Ghana or wher­ev­er. It’s not like elec­tion cam­paigns in the west. You got to do all sorts of crazy shit.”
    ...

    Con­duct­ing mass psy­ops to shift elec­tions in a devel­op­ing nation with few pro­tec­tions. Sounds like fun. And also note the firm ini­tial­ly rec­om­mend­ed to SCL’s chair­man back in 2013 when the idea of deep div­ing into indi­vid­ual data was first pro­posed by “Sophie”, who hap­pens to be the daugh­ter of Google CEO Erick Schmidt: SCL should team up with Palan­tir:

    ...
    On that day in June 2013, Sophie met up with SCL’s chief exec­u­tive, Alexan­der Nix, and gave him the germ of an idea. “She said, ‘You real­ly need to get into data.’ She real­ly drummed it home to Alexan­der. And she sug­gest­ed he meet this firm that belonged to some­one she knew about through her father.”

    Who’s her father?

    “Eric Schmidt.”

    Eric Schmidt – the chair­man of Google?

    “Yes. And she sug­gest­ed Alexan­der should meet this com­pa­ny called Palan­tir.”

    I had been speak­ing to for­mer employ­ees of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca for months and heard dozens of hair-rais­ing sto­ries, but it was still a gob­s­mack­ing moment. To any­one con­cerned about sur­veil­lance, Palan­tir is prac­ti­cal­ly now a trig­ger word. The data-min­ing firm has con­tracts with gov­ern­ments all over the world – includ­ing GCHQ and the NSA. It’s owned by Peter Thiel, the bil­lion­aire co-founder of Pay­Pal and major investor in Face­book, who became Sil­i­con Valley’s first vocal sup­port­er of Trump.

    In some ways, Eric Schmidt’s daugh­ter show­ing up to make an intro­duc­tion to Palan­tir is just anoth­er weird detail in the weird­est sto­ry I have ever researched.

    A weird but telling detail. Because it goes to the heart of why the sto­ry of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is one of the most pro­found­ly unset­tling of our time. Sophie Schmidt now works for anoth­er Sil­i­con Val­ley megafirm: Uber. And what’s clear is that the pow­er and dom­i­nance of the Sil­i­con Val­ley – Google and Face­book and a small hand­ful of oth­ers – are at the cen­tre of the glob­al tec­ton­ic shift we are cur­rent­ly wit­ness­ing.
    ...

    That’s SCL’s poten­tial com­peti­tor in the com­mer­cial space of offer­ing nation-state-scale psy­op cam­paigns: Palan­tir, the Big Data giant with exten­sive con­tracts with the US mil­i­tary and intel­li­gence com­mu­ni­ties. And what was one of the first projects of this nature that SCL worked on? Get­ting the gov­ern­ment of Trinidad and Toba­go reelec­tion. And if that works, the prize is that SCL gets to set up a mass sur­veil­lance appa­ra­tus that would have giv­en the gov­ern­ment Minor­i­ty Report pow­ers. And that was the test run for the mod­el that Robert Mer­cer was buy­ing into:

    ...
    A project that Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca car­ried out in Trinidad in 2013 brings all the ele­ments in this sto­ry togeth­er. Just as Robert Mer­cer began his nego­ti­a­tions with SCL boss Alexan­der Nix about an acqui­si­tion, SCL was retained by sev­er­al gov­ern­ment min­is­ters in Trinidad and Toba­go. The brief involved devel­op­ing a micro-tar­get­ing pro­gramme for the gov­ern­ing par­ty of the time. And Aggre­gateIQ – the same com­pa­ny involved in deliv­er­ing Brex­it for Vote Leave – was brought in to build the tar­get­ing plat­form.

    David said: “The stan­dard SCL/CA method is that you get a gov­ern­ment con­tract from the rul­ing par­ty. And this pays for the polit­i­cal work. So, it’s often some bull­shit health project that’s just a cov­er for get­ting the min­is­ter re-elect­ed. But in this case, our gov­ern­ment con­tacts were with Trinidad’s nation­al secu­ri­ty coun­cil.”

    The secu­ri­ty work was to be the prize for the polit­i­cal work. Doc­u­ments seen by the Observ­er show that this was a pro­pos­al to cap­ture cit­i­zens’ brows­ing his­to­ry en masse, record­ing phone con­ver­sa­tions and apply­ing nat­ur­al lan­guage pro­cess­ing to the record­ed voice data to con­struct a nation­al police data­base, com­plete with scores for each cit­i­zen on their propen­si­ty to com­mit crime.

    “The plan put to the min­is­ter was Minor­i­ty Report. It was pre-crime. And the fact that Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca is now work­ing inside the Pen­ta­gon is, I think, absolute­ly ter­ri­fy­ing,” said David.

    These doc­u­ments throw light on a sig­nif­i­cant and under-report­ed aspect of the Trump admin­is­tra­tion. The com­pa­ny that helped Trump achieve pow­er in the first place has now been award­ed con­tracts in the Pen­ta­gon and the US state depart­ment. Its for­mer vice-pres­i­dent Steve Ban­non now sits in the White House. It is also report­ed to be in dis­cus­sions for “mil­i­tary and home­land secu­ri­ty work”.

    In the US, the gov­ern­ment is bound by strict laws about what data it can col­lect on indi­vid­u­als. But, for pri­vate com­pa­nies any­thing goes. Is it unrea­son­able to see in this the pos­si­ble begin­nings of an author­i­tar­i­an sur­veil­lance state?

    ...

    The details of the Trinidad project final­ly unlocked the mys­tery that was Aggre­gateIQ. Trinidad was SCL’s first project using big data for micro-tar­get­ing before the firm was acquired by Mer­cer. It was the mod­el that Mer­cer was buy­ing into. And it brought togeth­er all the play­ers: the Cam­bridge psy­chol­o­gist Alek­san­dr Kogan, Aggre­gateIQ, Chris Wylie, and two oth­er indi­vid­u­als who would play a role in this sto­ry: Mark Get­tle­son, a focus group expert who had pre­vi­ous­ly worked for the Lib Dems. And Thomas Bor­wick, the son of Vic­to­ria Bor­wick, the Con­ser­v­a­tive MP for Kens­ing­ton.
    ...

    These doc­u­ments throw light on a sig­nif­i­cant and under-report­ed aspect of the Trump admin­is­tra­tion. The com­pa­ny that helped Trump achieve pow­er in the first place has now been award­ed con­tracts in the Pen­ta­gon and the US state depart­ment. Its for­mer vice-pres­i­dent Steve Ban­non now sits in the White House. It is also report­ed to be in dis­cus­sions for “mil­i­tary and home­land secu­ri­ty work”.”

    So that all gives us a bet­ter sense of not just who is being SCL/Cambridge Ana­lyt­i­ca but also how poten­tial­ly influ­en­tial that firm is in Britain already. They already have an abun­dance of data on UK vot­ers and deep ties to UK con­ser­v­a­tives. Is the firm using all that data in the upcom­ing next months elec­tions? That’s unclear at this, but if we learn about a last minute web-based adver­tis­ing blitz with an uncan­ny abil­i­ty to per­suade peo­ple to switch their votes at the last minute, that will be a clue. Poll­sters beware. Every­one else should prob­a­bly beware too.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | May 31, 2017, 8:08 pm
  6. GOP-affil­i­at­ed data ana­lyt­ics firm Deep Root has quite a data-pri­va­cy vio­la­tion ear­li­er this month. At least we have to hope it only took place ear­li­er this month. We don’t real­ly know. But what we do know is that a cyber­se­cu­ri­ty researcher dis­cov­ered a Deep Root serv­er with pub­lic access to their pro­pri­etary data­base of the vot­ing habits/political views on over 198 mil­lion Amer­i­cans on June 12th. Deep Root claims this was all due to an acci­dent that took place on June 1st and that nobody knew about it so it’s pos­si­ble it was pub­licly acces­si­ble but no one actu­al­ly accessed the data. Hope­ful­ly that’s the case. But the cyber­se­cu­ri­ty researcher found it while sim­ply scan­ning Ama­zon’s Cloud for mis­con­fig­ured servers. So while we don’t know if any­one access that mas­sive trove of data on 198 mil­lion Amer­i­cans, we do know that the kind of peo­ple who scan might Ama­zon’s cloud for mis­con­fig­ured servers would have found it:

    Giz­mo­do

    GOP Data Firm Acci­den­tal­ly Leaks Per­son­al Details of Near­ly 200 Mil­lion Amer­i­can Vot­ers

    Dell Cameron and Kate Con­ger
    06/19/2017, 8:00am

    Polit­i­cal data gath­ered on more than 198 mil­lion US cit­i­zens was exposed this month after a mar­ket­ing firm con­tract­ed by the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee stored inter­nal doc­u­ments on a pub­licly acces­si­ble Ama­zon serv­er.

    The data leak con­tains a wealth of per­son­al infor­ma­tion on rough­ly 61 per­cent of the US pop­u­la­tion. Along with home address­es, birth­dates, and phone num­bers, the records include advanced sen­ti­ment analy­ses used by polit­i­cal groups to pre­dict where indi­vid­ual vot­ers fall on hot-but­ton issues such as gun own­er­ship, stem cell research, and the right to abor­tion, as well as sus­pect­ed reli­gious affil­i­a­tion and eth­nic­i­ty. The data was amassed from a vari­ety of sources—from the banned sub­red­dit r/fatpeoplehate to Amer­i­can Cross­roads, the super PAC co-found­ed by for­mer White House strate­gist Karl Rove.

    Deep Root Ana­lyt­ics, a con­ser­v­a­tive data firm that iden­ti­fies audi­ences for polit­i­cal ads, con­firmed own­er­ship of the data to Giz­mo­do on Fri­day.

    UpGuard cyber risk ana­lyst Chris Vick­ery dis­cov­ered Deep Root’s data online last week. More than a ter­abyte was stored on the cloud serv­er with­out the pro­tec­tion of a pass­word and could be accessed by any­one who found the URL. Many of the files did not orig­i­nate at Deep Root, but are instead the aggre­gate of out­side data firms and Repub­li­can super PACs, shed­ding light onto the increas­ing­ly advanced data ecosys­tem that helped pro­pel Pres­i­dent Don­ald Trump’s slim mar­gins in key swing states.

    Although files pos­sessed by Deep Root would be typ­i­cal in any cam­paign, Repub­li­can or Demo­c­ra­t­ic, experts say its expo­sure in a sin­gle open data­base rais­es sig­nif­i­cant pri­va­cy con­cerns. “This is valu­able for peo­ple who have nefar­i­ous pur­pos­es,” Joseph Loren­zo Hall, the chief tech­nol­o­gist at the Cen­ter for Democ­ra­cy and Tech­nol­o­gy, said of the data.

    The RNC paid Deep Root $983,000 last year, accord­ing to Fed­er­al Elec­tion Com­mis­sion reports, but its serv­er con­tained records from a vari­ety of oth­er con­ser­v­a­tive sources paid mil­lions more, includ­ing The Data Trust (also known as GOP Data Trust), the Repub­li­can party’s pri­ma­ry vot­er file provider. Data Trust received over $6.7 mil­lion from the RNC dur­ing the 2016 cycle, accord­ing to OpenSecrets.org, and its pres­i­dent, John­ny DeSte­fano, now serves as Trump’s direc­tor of pres­i­den­tial per­son­nel.

    The Koch broth­ers’ polit­i­cal group Amer­i­cans for Pros­per­i­ty, which had a data-swap­ping agree­ment with Data Trust dur­ing the 2016 elec­tion cycle, con­tributed heav­i­ly to the exposed files, as did the mar­ket research firm Tar­get­Point, whose co-founder pre­vi­ous­ly served as direc­tor of Mitt Romney’s strat­e­gy team. (The Koch broth­ers also sub­si­dized a data com­pa­ny known as i360, which began exchang­ing vot­er files with Data Trust in 2014.) Fur­ther­more, the files pro­vid­ed by Rove’s Amer­i­can Cross­roads con­tain strate­gic vot­er data used to tar­get, among oth­ers, dis­af­fect­ed Democ­rats and unde­cid­eds in Neva­da, New Hamp­shire, Ohio, and oth­er key bat­tle­ground states.

    Deep Root fur­ther obtained hun­dreds of files (at least) from The Kan­tar Group, a lead­ing media and mar­ket research com­pa­ny with offices in New York, Bei­jing, Moscow, and more than a hun­dred oth­er cities on six con­ti­nents. Each file offers rich details about polit­i­cal ads—estimated cost, audi­ence demo­graph­ics, reach, and more—by and about fig­ures and groups span­ning the polit­i­cal spec­trum. There are files on the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Sen­a­to­r­i­al Cam­paign Com­mit­tee, Planned Par­ent­hood, and the Amer­i­can Civ­il Lib­er­ties Union, as well as files on every 2016 pres­i­den­tial can­di­date, Repub­li­cans includ­ed.

    What’s more, the Kan­tar files each con­tain video links to relat­ed polit­i­cal ads stored on Kantar’s servers.

    Spread­sheets acquired from Tar­get­Point, which part­nered with Deep Root and GOP Data Trust dur­ing the 2016 elec­tion, include the home address­es, birth­dates, and par­ty affil­i­a­tions of near­ly 200 mil­lion reg­is­tered vot­ers in the 2008 and 2012 pres­i­den­tial elec­tions, as well as some 2016 vot­ers. TargetPoint’s data seeks to resolve ques­tions about where indi­vid­ual vot­ers stand on dozens of polit­i­cal issues. For exam­ple: Is the vot­er eco-friend­ly? Do they favor low­er­ing tax­es? Do they believe the Democ­rats should stand up to Trump? Do they agree with Trump’s “Amer­i­ca First” eco­nom­ic stance? Phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal com­pa­nies do great dam­age: Agree or Dis­agree?

    The details of vot­ers’ like­ly pref­er­ences for issues like stem cell research and gun con­trol were like­ly drawn from a vari­ety of sources accord­ing to a Demo­c­ra­t­ic strate­gist who spoke with Giz­mo­do.

    “Data like that would be a com­bi­na­tion of polling data, real world data from door-knock­ing and phone-call­ing and oth­er can­vass­ing activ­i­ties, cou­pled with mod­el­ing using the data we already have to extrap­o­late what the vot­ers we don’t know about would think,” the strate­gist said. “The cam­paigns that do it right com­bine all the avail­able data togeth­er to make the most robust mod­el for every sin­gle vot­er in the tar­get uni­verse.”

    ...

    Deep Root’s data was exposed after the com­pa­ny updat­ed its secu­ri­ty set­tings on June 1, Lundry said. Deep Root has retained Stroz Fried­berg, a cyber­se­cu­ri­ty and dig­i­tal foren­sics firm, to inves­ti­gate. “Based on the infor­ma­tion we have gath­ered thus far, we do not believe that our sys­tems have been hacked,” Lundry added.

    So far, Deep Root doesn’t believe its pro­pri­etary data was accessed by any mali­cious third par­ties dur­ing the 12 days that the data was exposed on the open web.

    Deep Root’s serv­er was dis­cov­ered by UpGuard’s Vick­ery on the night of June 12 as he was search­ing for data pub­licly acces­si­ble on Amazon’s cloud ser­vice. He used the same process last month to detect sen­si­tive files tied to a US Defense Depart­ment project and exposed by an employ­ee of a top defense con­trac­tor.

    This is not the first leak of vot­er files uncov­ered by Vick­ery, who told Giz­mo­do that he was alarmed over how the data was appar­ent­ly being used—some states, for instance, pro­hib­it the com­mer­cial use of vot­er records. More­over, it was not imme­di­ate­ly clear to whom the data belonged. “It was decid­ed that law enforce­ment should be con­tact­ed before attempt­ing any con­tact with the enti­ty respon­si­ble,” said Vick­ery, who report­ed that the serv­er was secured two days lat­er on June 14.

    A web of data firms fun­nel research into cam­paigns

    Deep Root’s data sheds light onto the increas­ing­ly sophis­ti­cat­ed data oper­a­tion that has fed recent Repub­li­can cam­paigns and lays bare the intri­cate net­work of polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tions, PACs, and analy­sis firms that trade in bulk vot­er data. In an email to Giz­mo­do, Deep Root said that its vot­er mod­els are used to enhance the under­stand­ing of TV view­er­ship for polit­i­cal ad buy­ers. “The data accessed was not built for or used by any spe­cif­ic client,” Lundry said. “It is our pro­pri­etary analy­sis to help inform local tele­vi­sion ad buy­ing.”

    How­ev­er, the pres­ence of data on the serv­er from sev­er­al polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tions, includ­ing Tar­get­Point and Data Trust, sug­gests that it was used for Repub­li­can polit­i­cal cam­paigns. Deep Root also works pri­mar­i­ly with GOP cus­tomers (although sim­i­lar ven­dors, such as Nation­Builder, ser­vice the Democ­rats as well).

    Deep Root is one of three data firms hired by the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee in the run-up to the 2016 pres­i­den­tial elec­tion. Found­ed by Lundry, a data sci­en­tist on the Jeb Bush and Mitt Rom­ney cam­paigns, the firm was one of three ana­lyt­ics teams that worked on the Trump cam­paign fol­low­ing the party’s nation­al con­ven­tion in the sum­mer of 2016.

    Lundry’s work brought him into Trump’s cam­paign war room, accord­ing to a post-elec­tion AdAge arti­cle that chart­ed the GOP’s 2016 data efforts. Deep Root was hand-picked by the RNC’s then-chief of staff, Katie Walsh, in Sep­tem­ber of last year and joined two oth­er data shops—TargetPoint Con­sult­ing and Cause­way Solutions—in the effort to win Trump the pres­i­den­cy.

    ...

    To appeal to the three cru­cial cat­e­gories, it appears that Trump’s team relied on vot­er data pro­vid­ed by Data Trust. Com­plete vot­er rolls for 2008 and 2012, as well as par­tial 2016 vot­er rolls for Flori­da and Ohio, appar­ent­ly com­piled by Data Trust are con­tained in the dataset exposed by Deep Root.

    Data Trust acquires vot­er rolls from state offi­cials and then stan­dard­izes the vot­er data to cre­ate a clean, man­age­able record of all reg­is­tered US vot­ers, a source famil­iar with the firm’s oper­a­tions told Giz­mo­do. Vot­er data itself is pub­lic record and there­fore not par­tic­u­lar­ly sen­si­tive, the source added, but the tools Data Trust uses to stan­dard­ize that data are con­sid­ered pro­pri­etary. That data is then pro­vid­ed to polit­i­cal clients, includ­ing ana­lyt­ics firms like Deep Root. While Data Trust requires its clients to pro­tect the data, it has to take clients at their word that indus­try-stan­dard encryp­tion and secu­ri­ty pro­to­cols are in place.

    Tar­get­Point and Cause­way, the two firms employed by the RNC in addi­tion to Deep Root, appar­ent­ly lay­ered their own ana­lyt­ics atop the infor­ma­tion pro­vid­ed by Data Trust. Tar­get­Point con­duct­ed thou­sands of sur­veys per week in 22 states, accord­ing to AdAge, gaug­ing vot­er sen­ti­ment on a vari­ety of top­ics. While Cause­way helped man­age the data, Deep Root used it to per­fect its TV adver­tis­ing targets—producing vot­er turnout esti­mates by coun­ty and using that intel­li­gence to tar­get its ad buys.

    A source with years of expe­ri­ence work­ing on polit­i­cal cam­paign data oper­a­tions told Giz­mo­do that the data exposed by Deep Root appeared to be cus­tomized for the RNC and had appar­ent­ly been used to cre­ate mod­els for turnout and vot­er pref­er­ences. Meta­da­ta in the files sug­gest­ed that the data­base wasn’t Deep Root’s work­ing copy, but rather a post-elec­tion ver­sion of its data, the source said, adding that it was some­what sur­pris­ing the files hadn’t been dis­card­ed.

    Because the data from the 2008 and 2012 elec­tions is outdated—the source com­pared it to the kind of address and phone data one could find on a “lousy inter­net lookup site”—it’s not very valu­able. Even the 2016 data is quick­ly becom­ing stale. “This is a pro­pri­etary dataset based on a mix of pub­lic records, data from com­mer­cial providers, and a vari­ety of pre­dic­tive mod­els of uncer­tain prove­nance and qual­i­ty,” the source said, adding: “Undoubt­ed­ly it took mil­lions of dol­lars to pro­duce.”

    Although basic vot­er infor­ma­tion is pub­lic record, Deep Root’s dataset con­tains a swirl of pro­pri­etary infor­ma­tion from the RNC’s data firms. Many of file­names indi­cate they poten­tial­ly con­tain mar­ket research on Demo­c­ra­t­ic can­di­dates and the inde­pen­dent expen­di­ture com­mit­tees that sup­port them. (Up to two ter­abytes of data con­tained on the serv­er was pro­tect­ed by per­mis­sion set­tings.)

    One exposed fold­er is labeled “Exxon-Mobile” [sic] and con­tains spread­sheets appar­ent­ly used to pre­dict which vot­ers sup­port the oil and gas indus­try. Divid­ed by state, the files include the vot­ers’ names and address­es, along with a unique RNC iden­ti­fi­ca­tion num­ber assigned to every US cit­i­zen reg­is­tered to vote. Each row indi­cates where vot­ers like­ly fall on issues of inter­est to Exxon­Mo­bil, the country’s biggest nat­ur­al gas pro­duc­er.

    The data eval­u­ates, for exam­ple, whether or not a spe­cif­ic vot­er believes drilling for fos­sil fuels is vital to US secu­ri­ty. It also pre­dicts if the vot­er thinks the US should be mov­ing away from fos­sil-fuel use. The Exxon­Mo­bil “nation­al score” doc­u­ment alone con­tains data on 182,746,897 Amer­i­cans spread across 19 fields.

    Red­dit analy­sis

    Some of the data includ­ed in Deep Root’s dataset veers into down­right bizarre ter­ri­to­ry. A fold­er titled sim­ply ‘red­dit’ hous­es 170 GBs of data appar­ent­ly scraped from sev­er­al sub­red­dits, includ­ing the con­tro­ver­sial r/fatpeoplehate that was home to a com­mu­ni­ty of peo­ple who post­ed pic­tures of peo­ple and mocked them for their weight before it was banned from Reddit’s plat­form in 2015. Oth­er sub­red­dits that appear to have been scraped by Deep Root or a part­ner orga­ni­za­tion focused on more benign top­ics, like moun­tain bik­ing and the Span­ish lan­guage.

    The Red­dit data could’ve been used as train­ing data for an arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence algo­rithm focused on nat­ur­al lan­guage pro­cess­ing, or it might have been har­vest­ed as part of an effort to match up Red­dit users with their vot­er reg­is­tra­tion records. Dur­ing the 2012 elec­tion cycle, Barack Obama’s cam­paign data team relied on infor­ma­tion gleaned from Face­book pro­files and matched pro­files to vot­er records.

    Dur­ing the 2016 elec­tion sea­son, Red­dit played host to a legion of Trump sup­port­ers who gath­ered in sub­red­dits like r/The_Donald to comb through leaked Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee emails and craft pro-Trump memes. Trump him­self par­tic­i­pat­ed in an “Ask Me Any­thing” ses­sion on r/The_Donald dur­ing his cam­paign.

    Giv­en how active some Trump sup­port­ers are on Reddit—r/The_Donald cur­rent­ly boasts more than 430,000 members—it makes sense that Trump’s data team might be inter­est­ed in ana­lyz­ing data from the site.

    A FiveThir­tyEight analy­sis that looked at where r/The_Donald mem­bers spend their time when they’re not talk­ing pol­i­tics might shed some light onto why Deep Root col­lect­ed r/fatpeoplehate data. FiveThir­tyEight found that, when Red­di­tors weren’t com­ment­ing in polit­i­cal sub­red­dits, they most often fre­quent­ed r/fatpeoplehate.

    It’s pos­si­ble that Deep Root intend­ed to use data from r/fatpeoplehate to build a more com­pre­hen­sive pro­file of Trump vot­ers. (Lundry declined to com­ment beyond his ini­tial state­ment on any of infor­ma­tion includ­ed in the Deep Root dataset.)

    How­ev­er, FiveThirtyEight’s inves­ti­ga­tion doesn’t account for Deep Root’s col­lec­tion of data from moun­tain-bik­ing and Span­ish-speak­ing sub­red­dits that weren’t as pop­u­lar with r/The_Donald members—and data from these sub­red­dits that are not so close­ly linked to Trump’s diehard sup­port­ers might be more use­ful for his campaign’s goal of pur­su­ing swing vot­ers.

    “My guess is that they were scrap­ing Red­dit posts to match to the vot­er file as anoth­er input for indi­vid­ual mod­el­ing,” a source famil­iar with cam­paign data oper­a­tions told Giz­mo­do. “Giv­en the num­ber of ran­dom forums, my guess is they start­ed with a list of accounts to scrape from, rather than scrap­ing from all forums then try­ing to match from there (in which case you’d start with the polit­i­cal ones).”

    Match­ing vot­er records with Red­dit user­names would be com­pli­cat­ed and any large-scale effort would like­ly result in many inac­cu­ra­cies, the source said. How­ev­er, cam­paigns have attempt­ed to match vot­er files with social media pro­files in the past. Such an effort by Deep Root wouldn’t be entire­ly sur­pris­ing, and would like­ly yield rich data on the small por­tion of users it was able to match with their vot­er pro­files, the source explained.

    Data expos­es sen­si­tive vot­er info

    The Deep Root inci­dent rep­re­sents the largest known leak of Amer­i­cans’ vot­er records, out­strip­ping past expo­sures by sev­er­al mil­lion records. Five vot­er-file leaks over the past 18 months exposed between 350,000 and 191 mil­lion files, some of which paired vot­er data—name, race, gen­der, birth­date, address, phone num­ber, par­ty affil­i­a­tion, etc.—with email accounts, social media pro­files, and records of gun own­er­ship.

    Cam­paigns and the data analy­sis firms they employ are a par­tic­u­lar­ly weak point for data expo­sure, secu­ri­ty experts say. Cor­po­ra­tions that don’t prop­er­ly secure cus­tomer data can face sig­nif­i­cant finan­cial repercussions—just ask Tar­get or Yahoo. But because cam­paigns are short-term oper­a­tions, there’s not much incen­tive for them to take data secu­ri­ty seri­ous­ly, and valu­able data is often left out to rust after an elec­tion.

    “Cam­paigns are very nar­row­ly focused. They are shoe­string oper­a­tions, even pres­i­den­tial cam­paigns. So they don’t think of this as an asset they need to pro­tect,” the Cen­ter for Democ­ra­cy and Technology’s Hall told Giz­mo­do.

    Even though vot­er rolls are pub­lic record and are easy to access—Ohio, for instance, makes its vot­er rolls avail­able to down­load online—their expo­sure can still be harm­ful.

    Vot­er reg­is­tra­tion records include ZIP codes, birth­dates, and oth­er per­son­al infor­ma­tion that have been cru­cial in research efforts to re-iden­ti­fy anony­mous med­ical data. Latanya Sweeney, a pro­fes­sor of gov­ern­ment and tech­nol­o­gy at Har­vard Uni­ver­si­ty, famous­ly used vot­er data to re-iden­ti­fy Mass­a­chu­setts Gov­er­nor William Weld from infor­ma­tion in anony­mous hos­pi­tal dis­charge records.

    Because of the per­son­al infor­ma­tion they con­tain, vot­er reg­is­tra­tion data­bas­es can also be use­ful in iden­ti­ty theft schemes.

    Even though expo­sure of Deep Root’s data has the poten­tial to harm vot­ers, it’s exact­ly the kind of data that cam­paigns lust after and will spend mil­lions of dol­lars to obtain. Cam­paigns are moti­vat­ed to accu­mu­late as much deeply per­son­al infor­ma­tion about vot­ers as pos­si­ble, so they can spend their ad dol­lars in the right swing dis­tricts where they’re like­ly to sway the great­est num­ber of vot­ers. But vot­er data rapid­ly goes stale and cam­paigns close up shop quick­ly, so data is seen as dis­pos­able and often isn’t well-pro­tect­ed.

    “I can think of no avenues for pun­ish­ing polit­i­cal data breach­es or oth­er­wise prop­er­ly align­ing the incen­tives. I wor­ry that if there’s no way to pun­ish cam­paigns for leak­ing this stuff, it’s going to con­tin­ue to hap­pen until some­thing bad hap­pens,” Hall said. The data left behind by cam­paigns can pose a lin­ger­ing secu­ri­ty issue, he added. “None of these moth­er­fuc kers were ever Boy Scouts or Girl Scouts, they don’t pack out what they pack in.”

    ———-

    “GOP Data Firm Acci­den­tal­ly Leaks Per­son­al Details of Near­ly 200 Mil­lion Amer­i­can Vot­ers” by Dell Cameron and Kate Con­ger, Giz­mo­do; 06/19/2017

    “Deep Root’s data sheds light onto the increas­ing­ly sophis­ti­cat­ed data oper­a­tion that has fed recent Repub­li­can cam­paigns and lays bare the intri­cate net­work of polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tions, PACs, and analy­sis firms that trade in bulk vot­er data. In an email to Giz­mo­do, Deep Root said that its vot­er mod­els are used to enhance the under­stand­ing of TV view­er­ship for polit­i­cal ad buy­ers. “The data accessed was not built for or used by any spe­cif­ic client,” Lundry said. “It is our pro­pri­etary analy­sis to help inform local tele­vi­sion ad buy­ing.””

    The GOP has clear­ly invest­ed heav­i­ly in sophis­ti­cat­ed Big Data strate­gies. And now one of its giant repos­i­to­ries of Big Data just got exposed to any­one using a pret­ty unso­phis­ti­cat­ed tech­nique of sim­ply scan­ning Ama­zon’s Cloud for open servers...something being done by cyber­crim­i­nals rou­tine­ly at all times:

    ...
    Deep Root’s data was exposed after the com­pa­ny updat­ed its secu­ri­ty set­tings on June 1, Lundry said. Deep Root has retained Stroz Fried­berg, a cyber­se­cu­ri­ty and dig­i­tal foren­sics firm, to inves­ti­gate. “Based on the infor­ma­tion we have gath­ered thus far, we do not believe that our sys­tems have been hacked,” Lundry added.

    So far, Deep Root doesn’t believe its pro­pri­etary data was accessed by any mali­cious third par­ties dur­ing the 12 days that the data was exposed on the open web.

    Deep Root’s serv­er was dis­cov­ered by UpGuard’s Vick­ery on the night of June 12 as he was search­ing for data pub­licly acces­si­ble on Amazon’s cloud ser­vice. He used the same process last month to detect sen­si­tive files tied to a US Defense Depart­ment project and exposed by an employ­ee of a top defense con­trac­tor.
    ...

    So was this an inten­tion­al leak for a spe­cif­ic tar­get or real­ly just an acci­dent? We’ll prob­a­bly nev­er know. But it’s worth not­ing the one pos­si­ble intend­ed recip­i­ent of those terrabytes of data: The data ana­lyt­ics firm that we know played a key role in the Trump vic­to­ry and yet was­n’t men­tioned at all in the above arti­cle: Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca.

    Because look at the firms men­tions: In addi­tion to Deep Root, we get men­tions of how Deep Root’s data set was get­ting shared with oth­er firms hired by the RNC and Trump team like Data Trust, Tar­get­Point and Cause­way. But no men­tion of Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca:

    ...
    To appeal to the three cru­cial cat­e­gories, it appears that Trump’s team relied on vot­er data pro­vid­ed by Data Trust. Com­plete vot­er rolls for 2008 and 2012, as well as par­tial 2016 vot­er rolls for Flori­da and Ohio, appar­ent­ly com­piled by Data Trust are con­tained in the dataset exposed by Deep Root.

    Data Trust acquires vot­er rolls from state offi­cials and then stan­dard­izes the vot­er data to cre­ate a clean, man­age­able record of all reg­is­tered US vot­ers, a source famil­iar with the firm’s oper­a­tions told Giz­mo­do. Vot­er data itself is pub­lic record and there­fore not par­tic­u­lar­ly sen­si­tive, the source added, but the tools Data Trust uses to stan­dard­ize that data are con­sid­ered pro­pri­etary. That data is then pro­vid­ed to polit­i­cal clients, includ­ing ana­lyt­ics firms like Deep Root. While Data Trust requires its clients to pro­tect the data, it has to take clients at their word that indus­try-stan­dard encryp­tion and secu­ri­ty pro­to­cols are in place.

    Tar­get­Point and Cause­way, the two firms employed by the RNC in addi­tion to Deep Root, appar­ent­ly lay­ered their own ana­lyt­ics atop the infor­ma­tion pro­vid­ed by Data Trust. Tar­get­Point con­duct­ed thou­sands of sur­veys per week in 22 states, accord­ing to AdAge, gaug­ing vot­er sen­ti­ment on a vari­ety of top­ics. While Cause­way helped man­age the data, Deep Root used it to per­fect its TV adver­tis­ing targets—producing vot­er turnout esti­mates by coun­ty and using that intel­li­gence to tar­get its ad buys.
    ...

    Where’s Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca? Did they get access to that data too? They were Trump’s pri­ma­ry Big Data secret weapon. So as this data redun­dant for them? If not and this data real­ly is of use to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca, then if we’re try­ing to think of a like­ly intend­ed recip­i­ent for those terrabytes of data it’s hard to think of a like­li­er recip­i­ent than Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca. Espe­cial­ly after was announced back in Jan­u­ary that the RNC’s Big Data guru was head­ing over to Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca as part of a bid to turn the firm into the RNC’s Big Data firm of choice:

    Wired

    Trump’s Data Firm Snags RNC Tech Guru Dar­ren Bold­ing

    Issie Lapowsky
    01.16.17 07:00 am

    British new­com­ers Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca earned seri­ous brag­ging rights—and more than a few ene­mies—as the data firm that helped engi­neer Don­ald Trump’s vic­to­ry in its first US pres­i­den­tial elec­tion. Now it’s poach­ing the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee’s chief tech­nol­o­gy offi­cer, Dar­ren Bold­ing, in a quest to become the ana­lyt­ics out­fit of record for the GOP.

    Bold­ing, who in Novem­ber, 2015, became the RNC’s third CTO in as many years after build­ing his career as an engi­neer in Sil­i­con Val­ley, will assume the title of CTO at Cam­bridge, where he will build prod­ucts for com­mer­cial and polit­i­cal clients. “We want to be able to scale up what we’re already doing, since there’s been quite a lot of inter­est from the com­mer­cial and polit­i­cal space,” he says.

    Cam­bridge’s pitch is that it divides audi­ences into “psy­cho­graph­ic groups” to tar­get them with the kinds of mes­sages that, like most ads, are based on demo­graph­ic fac­tors but also are most like­ly to appeal to their emo­tion­al and psy­cho­log­i­cal pro­files. The effec­tive­ness of, and method­ol­o­gy behind, these tac­tics remain the sub­ject of great debate among the Belt­way’s tra­di­tion­al data minds, who express skep­ti­cism about Cam­bridge’s abil­i­ty to deliv­er on its promis­es. But Trump’s vic­to­ry in Novem­ber was a blow to the fir­m’s detrac­tors.

    Though Cam­bridge is now pur­su­ing com­mer­cial clients through its new office in New York, it’s also expand­ing its DC oper­a­tion and hopes to secure gov­ern­ment and defense con­tracts under the Trump admin­is­tra­tion. Cam­bridge already has the req­ui­site ties. Not only did it work for the Trump cam­paign, but Steve Ban­non, Trump’s chief strate­gist, serves on the fir­m’s board.

    Cam­bridge also is fund­ed by Robert Mer­cer, the bil­lion­aire donor who gave mil­lions to Trump Super PACs and whose daugh­ter Rebekah Mer­cer serves on the Trump tran­si­tion team. She report­ed­ly is involved in shap­ing the non-prof­it orga­ni­za­tion that will serve as a fundrais­ing and mes­sag­ing vehi­cle for the Trump admin­is­tra­tion. That could give Cam­bridge an advan­tage in secur­ing its busi­ness. Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca declined to com­ment on these poten­tial deals, and the Trump tran­si­tion team has not yet respond­ed to WIRED’s request for com­ment.

    Bold­ing’s depar­ture from the RNC comes as Repub­li­cans and Democ­rats alike grap­ple with the threat of cyber attacks in the wake of the breach, attrib­uted to Russ­ian hack­ers, of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee dur­ing the 2016 elec­tion. Dur­ing his press con­fer­ence this week, pres­i­dent-elect Trump scold­ed the DNC for allow­ing such an attack and claimed that hack­ers were foiled in their attempt to pen­e­trate the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee. Bold­ing con­firms the RNC expe­ri­enced fre­quent attacks through­out the elec­tion cycle. “We were very vig­or­ous­ly attacked,” Bold­ing says. “I’ve done this for large com­mer­cial com­pa­nies that have had sig­nif­i­cant threats, but this was real­ly intense.”

    While there may have been no breach­es of recent RNC data, in a hear­ing before the Sen­ate Select Com­mit­tee on Intel­li­gence Tues­day, FBI direc­tor James Comey said that “infor­ma­tion was har­vest­ed” from old RNC email domains that are no longer in use, though none of that infor­ma­tion was released.

    ...

    ———-

    “Trump’s Data Firm Snags RNC Tech Guru Dar­ren Bold­ing” by Issie Lapowsky; Wired; 01/16/17

    “British new­com­ers Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca earned seri­ous brag­ging rights—and more than a few ene­mies—as the data firm that helped engi­neer Don­ald Trump’s vic­to­ry in its first US pres­i­den­tial elec­tion. Now it’s poach­ing the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee’s chief tech­nol­o­gy offi­cer, Dar­ren Bold­ing, in a quest to become the ana­lyt­ics out­fit of record for the GOP.

    So while we have no idea if Deep Root’s mas­sive data base was acci­den­tal­ly or inten­tion­al­ly left exposed — for a min­i­mum of 12 days and pos­si­bly a lot longer — if it was inten­tion­al left exposed for a par­tic­u­lar it’s hard to ignore how use­ful this Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca’s oper­a­tions. At the same time, giv­en how easy it was for any­one to find this exposed data just by scan­ning Ama­zon’s cloud, inten­tion­al­ly leav­ing that kind of secu­ri­ty gap for any sig­nif­i­cant peri­od of time would be pret­ty crazy...unless some­one was try­ing to sab­o­tage Deep Root at the same time. Like maybe some­one join­ing a firm that wants to replace Deep Root in the mar­ket for GOP Big Data ser­vices. That’s all spec­u­la­tive. What we know now is that what the RNC knows about you is now poten­tial­ly known by who knows who. And maybe Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca too.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | June 20, 2017, 7:35 pm
  7. Here’s a reminder the Big Data approach to pol­i­tics that enabled out­fits like Cam­bridge Ana­lyt­i­ca to micro-tar­get indi­vid­ual vot­ers using psy­op meth­ods tai­lored to indi­vid­ual psy­chol­o­gy pro­files amassed on the US adult pop­u­la­tion aren’t going to be lim­it­ed to pres­i­den­tial races. As the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee is hap­py to share, these kinds of meth­ods are high­ly scal­able and can work at the local lev­el too. As such, the RNC is mak­ing its mas­sive vot­er data bases, like the recent­ly leaked “Deep Root” data­base that includ­ed “vot­er score” pro­files on 198 mil­lion Amer­i­cans, avail­able for any Repub­li­can run­ning for office, includ­ing local state and races. So get ready the age of micro-tar­get­ed polit­i­cal mes­sag­ing for vir­tu­al­ly all polit­i­cal races in Amer­i­can going for­ward:

    The Cap­i­tal Times

    Repub­li­cans say data oper­a­tion helped Trump win Wis­con­sin, will be strong in 2018 races

    JESSIE OPOIEN | The Cap­i­tal Times
    07/03/2017

    Mem­bers of the Repub­li­can Nation­al Com­mit­tee’s data team agree with Hillary Clin­ton on this: Their data oper­a­tion sur­passed that of their Demo­c­ra­t­ic coun­ter­parts in the 2016 elec­tion. And it served them espe­cial­ly well in Wis­con­sin, where Don­ald Trump became the first Repub­li­can to car­ry the state in a pres­i­den­tial elec­tion since 1984.

    “Ear­ly on, we saw that Trump maybe wasn’t ahead in the state, but we saw how he could get there,” said Bri­an Par­nitzke, direc­tor of turnout and tar­get­ing for the RNC, in an inter­view last week. “So we knew the state was in play, and we knew that it was worth invest­ing resources in Wis­con­sin, not only in the field game but the can­di­date’s time.”

    ...

    It was­n’t just Trump that sur­prised polit­i­cal observers. Repub­li­can Sen. Ron John­son defeat­ed Demo­c­ra­t­ic for­mer Sen. Russ Fein­gold for a sec­ond time, by 3 per­cent­age points, and Repub­li­cans gained his­toric majori­ties in the state Leg­is­la­ture.

    RNC oper­a­tives cred­it those wins in part to a robust data pro­gram that was first pri­or­i­tized under for­mer RNC chair­man (and for­mer Repub­li­can Par­ty of Wis­con­sin chair­man) Reince Priebus, now Trump’s chief of staff. After suf­fer­ing blis­ter­ing loss­es in 2012, the par­ty has since invest­ed $175 mil­lion in data, dig­i­tal and field oper­a­tions.

    “In Wis­con­sin ... we were able to find those areas that were most open to Trump’s mes­sage, and it worked,” said Mark Jef­fer­son, direc­tor of major­i­ty reten­tion for the RNC and for­mer exec­u­tive direc­tor of the Wis­con­sin GOP. “And Ron John­son used it effec­tive­ly as well. That cam­paign was tuned into this as well as any in the coun­try.”

    The data pro­gram was espe­cial­ly help­ful in Octo­ber, when the par­ty noticed that Trump had lost ground in Wis­con­sin com­pared to the pre­vi­ous month — and specif­i­cal­ly tar­get­ed vot­ers who had drift­ed away in an effort to bring them back, Par­nitzke said.

    That would­n’t have been pos­si­ble with­out a “vot­er scores” data oper­a­tion that has been built, expand­ed and refined over the course of each elec­tion since it was launched after Demo­c­ra­t­ic Pres­i­dent Barack Oba­ma’s re-elec­tion in 2012.

    Watch­ing the way Democ­rats made use of data and dig­i­tal oper­a­tions in Oba­ma’s elec­tions gave Repub­li­cans a sense of urgency, Jef­fer­son said. Although Repub­li­cans have seen far more suc­cess in 2014 and 2016, the urgency is still there, he said.

    “The elec­torate is chang­ing. Peo­ple’s habits are chang­ing,” Jef­fer­son said. “You have to keep up or you’re going to be left behind.”

    Clin­ton, in an inter­view with Recode’s Kara Swish­er last month, was harsh­ly crit­i­cal of the DNC’s data oper­a­tions. The DNC’s data was “mediocre to poor, nonex­is­tent, wrong,” she said.

    Demo­c­ra­t­ic data sci­en­tists and ana­lysts were quick to turn the blame back on Clin­ton and her cam­paign. The prob­lem was­n’t the data, they said, but how it was used.

    New­ly-elect­ed DNC chair­man Tom Perez told CNN’s Erin Bur­nett ear­li­er this month that the DNC has to “up our game” and is invest­ing in tech­nol­o­gy, train­ing and orga­niz­ing.

    In the mean­time, RNC oper­a­tives are encour­aged by the results they’ve seen in recent spe­cial elec­tions in Mon­tana and Geor­gia, where they say their mod­els were not only spot-on, but enabled them to tar­get unde­cid­ed vot­ers to push their can­di­dates over the edge.

    “These mod­els that we build, they’re pre­dic­tive, but they’re also pre­scrip­tive,” said Conor Maguire, RNC direc­tor of exter­nal sup­port.

    Maguire, Par­nitzke and Jef­fer­son were in Wis­con­sin this week train­ing state par­ty oper­a­tives on the pro­gram. The data it con­tains can be scaled up to the pres­i­den­tial lev­el but down as small as a city coun­cil race, they said. Mod­els will be built for Gov. Scott Walk­er’s like­ly re-elec­tion cam­paign and for the Repub­li­can who chal­lenges Demo­c­ra­t­ic Sen. Tam­my Bald­win — but they can also be used for state judi­cial and leg­isla­tive races.

    “They’re use­ful to the par­ty between now and elec­tion day in 2018, but there’s a lot of things going on between now and then,” Jef­fer­son said.

    The par­ty has already used data indi­cat­ing 75 per­cent of Wis­con­sinites want Democ­rats to “find a way” to work with Trump in an ad cam­paign urg­ing Bald­win to hold a vote on Supreme Court Jus­tice Neil Gor­such’s nom­i­na­tion, Par­nitzke said.

    Sim­i­lar work will be done in states through­out the coun­try, but Jef­fer­son not­ed that Wis­con­sin has the unique ben­e­fit of a strong con­nec­tion between the nation­al par­ty and Gov. Scott Walk­er’s cam­paign — an oper­a­tion whose data pro­gram has earned nation­al acclaim and has ben­e­fit­ed Repub­li­can can­di­dates up and down the tick­et in the Bad­ger State.

    If you have an ‘R’ next to your name, you have access to our data and all of our resources,” Par­nitzke said. “That’s our only agen­da. We’ll train peo­ple up on how to do this. We don’t have some pro­pri­etary secret sauce that we are unwill­ing to share with peo­ple. We want to evan­ge­lize and spread this as far and wide as we can with­in the Repub­li­can Par­ty.”

    ———-

    “Repub­li­cans say data oper­a­tion helped Trump win Wis­con­sin, will be strong in 2018 races” by JESSIE OPOIEN; The Cap­i­tal Times; 07/03/2017

    “Maguire, Par­nitzke and Jef­fer­son were in Wis­con­sin this week train­ing state par­ty oper­a­tives on the pro­gram. The data it con­tains can be scaled up to the pres­i­den­tial lev­el but down as small as a city coun­cil race, they said. Mod­els will be built for Gov. Scott Walk­er’s like­ly re-elec­tion cam­paign and for the Repub­li­can who chal­lenges Demo­c­ra­t­ic Sen. Tam­my Bald­win — but they can also be used for state judi­cial and leg­isla­tive races.”

    Yep, the RNC is a on a mis­sion to train GOP­ers at the state and local local how to use its Big Data micro-tar­get­ing. All you need is an ‘R’ next to your name and you’ll get access to this mas­sive, and rel­a­tive­ly new, GOP Big Data data­base of Amer­i­cans:

    ...
    RNC oper­a­tives cred­it those wins in part to a robust data pro­gram that was first pri­or­i­tized under for­mer RNC chair­man (and for­mer Repub­li­can Par­ty of Wis­con­sin chair­man) Reince Priebus, now Trump’s chief of staff. After suf­fer­ing blis­ter­ing loss­es in 2012, the par­ty has since invest­ed $175 mil­lion in data, dig­i­tal and field oper­a­tions.

    “In Wis­con­sin ... we were able to find those areas that were most open to Trump’s mes­sage, and it worked,” said Mark Jef­fer­son, direc­tor of major­i­ty reten­tion for the RNC and for­mer exec­u­tive direc­tor of the Wis­con­sin GOP. “And Ron John­son used it effec­tive­ly as well. That cam­paign was tuned into this as well as any in the coun­try.”

    The data pro­gram was espe­cial­ly help­ful in Octo­ber, when the par­ty noticed that Trump had lost ground in Wis­con­sin com­pared to the pre­vi­ous month — and specif­i­cal­ly tar­get­ed vot­ers who had drift­ed away in an effort to bring them back, Par­nitzke said.

    That would­n’t have been pos­si­ble with­out a “vot­er scores” data oper­a­tion that has been built, expand­ed and refined over the course of each elec­tion since it was launched after Demo­c­ra­t­ic Pres­i­dent Barack Oba­ma’s re-elec­tion in 2012.

    ...

    If you have an ‘R’ next to your name, you have access to our data and all of our resources,” Par­nitzke said. “That’s our only agen­da. We’ll train peo­ple up on how to do this. We don’t have some pro­pri­etary secret sauce that we are unwill­ing to share with peo­ple. We want to evan­ge­lize and spread this as far and wide as we can with­in the Repub­li­can Par­ty.”
    ...

    So if you have an ‘R’ next your name, there’s a pret­ty use­ful resource the Repub­li­cans would like to train you to use, and the more use­ful this resource proves to be, the more resources are going to be invest­ed in it to make it even more use­ful in the future. Obtain­ing pre­dic­tive psy­cho­log­i­cal pro­files on as many peo­ple as pos­si­ble and devel­op­ing micro-tar­get­ing cam­paigns designed to exploit those pro­files is prob­a­bly going to be a major ele­ment of the future of pol­i­tics.

    And it’s going to be those peo­ple deemed to be most per­suad­able that are prob­a­bly going to be most tar­get­ed with the pys op cam­paigns so if you thought ‘unde­cid­ed vot­ers’ were a strange­ly clue­less breed now, just wait until they get inun­dat­ed with years of micro-tar­get­ed mes­sages designed to push their vul­ner­a­ble psy­cho­log­i­cal but­tons. It’s prob­a­bly not going to mod­er­ate the polit­i­cal land­scape.

    And as potent a tool as this new Big Data micro-tar­get­ing method is for the GOP, it’s impor­tant to keep in mind that it’s just one of many tools ripe for abuse in the GOP’s tool­box.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 3, 2017, 5:05 pm
  8. The New York­er has a new piece detail­ing the long and close rela­tion­ship between Don­ald Trump and David Peck­er, the pub­lish­er of the Nation­al Enquir­er. And while most of the piece is a look back at Peck­er’s his­to­ry at the Enquir­er and how Peck­er open­ly admits to inten­tion­al­ly spik­ing neg­a­tive sto­ries about Trump, there’s one rather notable piece about Peck­er’s future plans: David Peck­er is appar­ent­ly think­ing about buy­ing Time, Inc, a move Trump has been encour­ag­ing since 2013:

    The New York­er

    The Nation­al Enquirer’s Fer­vor for Trump
    The tabloid is defined by its preda­to­ry spir­it. Why has it embraced the Pres­i­dent with such syco­phan­tic zeal?

    By Jef­frey Toobin
    July 3, 2017 Issue

    Every Wednes­day after­noon, in a win­dow­less con­fer­ence room in an office build­ing at the tip of low­er Man­hat­tan, David Peck­er decides what will be on the cov­er of the fol­low­ing week’s Nation­al Enquir­er. Peck­er is the long­time chief exec­u­tive of Amer­i­can Media, Inc., which owns most of the nation’s super­mar­ket tabloids and gos­sip mag­a­zines, includ­ing the Star, the Globe, the Exam­in­er, and OK!, as well as the flag­ship Enquir­er. Pecker’s tabloids have few sub­scribers and min­i­mal adver­tis­ing. Vir­tu­al­ly all their rev­enue comes from impulse pur­chas­es at the check­out counter. A suc­cess­ful Enquir­er cov­er can dri­ve sales fif­teen per cent above the week­ly aver­age of three hun­dred and twen­ty-five thou­sand copies, and a lemon can hurt sales just as bad­ly, so the choice of cov­er head­lines and pho­tographs rep­re­sents a near­ly exis­ten­tial chal­lenge every week.

    Peck­er start­ed in the media busi­ness as an accoun­tant, and he has attempt­ed to impose a num­bers-based rig­or on the rau­cous world of tabloids. In the past decade, he has devised a pro­pri­etary data­base of the cov­ers of all celebri­ty mag­a­zines, includ­ing those of his com­peti­tors. The “cov­er explor­er,” as it’s known inter­nal­ly, tells A.M.I. exec­u­tives how each cov­er sold in com­par­i­son with the magazine’s four- and thir­teen-week aver­ages. The explor­er is indexed by celebri­ties and, unique­ly, by words in the head­lines. Peck­er knows with some pre­ci­sion which stars sell (Kel­ly Ripa, Jen­nifer Anis­ton, Brad and Angeli­na, and, for the old­er gen­er­a­tion, Dol­ly Par­ton and the Kennedys), and which phras­es draw read­ers (head­lines with the words “sad last days” and “six months to live”).

    To open a recent meet­ing, Peck­er, who was call­ing in on speak­er­phone from Dal­las, asked Dylan Howard, A.M.I.’s chief con­tent offi­cer, to review the competition’s cov­ers from the pre­vi­ous week. Howard, an ebul­lient Aus­tralian, is thir­ty-five, and some­thing of a tabloid prodi­gy. He made his name with a three-year quest to prove that the actor Char­lie Sheen had con­tract­ed H.I.V. (which Sheen ulti­mate­ly acknowl­edged), and now super­vis­es celebri­ty cov­er­age for Pecker’s empire. Shuf­fling through a stack of mag­a­zines in front of him, Howard pulled out Life & Style, which is owned by Bauer, a Ger­man con­glom­er­ate. The issue fea­tured Jen­nifer Lopez on the cov­er, with a head­line claim­ing that she was expect­ing a child with her boyfriend, Alex Rodriguez. “Her ‘mir­a­cle’ baby at 47!” the cov­er announced. Howard dis­missed the sto­ry. “She’s forty-sev­en,” he said. “Of course she’s not preg­nant.” But there was anoth­er rea­son for Howard’s dis­dain. “J. Lo doesn’t sell,” he said.

    For the forth­com­ing issue of the Enquir­er, Howard pre­sent­ed a mock­up of a cov­er on Meg­yn Kel­ly, who would be mak­ing her début as an NBC News cor­re­spon­dent the week that the issue went on sale. The head­line read “What she’s hid­ing!,” which Peck­er praised because the phrase had worked well on anoth­er cov­er­line, “What Hillary’s Hid­ing!,” dur­ing the Pres­i­den­tial cam­paign. Bul­let points under the Kel­ly head­line promised rev­e­la­tions about plas­tic surgery and a “crim­i­nal past.”

    Peck­er believes in con­stant mar­ket research, so the Enquir­er con­ducts a rolling tele­phone poll in which it tests cov­er-sto­ry ideas, sum­ma­rized in a sen­tence or two, on read­ers. Howard felt opti­mistic about the Kel­ly cov­er, because sev­en­ty-three per cent of respon­dents said that they would be inter­est­ed in the sto­ry. “She got over sev­en­ty per cent, even with­out the ben­e­fit of see­ing the cov­er image,” Howard said, refer­ring to a high-school-year­book pho­to­graph of Kel­ly with an eight­ies-style perm, which he felt would attract buy­ers.

    For the “sky­box­es,” the block head­lines above the cov­er logo, Howard pro­posed an unflat­ter­ing recent pho­to­graph of the actress Eva Lon­go­ria, which had test­ed at six­ty-eight per cent, under the head­line “Packs on 40 pounds!” Howard explained, “We did ask the rep if she’s preg­nant. Unfor­tu­nate­ly for her, that just seems to be a bur­ri­to bel­ly.” A pho­to in the oth­er sky­box was of Pamela Ander­son, also in an unbe­com­ing shot, who was, accord­ing to the head­line, “Destroyed by Plas­tic Surgery!”

    Peck­er called on Cameron Stra­cher, the Enquir­er’s lawyer, to see if he antic­i­pat­ed any legal prob­lems with the Kel­ly sto­ry. “We know she got the ‘com­ment call,’ ” Stra­cher said. At the Enquir­er, these offers for com­ment on crit­i­cal arti­cles are rou­tine­ly made to sub­jects and just as often declined. “It’s fac­tu­al­ly accu­rate,” Stra­cher con­tin­ued. “She did have this surgery, she does have a crim­i­nal past, and the oth­er stuff is opin­ion, real­ly.” (In a recent mem­oir, Kel­ly acknowl­edged shoplift­ing, once, when she was twelve. So she was not “hid­ing” much at all.)

    As the meet­ing wound down, the dis­cus­sion turned to the fol­low­ing week’s issue. Some­one sug­gest­ed a sto­ry about a video from Don­ald and Mela­nia Trump’s first over­seas trip. The video, which had just gone viral, showed the cou­ple walk­ing down a red car­pet on the air­port tar­mac in Israel. When Don­ald reached for Melania’s hand, she slapped it away with a sharp flick of her wrist.

    “I didn’t see that,” Peck­er said, on the speak­er­phone.

    The half-dozen or so men in the room exchanged looks. One then not­ed that the footage of Melania’s slap had received a good deal of atten­tion.

    “I didn’t see that,” Peck­er repeat­ed, and the sub­ject was dropped.

    It was a telling moment. Even if the leader of a celebri­ty-news empire had missed the viral video from the President’s trip, Pecker’s deci­sion to ignore the awk­ward moment for the First Fam­i­ly was not sur­pris­ing. The Enquir­er is defined by its preda­to­ry spirit—its ded­i­ca­tion to reveal­ing that celebri­ties, far from lead­ing ide­al lives, endure the same plagues of dis­ease, weight gain, and fam­i­ly dys­func­tion that afflict every­one else. For much of the tabloid’s his­to­ry, it has spe­cial­ized in inves­ti­ga­tions into the foibles of pub­lic per­son­al­i­ties, includ­ing politi­cians. In 1987, the Enquir­er pub­lished a pho­to­graph of Sen­a­tor Gary Hart with his mis­tress Don­na Rice, in front of a boat called the Mon­key Busi­ness, which doomed Hart’s Pres­i­den­tial can­di­da­cy. Two decades lat­er, the mag­a­zine broke the news that John Edwards had fathered a child out of wed­lock dur­ing his Pres­i­den­tial race. When Don­ald Trump decid­ed to run for Pres­i­dent, some peo­ple at the Enquir­er assumed that the mag­a­zine would apply the same scruti­ny to the candidate’s col­or­ful per­son­al his­to­ry. “We used to go after news­mak­ers no mat­ter what side they were on,” a for­mer Enquir­er staffer told me. “And Trump is a guy who is run­ning for Pres­i­dent with a clos­et full of bag­gage. He’s the ulti­mate tar­get-rich envi­ron­ment. The Enquir­er had a gold­en oppor­tu­ni­ty, and they com­plete­ly looked the oth­er way.”

    Through­out the 2016 Pres­i­den­tial race, the Enquir­er embraced Trump with syco­phan­tic fer­vor. The mag­a­zine made its first polit­i­cal endorse­ment ever, of Trump, last spring. Cov­er head­lines promised, “Don­ald Trump’s Revenge on Hillary & Her Pup­pets” and “Top Secret Plan Inside: How Trump Will Win Debate!” The pub­li­ca­tion trashed Trump’s rivals, run­ning a dubi­ous cov­er sto­ry on Ted Cruz that described him as a phi­lan­der­er and anoth­er high­ly ques­tion­able piece that linked Cruz’s father to the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy.

    It was even tougher on Hillary Clin­ton, reg­u­lar­ly print­ing such head­lines as “ ‘Sociopath’ Hillary Clinton’s Secret Psych Files Exposed!” A 2015 piece began, “Fail­ing health and a dead­ly thirst for pow­er are dri­ving Hillary Clin­ton to an ear­ly grave, The Nation­al Enquir­er has learned in a bomb­shell inves­ti­ga­tion. The des­per­ate and dete­ri­o­rat­ing 67-year-old won’t make it to the White House—because she’ll be dead in six months.” On elec­tion eve, the Enquir­er offered a spe­cial nine-page inves­ti­ga­tion under the head­line “Hillary: Cor­rupt! Racist! Crim­i­nal!” This bla­tant­ly skewed cov­er­age con­tin­ued after Trump took office. Post-elec­tion cov­er sto­ries includ­ed “Trump Takes Charge! Suc­cess in just 36 days!” and “Proof Oba­ma Wire­tapped Trump! Lies, leaks & Ille­gal Bug­ging.”

    Peck­er and Trump have been friends for decades—their pro­fes­sion­al and per­son­al lives have inter­sect­ed in myr­i­ad ways—and Peck­er acknowl­edges that his tabloids’ cov­er­age of Trump has a per­son­al dimen­sion. All Pres­i­dents seek to influ­ence the media, but Trump enjoys unusu­al advan­tages in this regard. He is also in close con­tact with Rupert Mur­doch, whose empire includes Fox News and the Wall Street Jour­nal. (While the Times and the Wash­ing­ton Post have pro­duced repeat­ed scoops about Trump and Rus­sia, the Jour­nal, which employs a large inves­tiga­tive staff, has large­ly been silent on the issue.) Unlike Mur­doch, Peck­er heads a fad­ing and vague­ly com­ic arche­type of Amer­i­cana; sales of the Enquir­er are down nine­ty per cent from their peak in 1970. But the impact of the tabloids, par­tic­u­lar­ly their cov­ers, remains sub­stan­tial. A.M.I. claims that a hun­dred mil­lion peo­ple see the Enquir­er in more than two hun­dred thou­sand check­out lines around the coun­try every week. And the Enquir­er’s cov­ers invari­ably include state­ments about celebri­ties that are deeply mis­lead­ing, if libel-law-com­pli­ant, as well as claims about politi­cians that are out­right lies.

    Peck­er is now con­sid­er­ing expand­ing his busi­ness: he may bid to take over the finan­cial­ly strapped mag­a­zines of Time, Inc., which include Time, Peo­ple, and For­tune. Based on his stew­ard­ship of his own pub­li­ca­tions, Peck­er would almost cer­tain­ly direct those mag­a­zines, and the jour­nal­ists who work for them, to advance the inter­ests of the Pres­i­dent and to dam­age those of his opponents—which makes the sto­ry of the Enquir­er and its chief exec­u­tive a lit­tle more impor­tant and a lit­tle less fun­ny.

    I asked Peck­er about Trump dur­ing our first lunch, at one of the posh Upper East Side restau­rants that Peck­er fre­quents. His fond­ness for long, wine-filled lunch­es is only one of the ways in which he resem­bles the media moguls of a bygone age. At a hale six­ty-five, Peck­er looks as though he could be head­ing out for a night at the dis­co. He sports the same kind of bushy mus­tache as the sev­en­ties porn star and peri­od icon Har­ry Reems. Peck­er combs his lux­u­ri­ant hair straight back over the col­lars of his mono­grammed shirts. He col­lects sports cars and high-end wrist­watch­es. Still, he feels that the key to the suc­cess of the Enquir­er is his engage­ment with his down-mar­ket read­ers.

    Peck­er said that the Enquir­er’s sup­port of Trump is a straight­for­ward response to its audi­ence. Since Jan­u­ary, 2016, Enquir­er issues with Trump as the main image have sold between two and fif­teen per cent more than the week­ly aver­age for non-Trump cov­ers. “They vot­ed for Trump,” Peck­er told me, speak­ing of his read­ers. “And nine­ty-six per cent want him reëlect­ed today. That’s the cor­re­la­tion. These are white work­ing peo­ple, who love to see take­downs of celebri­ties, and they want to see—which is unusu­al, who would think these peo­ple would love a billionaire?—the billionaire’s pul­pit. They know him from four­teen sea­sons on ‘The Appren­tice’ as the boss, and they loved it when he fired those peo­ple and ridiculed them.” Peck­er con­veyed this admi­ra­tion to Trump direct­ly: “I’d tell him every time I’d see him. I’d say, ‘Who cares about gov­er­nor or may­or, you should be Pres­i­dent. They love you. These peo­ple love you.’ ”

    Peck­er is eager to use his media empire to help his friends, espe­cial­ly Trump, and unabashed­ly boasts about doing so. Ear­li­er this year, he bought US Week­ly, the glossy celebri­ty mag­a­zine, from Wen­ner Media. (Last week, A.M.I. also bought Men’s Jour­nal from Wen­ner.) He nego­ti­at­ed the sale pri­mar­i­ly with twen­ty-six-year-old Gus Wen­ner, the heir appar­ent of the com­pa­ny, which was co-found­ed by his father, Jann. “After my first lunch with David, I called up my broth­er and said, ‘This guy belongs in the Smith­son­ian,’ ” Gus Wen­ner told me. “He is the type of char­ac­ter you just don’t come across any­more. The way he oper­ates, the way he does business—it’s com­plete­ly hon­or­able, but it feels of anoth­er era.” The lunch took place at Le Bernardin, one of New York’s tem­ples of haute cui­sine, where Peck­er is a favorite cus­tomer. “When I get there, he’s drink­ing cham­pagne, and our deal isn’t even done yet,” Wen­ner said. “And then Éric Ripert, the chef, comes to our table, and he tells us he is work­ing on a TV project. David says to him, ‘We should talk. I could get you some ink.’ It was all very trans­ac­tion­al.”

    Wen­ner was curi­ous to hear about Pecker’s rela­tion­ship with the Pres­i­dent. “I thought I would have to pull it out of him smooth­ly,” he said. “But he offered it up pret­ty read­i­ly, and I was all ears. He was paint­ing Don­ald as extreme­ly loy­al to him, and he had no issue being loy­al in return. He told me very blunt­ly that he had killed all sorts of sto­ries for Trump. He hired a girl to be a colum­nist when she threat­ened to go pub­lic with a sto­ry about Don­ald.”

    Peck­er denies telling Wen­ner that he killed sto­ries for Trump or that he hired a colum­nist in order to sup­press a sto­ry about Trump. Nev­er­the­less, last year the Wall Street Jour­nal report­ed that Peck­er paid a hun­dred and fifty thou­sand dol­lars to a woman named Karen McDou­gal, who had alleged that she had a months-long roman­tic rela­tion­ship with Trump, begin­ning in 2006, dur­ing his mar­riage to Mela­nia.

    When I asked Peck­er about McDou­gal, who was Play­boy’s Play­mate of the Year in 1998, he told me that he first met her when she mod­elled for the cov­er of Men’s Fit­ness, anoth­er A.M.I. mag­a­zine. “When her peo­ple con­tact­ed me that she had a sto­ry on Trump, every­body was con­tact­ing her,” he said. “At the same time, she was launch­ing her own beau­ty-and-fra­grance line, and I said that I’d be very inter­est­ed in hav­ing her in one of my mag­a­zines, now that she’s so famous.” But Peck­er had a con­di­tion for hir­ing her: “Once she’s part of the com­pa­ny, then on the out­side she can’t be bash­ing Trump and Amer­i­can Media.”

    I point­ed out that bash­ing Trump was not the same as bash­ing Amer­i­can Media.

    “To me it is,” Peck­er replied. “The guy’s a per­son­al friend of mine.”

    I e‑mailed McDou­gal, who declined to dis­cuss the mat­ter, writ­ing, “I don’t real­ly like to talk about things oth­er than my inter­ests and passions—and that’s health, well­ness, etc, etc!!”

    ...

    The Enquir­er has unapolo­get­i­cal­ly paid for inter­views and pho­tographs since the days of its founder, Gen­eroso Pope, Jr. Pope’s immi­grant father pub­lished the high­ly suc­cess­ful Ital­ian-Amer­i­can news­pa­per Il Pro­gres­so, and Pope grew up in lux­u­ry. He was dri­ven to school at Horace Mann in a lim­ou­sine each morn­ing, often accom­pa­nied by his friend and class­mate Roy Cohn. (Cohn lat­er became an aide to Joseph McCarthy and a men­tor to Don­ald Trump; he rep­re­sent­ed Trump in the 1973 Jus­tice Depart­ment case that accused his com­pa­ny of vio­lat­ing the Fair Hous­ing Act.) Accord­ing to “The God­fa­ther of Tabloid,” by Jack Vitek, Pope breezed through M.I.T. and did a brief stint in the C.I.A., then in its infan­cy, before return­ing, in 1952, to New York, where he struck out on his own, buy­ing a mori­bund Hearst week­ly and rechris­ten­ing it the Nation­al Enquir­er.

    ...

    Pope died in 1988, when the Enquir­er’s cir­cu­la­tion was about four mil­lion, and the com­pa­ny fell into lim­bo. The Enquir­er tabloids were even­tu­al­ly sold to Ever­core, as a part of the A.M.I. deal, in 1999, and David Peck­er became the C.E.O. Mean­while, com­peti­tors were eat­ing into the Enquir­er’s cir­cu­la­tion. Rupert Mur­doch had start­ed the Star, and a Cana­di­an pub­lish­er named Mike Rosen­bloom had launched a series of look-alike tabloids called the Globe, the Exam­in­er, and the Sun. Peck­er quick­ly took steps to crush the com­pe­ti­tion. He bought the Star and Rosenbloom’s mag­a­zines, and closed the Week­ly World News. He also relo­cat­ed the oper­a­tion to Rosenbloom’s old head­quar­ters, in Boca Raton. Kevin Hyson, Pecker’s long­time deputy at A.M.I., told me, “He ren­o­vat­ed the entire build­ing, spent five or six mil­lion dol­lars, and the build­ing was beau­ti­ful, and it came out great, and it was vir­tu­al­ly all done. The cafe­te­ria was just about to open, when we were attacked.”

    In late Sep­tem­ber, 2001, Bob Stevens, a six­ty-three-year-old pho­to edi­tor at the Sun, fell ill. On Octo­ber 2nd, he checked into a local hos­pi­tal and was lat­er giv­en a diag­no­sis of inhala­tion anthrax. On Stevens’s desk, in the A.M.I. build­ing, inves­ti­ga­tors dis­cov­ered an enve­lope con­tain­ing pow­dered anthrax and addressed to the “pho­to edi­tor” of the Sun. Stevens died on Octo­ber 5th, becom­ing the first anthrax fatal­i­ty in the Unit­ed States since 1976. In short order, the Cen­ters for Dis­ease Con­trol closed the Enquir­er build­ing, and most of the employ­ees nev­er set foot inside it again. The struc­ture was so con­t­a­m­i­nat­ed that all of its con­tents were destroyed in 2003; the Enquir­er’s archive, includ­ing pho­tographs, back issues, and notes, was lost in the process.

    Dur­ing the out­break, Peck­er offered to bring in a team of doc­tors to dis­pense Cipro, an antibi­ot­ic, to hun­dreds of employ­ees at his own expense. (Only one oth­er employ­ee was exposed to anthrax, and he sur­vived.) Peck­er also locat­ed alter­na­tive offices. “He pro­tect­ed his peo­ple,” Hyson said. “And we nev­er missed an issue.” As a for­mer Enquir­er staffer, who was gen­er­al­ly crit­i­cal of Peck­er, told me, “This was his finest hour.” (No arrests were ever made in the 2001 anthrax attacks, which ulti­mate­ly killed four peo­ple in addi­tion to Stevens. Bruce Ivins, a gov­ern­ment sci­en­tist who was a lead­ing sus­pect, com­mit­ted sui­cide in 2008.)

    By the time of the anthrax attack, the mar­ket for tabloids was shrink­ing. Com­pe­ti­tion from the Inter­net, the decline of print, and the growth of gos­sip shows on cable tele­vi­sion had com­bined to cut into cir­cu­la­tion num­bers. Still, there was a core mar­ket for Pecker’s prod­ucts, and he raised prices for his remain­ing cus­tomers. The Enquir­er cost a dol­lar and forty-nine cents when Peck­er bought it; the cur­rent price is four dol­lars and nine­ty-nine cents. He also tar­get­ed his tabloids to spe­cif­ic age groups. OK! and US Week­ly, the newest A.M.I. mag­a­zine, have the youngest and most afflu­ent read­ers, most of whom are in their late thir­ties and for­ties and grav­i­tate toward Hol­ly­wood gos­sip. The Enquir­er appeals to peo­ple in their fifties, who like inves­ti­ga­tions. The Globe is pitched to buy­ers in their six­ties, who are fas­ci­nat­ed by the British Roy­al Fam­i­ly and loathe Hillary Clin­ton. Accord­ing to Peck­er, “They love to read the worst pos­si­ble, hor­ri­ble things you could read about Hillary.” (A recent Globe head­line assert­ed, “Hillary: The Real Russ­ian Spy! . . . New Trea­son Indict­ment!”) The old­est audi­ence buys the Exam­in­er, whose read­ers, remark­ably, aver­age eighty years old. “They have the low­est income,” Dylan Howard told me. “We do a lot of give­aways for them, and sto­ries about ‘The Gold­en Girls.’ ” As Peck­er said to me, “The peo­ple that pay those five dol­lars, we get a spike the week that they get their Social Secu­ri­ty checks. And then they pay us down from there, and then it spikes again. So they actu­al­ly bud­get for it.”

    Peck­er and I had lunch in May, just after Tiger Woods was arrest­ed for dri­ving under the influ­ence, and the occa­sion evoked some wist­ful­ness about the dif­fi­cul­ty of pub­lish­ing a week­ly mag­a­zine in a world that oper­ates at the pace of the Inter­net. “That jail photo—we would have had that first,” Peck­er told me, refer­ring to Woods’s mug shot. “We would have shown the ‘before’ and ‘after’ on the cov­er of the Enquir­er.” Instead, Woods’s book­ing pho­to hit the Inter­net well before the tabloid could run it in the mag­a­zine.

    Pecker’s rela­tion­ship with Woods sug­gests how he’s lever­aged his brands even in a declin­ing mar­ket. In 2007, the magazine’s tip line received a call claim­ing that Woods was hav­ing trysts with a wait­ress named Mindy Law­ton, who worked at a din­er near his home in Orlan­do. The tip­ster was Lawton’s moth­er. As Peck­er recalled, “She said her daugh­ter serves him, and then she has a rela­tion­ship with Tiger, and she goes out to the park­ing lot behind there and they have sex togeth­er.”

    After talk­ing to Lawton’s moth­er, Enquir­er reporters staked out the park­ing lot by the din­er, and they saw Woods and Law­ton togeth­er. “What hap­pened was, Tiger gets into the S.U.V., she came out of the restau­rant,” Peck­er told me. “The Enquir­er guys were behind the bush­es and she must have had her peri­od, so she threw the tam­pon and they grabbed it.” After the oblig­a­tory com­ment call to Woods, Peck­er received a phone call from Mark Stein­berg, Woods’s agent.

    Men’s Fit­ness had asked Woods to appear on its cov­er sev­er­al times, but he had always declined. A nego­ti­a­tion ensued, where­by Woods would pose for the magazine’s cov­er in return for a can­celled sto­ry in the Enquir­er about the din­er tryst. Neal Boul­ton, the edi­tor of Men’s Fit­ness at the time, recalled, “Peck­er was all over me about the nego­ti­a­tions with Tiger’s peo­ple.” Boul­ton quit before the Woods cov­er was pub­lished. “I allowed myself to get sucked into this sit­u­a­tion,” he told me. “I just felt pret­ty lousy about it all.” (Law­ton, Stein­berg, and Woods declined to com­ment; Lawton’s moth­er could not be reached for com­ment.)

    Peck­er didn’t see the nego­ti­a­tion as black­mail. “I was nev­er going to run any of it, because I’d be thrown out of Wal­mart tomor­row,” he said, refer­ring to the park­ing-lot encounter’s unsa­vory details. Twen­ty-three per cent of the Enquir­er’s sales come from Wal­mart, and the next biggest out­let is the Kroger super­mar­ket chain, at ten per cent; chain stores account for rough­ly three-quar­ters of total sales. There are no for­mal rules for the lev­el of explic­it­ness or vul­gar­i­ty that the chains will tol­er­ate, but Peck­er is care­ful not to push the lim­its. In the end, he scored dual vic­to­ries with Woods: the golfer posed for the cov­er of Men’s Fit­ness, and lat­er the affair appeared in the sky­box of the Enquir­er. Woods’s mar­riage and career dis­solved not long after­ward.

    Steinberg’s attempt to nego­ti­ate with the Enquir­er was unusu­al. For celebri­ties in the tabloid’s gaze, there are often only two options. Mar­ty Singer, a Bev­er­ly Hills attor­ney who rep­re­sents many sub­jects of Enquir­er sto­ries, told me that the pub­li­ca­tion will back down in the face of con­trary evi­dence. “You can’t just tell them that a sto­ry is wrong,” Singer said. “But, if you present actu­al evi­dence that it’s wrong, they usu­al­ly will respond appro­pri­ate­ly.” (Libel suits against the Enquir­er are rare these days, though in 2014 the mag­a­zine set­tled a case filed by a friend of Philip Sey­mour Hoff­man, apol­o­giz­ing for a false sto­ry in con­nec­tion with the actor’s death and agree­ing to fund an annu­al play­writ­ing award in his name. Richard Sim­mons, the fit­ness guru, recent­ly sued the Enquir­er for libel based on sto­ries alleg­ing that he had dis­ap­peared from pub­lic view because he was tran­si­tion­ing into a woman; the case is pend­ing.)

    The oth­er approach is a fatal­is­tic with­draw­al from the Enquir­er ecosys­tem. “If the sto­ry is just in the tabloids, we tend to ignore it,” Jon Lieb­man, the chief exec­u­tive of Brill­stein Enter­tain­ment Part­ners, a lead­ing tal­ent-man­age­ment firm in Hol­ly­wood, whose clients include Brad Pitt, said. “If you engage in tabloid cul­ture, it will nev­er stop, because the tabloid cul­ture feeds on the con­ver­sa­tion. If you respond, they just turn your response into a sto­ry. But if the fire jumps the road, and a sto­ry gets into the main­stream press, then we deal with it.” Politi­cians almost nev­er engage.

    For Peck­er, the Tiger Woods sto­ry encap­su­lates the grim ethos of Enquir­er read­ers. “Do they care about Tiger Woods? No,” Peck­er said. “Do they play golf? No. But do they want to read about his indis­cre­tions? Yes. Do they want to read that some­one who is that suc­cess­ful is now fail­ing? Yes. These are peo­ple that live their life fail­ing, so they want to read neg­a­tive things about peo­ple who have gone up and then come down.”

    After Peck­er acquired A.M.I., his friend­ship with Trump deep­ened. Peck­er joined Mar-a-Lago in 2003 and attend­ed Donald’s mar­riage to Mela­nia there in 2005. When Peck­er gave a speech at Pace, his alma mater, Trump intro­duced him. The Enquir­er held its nineti­eth-birth­day cel­e­bra­tion at the Trump SoHo Hotel. Peck­er was also invit­ed to a lav­ish wed­ding that Trump orga­nized for his ex-wife Ivana, in 2008. “Don­ald threw this unbe­liev­able par­ty for her at Mar-a-Lago—maybe sev­en or eight hun­dred peo­ple,” Peck­er told me. (Ivana’s mar­riage, to Rossano Rubi­con­di, an Ital­ian mod­el and actor more than twen­ty years her junior, end­ed in less than a year.) Peck­er hired Ivana to write an advice col­umn for the Globe, but lat­er replaced her with Deb­bie Reynolds. When Peck­er got to know Jared Kush­n­er, the pair bond­ed over their inter­est in the media and con­sid­ered doing busi­ness togeth­er. (Jared has owned the New York Observ­er, which was once a week­ly, since 2006.)

    Trump has a great affec­tion for ven­er­a­ble media insti­tu­tions like the Enquir­er, accord­ing to a long­time asso­ciate: “Don­ald came up in the sev­en­ties and eight­ies, and he still loves the icon­ic brands, and the Nation­al Enquir­er was an insti­tu­tion in those days. It reached mil­lions of peo­ple. Even though it’s small­er now, Donald’s mind-set is that it’s an influ­en­tial pub­li­ca­tion. And he reach­es out to those read­ers when no one else will.” Trump’s per­son­al rela­tion­ship with Peck­er facil­i­tat­ed that out­reach.

    A for­mer Enquir­er employ­ee told me that Peck­er would fre­quent­ly fly from New York to Palm Beach and back on Trump’s pri­vate plane. “David thought Don­ald walked on water,” the employ­ee said. “Don­ald treat­ed David like a lit­tle pup­py. Don­ald liked being flat­tered, and David thought Don­ald was the king. Both have sim­i­lar man­age­ment styles, sim­i­lar atti­tudes, start­ing with absolute supe­ri­or­i­ty over any­body else.” In the eight­ies and ear­ly nineties, Trump was some­thing of a fix­ture in the Enquir­er, thanks to his mul­ti­ple mar­riages. A typ­i­cal head­line from 1990 read “Trump’s Mis­tress Cheats on Don­ald with Tom Cruise.” But, once Peck­er took over, crit­i­cal cov­er­age of Trump van­ished. “They have an agree­ment where David would not write any­thing that dam­ages Don­ald,” a senior A.M.I. offi­cial from this peri­od told me.

    One employ­ee said that Trump was also a fre­quent source for Enquir­er sto­ries. “When there was some­thing going on in New York, David would talk with Trump about it. Trump pro­vid­ed David with sto­ries direct­ly,” the employ­ee said. “And, if Don­ald didn’t want a sto­ry to run, it wouldn’t run. You can put that in stone.” Indeed, ear­ly in the 2016 cam­paign Peck­er sim­ply turned over the pages of the Enquir­er to Trump, allow­ing the can­di­date to write columns under his own byline.

    Because of Pecker’s close ties with the Pres­i­dent, rumors have cir­cu­lat­ed that the pub­lish­er is in line for an ambas­sador­ship. Peck­er denies any inter­est in such a post. Dave Zinczenko, who over­saw sev­er­al of Pecker’s fit­ness mag­a­zines, told me, “We were hav­ing lunch around the time the ambas­sador sto­ry first cir­cu­lat­ed. He laughed about it. He said that Ger­many or the U.K. would be too much work. It’s clear he doesn’t want to be an ambas­sador. It would take him out of the game.” (Peck­er said that he would wel­come an appoint­ment to the President’s Coun­cil on Fit­ness, Sports, and Nutri­tion, a part-time, unpaid, and hon­orary post.)

    If any­thing, Peck­er may fur­ther entrench him­self in the media busi­ness. In 2013, just before Time, Inc., sep­a­rat­ed from its long­time par­ent com­pa­ny, Time Warn­er, Trump devot­ed a telling series of tweets to Peck­er. “David Peck­er would be a bril­liant choice as CEO of TIME Magazine—nobody could bring it back like David!” Trump wrote. “@TIME Mag­a­zine should def­i­nite­ly pick David Peck­er to run things over there—he’d make it excit­ing and win awards!” Ron Burkle, a Cal­i­for­nia super­mar­ket mag­nate and a friend of Pecker’s, recalled, “I know they were con­sid­er­ing him to be C.E.O. when Time mag­a­zine spun off. He hasn’t had a decent bal­ance sheet for as long as I’ve known him, but he fig­ures out how to make his num­bers work and keep his busi­ness­es going. But the boards of com­pa­nies like Time Warn­er can be very polit­i­cal, and they weren’t going to turn the com­pa­ny over to the guy who runs the Enquir­er.” At the time, it did seem out­landish that the stew­ard of a super­mar­ket-tabloid empire would wind up as the pro­pri­etor of a sto­ried name in Amer­i­can jour­nal­ism. But the idea of Peck­er as the leader of Time, Inc., like that of Trump as the Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States, has gone from pre­pos­ter­ous to more than pos­si­ble.

    Peck­er has proved to be a can­ny leader in a dif­fi­cult time for print pub­li­ca­tions. After the reces­sion in 2010, the com­pa­ny reor­ga­nized under bank­rupt­cy laws. Ever­core sold its orig­i­nal equi­ty stake in 2002, and in the past two decades A.M.I. has had var­i­ous own­ers, with a chang­ing cast of board mem­bers, but always with Peck­er as chief exec­u­tive. The cur­rent board includes David Hugh­es, who spent many years as a senior exec­u­tive in Trump’s casi­no busi­ness. At A.M.I. board meet­ings, which are often held at Mar-a-Lago, Peck­er boasts of his relent­less cost-cut­ting at the mag­a­zines. (Dylan Howard told me that Peck­er reduced edi­to­r­i­al expens­es by fifty-two per cent over four years, while pro­duc­ing the same num­ber of mag­a­zines.) Peck­er has a hand­some salary, but not one that places him in the top ranks of media entre­pre­neurs. Accord­ing to S.E.C. fil­ings, A.M.I. paid Peck­er $3.1 mil­lion last year. The over-all decline in the mar­ket­place, notwith­stand­ing, Peck­er per­suad­ed the board to put up a hun­dred mil­lion dol­lars to buy US Week­ly from Wen­ner. The US Week­ly staff, much reduced by lay­offs, now works along­side the tabloid employ­ees in the Man­hat­tan news­room.

    Peck­er remains inter­est­ed in run­ning Time, Inc., with its sta­ble of week­lies, includ­ing Time, Sports Illus­trat­ed, and the great prize, Peo­ple. For a while, the com­pa­ny was shop­ping itself to poten­tial buy­ers, and though it’s not offi­cial­ly on the mar­ket, these sorts of auc­tions gen­er­al­ly end, soon­er or lat­er, with a sale. A.M.I. faces many of the same finan­cial chal­lenges as Time, Inc., and an advis­er to Peck­er describes the prospect of a merg­er between them as “two drunks try­ing to hold each oth­er up.” But both com­pa­nies own some of the last week­lies in the coun­try, and a merg­er would mean effi­cien­cies in print­ing and dis­tri­b­u­tion. Peck­er couldn’t buy Time, Inc., on his own, how­ev­er. He would need, as with Ever­core and A.M.I., a deep-pock­et­ed part­ner, and he’s look­ing to find one. “I think that there’s a huge oppor­tu­ni­ty,” Peck­er said.

    At a time when many print pub­li­ca­tions have dis­ap­peared, the read­ers and employ­ees of Time, Inc., can expect that Peck­er, with his dis­ci­plined reg­i­men of cost-cut­ting, usu­al­ly in the form of lay­offs, would keep the company’s ven­er­a­ble titles alive. But Time and the oth­er mag­a­zines would sur­vive, as the Enquir­er does, as vehi­cles for Pecker’s cul­ti­va­tion of his friend, the Pres­i­dent. That’s what hap­pened when Peck­er bought US Week­ly, which has hereto­fore large­ly been apo­lit­i­cal in its ori­en­ta­tion. In one of the ear­ly issues of US Week­ly under Pecker’s lead­er­ship, the mag­a­zine ran a fawn­ing cov­er sto­ry about Ivan­ka Trump. “Bal­anc­ing her per­son­al ideals with love and loy­al­ty to her father,” the cov­er said, “the president’s daugh­ter will always fight for what she believes in.”

    ———-

    “The Nation­al Enquirer’s Fer­vor for Trump” by Jef­frey Toobin; The New York­er; 07/03/2017

    “Peck­er is now con­sid­er­ing expand­ing his busi­ness: he may bid to take over the finan­cial­ly strapped mag­a­zines of Time, Inc., which include Time, Peo­ple, and For­tune. Based on his stew­ard­ship of his own pub­li­ca­tions, Peck­er would almost cer­tain­ly direct those mag­a­zines, and the jour­nal­ists who work for them, to advance the inter­ests of the Pres­i­dent and to dam­age those of his opponents—which makes the sto­ry of the Enquir­er and its chief exec­u­tive a lit­tle more impor­tant and a lit­tle less fun­ny.”

    Well, it sounds like Trump can stop flat­ter­ing him­self with all those fake Time mag­a­zine cov­ers to put on dis­play at his golf cours­es. Once the Nation­al Enquir­er buys out Time it’ll no doubt have a new flat­ter­ing Trump cov­er pho­to every­one oth­er week! How exit­ing for Trump:

    ...
    If any­thing, Peck­er may fur­ther entrench him­self in the media busi­ness. In 2013, just before Time, Inc., sep­a­rat­ed from its long­time par­ent com­pa­ny, Time Warn­er, Trump devot­ed a telling series of tweets to Peck­er. “David Peck­er would be a bril­liant choice as CEO of TIME Magazine—nobody could bring it back like David!” Trump wrote. “@TIME Mag­a­zine should def­i­nite­ly pick David Peck­er to run things over there—he’d make it excit­ing and win awards!” Ron Burkle, a Cal­i­for­nia super­mar­ket mag­nate and a friend of Pecker’s, recalled, “I know they were con­sid­er­ing him to be C.E.O. when Time mag­a­zine spun off. He hasn’t had a decent bal­ance sheet for as long as I’ve known him, but he fig­ures out how to make his num­bers work and keep his busi­ness­es going. But the boards of com­pa­nies like Time Warn­er can be very polit­i­cal, and they weren’t going to turn the com­pa­ny over to the guy who runs the Enquir­er.” At the time, it did seem out­landish that the stew­ard of a super­mar­ket-tabloid empire would wind up as the pro­pri­etor of a sto­ried name in Amer­i­can jour­nal­ism. But the idea of Peck­er as the leader of Time, Inc., like that of Trump as the Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States, has gone from pre­pos­ter­ous to more than pos­si­ble.
    ...

    “David Peck­er would be a bril­liant choice as CEO of TIME Magazine—nobody could bring it back like David!...@TIME Mag­a­zine should def­i­nite­ly pick David Peck­er to run things over there—he’d make it excit­ing and win awards!”

    So there you have it: Time Mag­a­zine is about to fall under the con­trol by the King of ‘Fake News’ who also hap­pens to be a Trump syco­phant. This real­ly hap­pen­ing? Or at least might hap­pen. We’ll see. But you have to won­der what’s next for the Amer­i­can media land­scape.

    Do we sud­den­ly dis­cov­er that Robert Mer­cer has already qui­et­ly invest­ed in Time, Inc? Is that what’s next? Yep, that’s what’s next:

    The New York Post

    Anoth­er big-time Trump donor eyes buy­ing up Time

    By Kei­th J. Kel­ly

    July 4, 2017 | 9:35pm | Updat­ed

    There is now more than one con­ser­v­a­tive boost­er of Pres­i­dent Trump with a fan­cy for buy­ing Time Inc. — and its 94-year-old flag­ship newsweek­ly, Time.

    Robert Mercer’s Renais­sance Tech­nolo­gies bought near­ly 2.5 mil­lion shares of Time Inc. in the first quar­ter, accord­ing to a recent reg­u­la­to­ry fil­ing — a 2.51 per­cent stake val­ued on March 31 at $48.1 mil­lion.

    Mer­cer and daugh­ter Rebekah are big Trump sup­port­ers. In fact, the 70-year-old investor is said to be among the top 10 polit­i­cal donors in the coun­try — in a league with for­mer May­or Mike Bloomberg; casi­no mag­nate Shel­don Adel­son, own­er of the Las Vegas Review-Jour­nal; and left-boost­ing George Soros.

    Mer­cer is also a backer of Bre­it­bart News, which was head­ed by Steve Ban­non until he left to become an advis­er to Trump.

    His 43-year-old daugh­ter, with her super wealth and expe­ri­ence run­ning Make Amer­i­ca Num­ber One, a super PAC, and as part of the Trump tran­si­tion team, was dubbed by Politi­co the “most pow­er­ful woman in pol­i­tics.”

    The sec­ond Trump boost­er pos­si­bly eye­ing Time Inc. is David Peck­er, who runs Amer­i­can Media, par­ent of the Nation­al Enquir­er.

    New York­er writer Jef­frey Toobin thinks Peck­er is angling to buy Time Inc. — although the long­time pub­lish­er would seem to have much less finan­cial fire­pow­er to back up such a pur­chase than Mer­cer.

    Of course, Renaissance’s new stake in Time Inc. — also pub­lish­er of Peo­ple, For­tune, Sports Illus­trat­ed and a large sta­ble of oth­er titles — could be a pas­sive, long-term invest­ment.

    The pub­lish­er in late April, after weigh­ing unso­licit­ed bids, said it intend­ed to stay inde­pen­dent.

    ...

    ———-

    “Anoth­er big-time Trump donor eyes buy­ing up Time” by Kei­th J. Kel­ly; The New York Post; 07/04/2017

    “Robert Mercer’s Renais­sance Tech­nolo­gies bought near­ly 2.5 mil­lion shares of Time Inc. in the first quar­ter, accord­ing to a recent reg­u­la­to­ry fil­ing — a 2.51 per­cent stake val­ued on March 31 at $48.1 mil­lion.

    The times are a changin’ for Time. Will it become more like Bre­it­bart or the Nation­al Enquir­er? There’s no need to choose since Bre­it­bart is kind of the Nation­al Enquir­er for White Nation­al­ists. But it will still be grim­ly inter­est­ing to see what becomes of Time. We’ll find out. All we know at this point is a cer­tain pres­i­dent isn’t going to have to wor­ry about ‘dev­il horn’ cov­ers any­more.

    Posted by Pterrafractyl | July 5, 2017, 2:53 pm

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