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FTR #966 Dramatis Personae of the Russia-Gate Psy-Op

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This broad­cast was record­ed in one, 60-minute seg­ment [4].

Roger Stone Salutes [5]

Roger Stone Salutes

Intro­duc­tion: Devel­op­ing infor­ma­tion about the cast of char­ac­ters in the “Rus­sia-Gate” psy-op, we high­light the polit­i­cal alle­giance of “Team Trump”–the oper­a­tives involved with Trump’s cam­paign and busi­ness deal­ings with Rus­sia, as well as Robert Mueller, for­mer FBI chief and a very spe­cial pros­e­cu­tor indeed.

Although Trump cer­tain­ly had links to Russ­ian mob fig­ures, they are by no means the prime movers in this dra­ma.

Most impor­tant­ly, we detail the polit­i­cal resumes and deep pol­i­tics under­ly­ing the cast of char­ac­ters in this dra­ma, track­ing the oper­a­tional links back to Joe McCarthy and the red-bait­ing spe­cial­ists from the first Cold War.

Joe McCarthy legal point man Roy Cohn is, to a con­sid­er­able extent, the spi­der at the cen­ter of this web. Cohn:

Roger Stone is anoth­er fig­ure who weaves through­out this con­cate­na­tion. Stone:

The point man for the Trump busi­ness inter­ests in their deal­ings with Rus­sia is Felix Sater. A Russ­ian-born immi­grant, Sater is a pro­fes­sion­al crim­i­nal and a con­vict­ed felon with his­tor­i­cal links to the Mafia. Beyond that, and more impor­tant­ly, Sater is an FBI infor­mant and a CIA con­tract agent [13]As the media firestorm around “Rus­sia-gate” builds, it is impor­tant not to lose sight of Sater. ” . . . . He [Sater] also pro­vid­ed oth­er pur­port­ed nation­al secu­ri­ty ser­vices for a report­ed fee of $300,000. Sto­ries abound as to what else Sater may or may not have done in the are­na of nation­al secu­ri­ty. . . .” We won­der if help­ing the “Rus­sia-Gate” op may have been one of those. 

Beyond Sater, oth­er key play­ers in this con­cate­na­tion do not track back to “Kremlin/Putin/FSB/KGB.” Rob Goldstone–the pub­li­cist whose over­ture to Don­ald Trump, Jr. ini­ti­at­ed the lat­est “Rus­sia-gate jour­nal­is­tic feed­ing fren­zy in the media, began his career a jour­nal­is­tic foot sol­dier [9] for Rupert Mur­doch, the very same Rupert Mur­doch whose chris­ten­ing as a GOP/right-wing pro­pa­gan­dist was ini­ti­at­ed by Roy Cohn.

Gold­stone con­tact­ed Don­ald Trump Jr., dan­gling the bait that there might be dirt on Hillary avail­able if he met with some asso­ciates. Fore­most among those is a Russ­ian attor­ney, Natal­ie Vesel­nit­skaya. Her appar­ent pur­pose in this meet­ing was not to offer up dirt on Hillary Clin­ton but to work toward eas­ing a media lock­down on a doc­u­men­tary about the Mag­nit­sky affair.

Spun in the West, the U.S. in par­tic­u­lar, as a clas­sic exam­ple of ham-fist­ed Russ­ian cor­rup­tion and vio­lence, the Mag­nit­sky affair was revealed in the film doc­u­men­tary to be an exam­ple of U.S. cor­rup­tion, not Russ­ian.

Craft­ed by Putin polit­i­cal oppo­nent Andrei Nekrasov, the film [14] revealed an unex­pect­ed dynam­ic [15]: ” . . . . Nekrasov dis­cov­ered that a woman work­ing in Browder’s com­pa­ny was the actu­al whistle­blow­er and that Mag­nit­sky – rather than a cru­sad­ing lawyer – was an accoun­tant who was impli­cat­ed in the scheme. . . .”

Attempt­ing to lift the media black­out on Nekrasov’s film was Vesel­nit­skaya’s goal, not dis­sem­i­nat­ing dirt on Hillary Clin­ton.

CORRECTION: At a cou­ple of points in the audio dis­cus­sion of Gold­stone, Vesel­nit­skaya et al, Mr. Emory mis­s­peaks, describ­ing the par­tic­i­pant in the meet­ing as “Don­ald Trump.” It was his son Don­ald Trump, Jr.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

1. By way of review, we remind lis­ten­ers that the point man for the Trump busi­ness inter­ests in their deal­ings with Rus­sia is Felix Sater. A Russ­ian-born immi­grant, Sater is a pro­fes­sion­al crim­i­nal and a con­vict­ed felon with his­tor­i­cal links to the Mafia. Beyond that, and more impor­tant­ly, Sater is an FBI infor­mant and a CIA con­tract agent [13]. [13] ” . . . . He [Sater] also pro­vid­ed oth­er pur­port­ed nation­al secu­ri­ty ser­vices for a report­ed fee of $300,000. Sto­ries abound as to what else Sater may or may not have done in the are­na of nation­al secu­ri­ty. . . .” We won­der if help­ing the “Rus­sia-Gate” op may have been one of those. 

2. Rob Goldstone–the pub­li­cist whose over­ture to Don­ald Trump, Jr. ini­ti­at­ed the lat­est “Rus­sia-gate jour­nal­is­tic feed­ing fren­zy in the media, began his career a jour­nal­is­tic foot­sol­dier for Rupert Mur­doch, the very same Rupert Mur­doch whose chris­ten­ing as a GOP/right-wing pro­pa­gan­dist was ini­ti­at­ed by Roy Cohn.

“Britain’s Gift to Amer­i­ca: The New Slea­zoc­ra­cy” by Peter Jukes; The New York Times; 7/14/2017. [23]

. . . . Accord­ing to Mr. Goldstone’s account,he moved from local jour­nal­ism to work for Rupert Murdoch’s best-sell­ing British dai­ly news­pa­per The Sun and oth­er tabloids before turn­ing to pub­lic rela­tions for pop stars. . .

3. Trump dirty tricks oper­a­tive and for­mer cam­paign man­ag­er was intro­duced to Trump by Joe McCarthy legal point man and lat­er Trump attor­ney Roy Cohn.

“Is Roger Stone Mak­ing Good on a 40-Year-Old-Grudge” by Michael D’Antonio; CNN; 5/20/2017. [7]

. . . . In the mid­dle of the Water­gate scan­dal, Stone, who engaged in dirty tricks dur­ing Richard Nixon’s 1972 cam­paign, was dis­cov­ered to have hired a Repub­li­can oper­a­tive to infil­trate the George McGov­ern cam­paign and was sub­se­quent­ly fired from his job. After the Pres­i­den­t’s res­ig­na­tion, Stone remained an ardent Nixon apol­o­gist and loy­al­ist. He even had the man’s face tat­tooed on his back  [24]and devot­ed his life to ruth­less, any­thing-goes pol­i­tics (or polit­i­cal con­sult­ing, as you may know it). Stone’s mot­to was and con­tin­ues to be: “Admit noth­ing, deny every­thing, launch coun­ter­at­tack.” And any­one who has watched Trump close­ly over the years would think it was his per­son­al slo­gan, too.

Stone was intro­duced to Trump in the 1980s by the noto­ri­ous Roy Cohn. Then a Man­hat­tan lawyer who rep­re­sent­ed sev­er­al reput­ed mob­sters, Cohn had become infa­mous in the 1950s as the chief inquisi­tor dur­ing Joe McCarthy’s “Red Scare” hear­ings in the Unit­ed States Sen­ate. After McCarthy’s inqui­si­tion was shut down, Cohn began a new life as a polit­i­cal and legal fix­er. He became a men­tor to Stone and Trump and taught both men how to manip­u­late the media and bul­ly oppo­nents. . . .

4. Gold­stone con­tact­ed Don­ald Trump Jr., dan­gling the bait that there might be dirt on Hillary avail­able if he met with some asso­ciates. Fore­most among those is a Russ­ian attor­ney, Natal­ie Vesel­nit­skaya. Her appar­ent pur­pose in this meet­ing was not to offer up dirt on Hillary Clin­ton but to work toward eas­ing a media lock­down on a doc­u­men­tary about the Mag­nit­sky affair.

Spun in the West, the U.S. in par­tic­u­lar, as a clas­sic exam­ple of ham-fist­ed Russ­ian cor­rup­tion and vio­lence, the Mag­nit­sky affair was revealed in the film doc­u­men­tary to be an exam­ple of U.S. cor­rup­tion, not Russ­ian.

Craft­ed by Putin polit­i­cal oppo­nent Andrei Nekrasov, the film revealed an unex­pect­ed dynam­ic: ” . . . . Nekrasov dis­cov­ered that a woman work­ing in Browder’s com­pa­ny was the actu­al whistle­blow­er and that Mag­nit­sky – rather than a cru­sad­ing lawyer – was an accoun­tant who was impli­cat­ed in the scheme. . . .”

Attempt­ing to lift the media black­out on Nekrasov’s film was Vesel­nit­skaya’s goal, not dis­sem­i­nat­ing dirt on Hillary Clin­ton.

“How Rus­sia-Gate Met the Mag­nit­sky Myth” by Robert Par­ry; Con­sor­tium News; 7/13/2017. [15]

 Near the cen­ter of the cur­rent furor over Don­ald Trump Jr.’s meet­ing with a Russ­ian lawyer in June 2016 is a doc­u­men­tary that almost no one in the West has been allowed to see, a film that flips the script on the sto­ry of the late Sergei Mag­nit­sky and his employ­er, hedge-fund oper­a­tor William Brow­der.

Don­ald Trump Jr., speak­ing at the 2016 Repub­li­can Nation­al Con­ven­tion.

The Russ­ian lawyer, Natal­ie Vesel­nit­skaya, who met with Trump Jr. and oth­er advis­ers to Don­ald Trump Sr.’s cam­paign, rep­re­sent­ed a com­pa­ny that had run afoul of a U.S. inves­ti­ga­tion into mon­ey-laun­der­ing alleged­ly con­nect­ed to the Mag­nit­sky case and his death in a Russ­ian prison in 2009. His death sparked a cam­paign spear­head­ed by Brow­der, who used his wealth and clout to lob­by the U.S. Con­gress in 2012 to enact the Mag­nit­sky Act to pun­ish alleged human rights abusers in Rus­sia. The law became what might be called the first shot in the New Cold War.

Accord­ing to Browder’s nar­ra­tive, com­pa­nies osten­si­bly under his con­trol had been hijacked by cor­rupt Russ­ian offi­cials in fur­ther­ance of a $230 mil­lion tax-fraud scheme; he then dis­patched his “lawyer” Mag­nit­sky to inves­ti­gate and – after sup­pos­ed­ly uncov­er­ing evi­dence of the fraud – Mag­nit­sky blew the whis­tle only to be arrest­ed by the same cor­rupt offi­cials who then had him locked up in prison where he died of heart fail­ure from phys­i­cal abuse.

Despite Russ­ian denials – and the “dog ate my home­work” qual­i­ty of Browder’s self-serv­ing nar­ra­tive – the dra­mat­ic tale became a cause cele­bre in the West. The sto­ry even­tu­al­ly attract­ed the atten­tion of Russ­ian film­mak­er Andrei Nekrasov, a known crit­ic of Pres­i­dent Vladimir Putin. Nekrasov decid­ed to pro­duce a docu-dra­ma that would present Browder’s nar­ra­tive to a wider pub­lic. Nekrasov even said he hoped that he might recruit Brow­der as the nar­ra­tor of the tale.

How­ev­er, the project took an unex­pect­ed turn [25] when Nekrasov’s research kept turn­ing up con­tra­dic­tions to Browder’s sto­ry­line, which began to look more and more like a cor­po­rate cov­er sto­ry. Nekrasov dis­cov­ered that a woman work­ing in Browder’s com­pa­ny was the actu­al whistle­blow­er and that Mag­nit­sky – rather than a cru­sad­ing lawyer – was an accoun­tant who was impli­cat­ed in the scheme.

So, the planned docu­d­ra­ma sud­den­ly was trans­formed into a doc­u­men­tary with a dra­mat­ic rever­sal as Nekrasov strug­gles with what he knows will be a dan­ger­ous deci­sion to con­front Brow­der with what appear to be decep­tions. In the film, you see Brow­der go from a friend­ly col­lab­o­ra­tor into an angry adver­sary who tries to bul­ly Nekrasov into back­ing down.

Ulti­mate­ly, Nekrasov com­pletes his extra­or­di­nary film – enti­tled “The Mag­nit­sky Act: Behind the Scenes” – and it was set for a pre­miere at the Euro­pean Par­lia­ment in Brus­sels in April 2016. How­ev­er, at the last moment – faced with Browder’s legal threats – the par­lia­men­tar­i­ans pulled the plug. Nekrasov encoun­tered sim­i­lar resis­tance in the Unit­ed States, a sit­u­a­tion that, in part, brought Natal­ie Vesel­nit­skaya into this con­tro­ver­sy.

As a lawyer defend­ing Pre­ve­zon, a real-estate com­pa­ny reg­is­tered in Cyprus, on a mon­ey-laun­der­ing charge, she was deal­ing with U.S. pros­e­cu­tors [26] in New York City and, in that role, became an advo­cate for lift­ing the U.S. sanc­tions, The Wash­ing­ton Post report­ed.

That was when she turned to pro­mot­er Rob Gold­stone to set up a meet­ing at Trump Tow­er with Don­ald Trump Jr. To secure the sit-down on June 9, 2016, Gold­stone dan­gled the prospect that Vesel­nit­skaya had some deroga­to­ry finan­cial infor­ma­tion from the Russ­ian gov­ern­ment about Rus­sians sup­port­ing the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Nation­al Com­mit­tee.Trump Jr. jumped at the pos­si­bil­i­ty and brought senior Trump cam­paign advis­ers, Paul Man­afort and Jared Kush­n­er, along.

By all accounts, Vesel­nit­skaya had lit­tle or noth­ing to offer about the DNC and turned the con­ver­sa­tion instead to the Mag­nit­sky Act and Putin’s retal­ia­to­ry mea­sure to the sanc­tions, can­cel­ing a pro­gram in which Amer­i­can par­ents adopt­ed Russ­ian chil­dren. One source told me that Vesel­nit­skaya also want­ed to enhance her stature in Rus­sia with the boast that she had tak­en a meet­ing at Trump Tow­er with Trump’s son.

But anoth­er goal of Veselnitskaya’s U.S. trip was to par­tic­i­pate in an effort to give Amer­i­cans a chance to see Nekrasov’s black­list­ed doc­u­men­tary. She trav­eled to Wash­ing­ton in the days after her Trump Tow­er meet­ing and attend­ed a House For­eign Affairs Com­mit­tee hear­ing, accord­ing to The Wash­ing­ton Post.

There were hopes to show the doc­u­men­tary to mem­bers of Con­gress but the offer was rebuffed. Instead a room was rent­ed at the New­se­um near Capi­tol Hill. Browder’s lawyers. who had suc­cess­ful­ly intim­i­dat­ed the Euro­pean Par­lia­ment, also tried to strong arm the New­se­um, but its offi­cials respond­ed that they were only rent­ing out a room and that they had allowed oth­er con­tro­ver­sial pre­sen­ta­tions in the past.

Their stand wasn’t exact­ly a pro­file in courage. “We’re not going to allow them not to show the film,” said Scott Williams, the chief oper­at­ing offi­cer of the New­se­um. “We often have peo­ple rent­ing for events that oth­er peo­ple would love not to have hap­pen.”

In an arti­cle about the con­tro­ver­sy in June 2016, The New York Times added [27] that “A screen­ing at the New­se­um is espe­cial­ly con­tro­ver­sial because it could attract law­mak­ers or their aides.” Heav­en for­bid!

So, Nekrasov’s doc­u­men­tary got a one-time show­ing with Vesel­nit­skaya report­ed­ly in atten­dance and with a fol­low-up dis­cus­sion mod­er­at­ed by jour­nal­ist Sey­mour Hersh. How­ev­er, except for that audi­ence, the pub­lic of the Unit­ed States and Europe has been essen­tial­ly shield­ed from the documentary’s dis­cov­er­ies, all the bet­ter for the Mag­nit­sky myth to retain its pow­er as a sem­i­nal pro­pa­gan­da moment of the New Cold War. . . .

5. Lib­er­tar­i­an Par­ty can­di­date Gary John­son and Jill Stein were advo­cat­ed for by Stone as par­tic­i­pants in the debates between Hillary Clin­ton and Trump. (John­son and Stein’s com­bined vote total helped Trump win in sev­er­al key states.)

 “The Demo­c­ra­t­ic Party’s Bil­lion-Dol­lar Mis­take” by Steve Phillips; The New York Times; 7/20/2017. [12]

. . . . Although some Demo­c­ra­t­ic vot­ers (in par­tic­u­lar, white work­ing-class vot­ers in Rust Belt states) prob­a­bly did swing to the Repub­li­cans, the big­ger prob­lem was the large num­ber of what I call “Oba­ma-John­stein” vot­ers — peo­ple who sup­port­ed Mr. Oba­ma in 2012 but then vot­ed for Gary John­son, the Lib­er­tar­i­an can­di­date, or Jill Stein, the Green Par­ty can­di­date, last year (accord­ing to the exit polls, 43 per­cent of them were non­white).

In Wis­con­sin, for exam­ple, the Demo­c­ra­t­ic vote total dropped by near­ly 235,000, while Mr. Trump got only about the same num­ber of votes as Mr. Rom­ney in 2012. The big­ger surge in that state was for Mr. John­son and Ms. Stein, who togeth­er won about 110,000 addi­tion­al votes than the can­di­dates of their respec­tive par­ties had received in 2012. And in Michi­gan, which Mrs. Clin­ton lost by few­er than 11,000 votes, the John­son-Stein par­ties’ total increased by about 202,000 votes over 2012. . . . [8]

6a. Roger Stone was tout­ing Lib­er­tar­i­an Par­ty can­di­date Gary John­son. John­son and Jill Stein were advo­cat­ed for by Stone as par­tic­i­pants in the debates between Hillary Clin­ton and Trump. (John­son and Stein’s com­bined vote total helped Trump win in sev­er­al key states.)

Stone then worked with Roy Cohn to put “inde­pen­dent” Repub­li­can John Ander­son the Pres­i­den­tial can­di­date for the Lib­er­al Par­ty in New York. This gam­bit gave Rea­gan a key vic­to­ry in New York, as not­ed above.

“The Gary John­son Swin­dle and The Degra­da­tion of Third Par­ty Pol­i­tics” by Mark Ames; NSFW­Corp; 11/6/2012. [8]

. . . . The fact that Gary Johnson’s Lib­er­tar­i­an Par­ty was found­ed and fund­ed by the Koch broth­ers (David Koch ran as the Lib­er­tar­i­an Party’s VP in 1980 in order to make it eas­i­er for the Kochs to shov­el more mon­ey into the par­ty and the lib­er­tar­i­an cause), and that Gary John­son was a long­time loy­al Repub­li­can — con­sid­er­ing all of this, and what’s at stake in pres­i­den­tial elec­tions, it would seem to me mal­prac­tice for a jour­nal­ist to assume there isn’t a sto­ry, or sev­er­al sto­ries, to be found under the Gary John­son rock. Sto­ries that mat­ter. And that are bizarre and fun and grotesque in their own right. . .

. . . . Exhib­it A: Roger Stone, a self-described “GOP hit­man” with a giant tat­too of Richard Nixon’s face etched across his back. Roger Stone —the skeezi­est, mean­est, most flam­boy­ant and most Russ­ian-nihilis­tic of any Repub­li­can dirty trick­ster work­ing the field going back a few decades, the Satan­ic Zelig of Repub­li­can black ops, who’s had a hand in just about every major GOP elec­tion crime you’ve heard of, and lots more you haven’t heard of. Every­one seems to have for­got­ten already, but last spring, Roger Stone made a big pub­lic stink about how he’s fed up with the Repub­li­can Par­ty and the two-par­ty stran­gle­hold, and joined Gary Johnson’s Lib­er­tar­i­an Par­ty cam­paign. Pro bono. Because demo­c­ra­t­ic ide­al­ism and prin­ci­ples are what Roger Stone is all about. . . .

. . . . This episode comes from a rather can­did inter­view Roger Stone gave to the Week­ly Stan­dard in a 2007, and in it he describes how the most effec­tive elec­tion fraud trick of all is using a cred­i­ble Third Par­ty can­di­date to split the opposition’s vote. In 1980, Stone’s can­di­date was Ronald Rea­gan, and his ene­my was incum­bent pres­i­dent Jim­my Carter. The wild card in the 1980 elec­tion was a pop­u­lar Illi­nois lib­er­al Repub­li­can named John Ander­son, who lost in the pri­maries against Rea­gan and decid­ed to run against him and Carter any­way, giv­en his pop­u­lar­i­ty and dis­gust with both Rea­gan and Carter.

John Anderson’s biggest prob­lem was get­ting his name on the bal­lots. Roger Stone real­ized that if Ander­son could get on the New York state bal­lot, it could split the lib­er­al vote and hand the elec­toral prize to Ronald Rea­gan. So Stone seeks help from a polit­i­cal oper­a­tive so evil he makes Roger Stone look like a Mor­mon: Roy Cohn, Sen. McCarthy’s right-hand hench­man dur­ing the Red-bait­ing hear­ings. Cohn brings a mob­ster named Fat Tony Sol­er­no with him, and they ask Roger Stone what his prob­lem is and how they might help.

Roger Stone’s prob­lem was sim­ple: He want­ed to get “Mr. Clean” out­sider John Ander­son on the New York state bal­lot as a third par­ty can­di­date to drain votes from Carter, but there wasn’t near­ly enough time to make it hap­pen. Most peo­ple were led to believe that Ander­son would nat­u­ral­ly split the Repub­li­can vote, but that wasn’t the case at all. Pri­vate­ly, polls showed that in tight state races, Anderson’s can­di­da­cy caused far more dam­age to Carter than to Rea­gan. . . .

. . . . Stone, who going back to his class elec­tions in high school has been a pro­po­nent of recruit­ing pat­sy can­di­dates to split the oth­er guy’s sup­port, remem­bers sug­gest­ing to Cohn that if they could fig­ure out a way to make John Ander­son the Lib­er­al par­ty nom­i­nee in New York, with Jim­my Carter pick­ing up the Demo­c­ra­t­ic nod, Rea­gan might win the state in a three-way race. “Roy says, ‘Let me look into it.’ ” Cohn then told [Fat Tony Saler­no], “ ‘You need to go vis­it this lawyer’–a lawyer who shall remain nameless–‘and see what his num­ber is.’ I said, ‘Roy, I don’t under­stand.’ Roy says, ‘How much cash he wants, dumbf–.’ ” Stone balked when he found out the guy want­ed $125,000 in cash to grease the skids, and Cohn want­ed to know what the prob­lem was. Stone told him he did­n’t have $125,000, and Cohn said, “That’s not the prob­lem. How does he want it?” Cohn sent Stone on an errand a few days lat­er. “There’s a suit­case,” Stone says. “I don’t look in the suit­case . . . I don’t even know what was in the suit­case . . . I take the suit­case to the law office. I drop it off. Two days lat­er, they have a con­ven­tion. Lib­er­als decide they’re endors­ing John Ander­son for pres­i­dent. It’s a three-way race now in New York State. Rea­gan wins with 46 per­cent of the vote. I paid his law firm. Legal fees. I don’t know what he did for the mon­ey, but what­ev­er it was, the Lib­er­al par­ty reached its right con­clu­sion out of a mat­ter of prin­ci­ple.” I ask him how he feels about this in ret­ro­spect. He seems to feel pret­ty good–now that cer­tain statutes of lim­i­ta­tions are up[...] “Rea­gan got the elec­toral votes in New York State, we saved the coun­try,” Stone says with char­ac­ter­is­tic under­state­ment. “[More] Carter would’ve been an unmit­i­gat­ed dis­as­ter.” . . . .

6b. Tony Salerno–the Cohn mob client whose tal­ents were drawn upon by Roger Stone in the posi­tion­ing of John Anderson–is a Trump crony as well.

 . . . Trump bought his Man­hat­tan ready-mix [con­crete] from a com­pa­ny called S & A Con­crete. Mafia chief­tains Antho­ny “Fat Tony” Saler­no and Paul Castel­lano secret­ly owned the firm. S & A charged the inflat­ed prices that the LeFrak and Resnik fam­i­lies com­plained about, LeFrak to both laws enforce­ment and The New York TimesAs [reporter Wayne] Bar­rett not­ed, by choos­ing to build with ready-mix con­crete rather than oth­er mate­ri­als, Trump put him­self ‘at the mer­cy of a legion of con­crete rack­e­teers.’ But hav­ing an ally in Roy Cohn mit­i­gat­ed Trump’s con­cerns. With Cohn as his fix­er, Trump had no wor­ries that the Mafia boss­es would have the unions stop work on Trump Tow­er; Saler­no and Castel­lano were Cohn’s clients. Indeed, when the cement work­ers struck in sum­mer 1982, the con­crete con­tin­ued to flow at Trump Tow­er. . . .

7. It was Roy Cohn who intro­duced Rupert Mur­doch to Ronald Rea­gan and thus ini­ti­at­ed the forg­ing of the right-wing Repub­li­can media Amen Cho­rus that dom­i­nates today. The Mur­doch jour­nal­is­tic empire was the breed­ing ground for Rob Gold­stone.

“How Roy Cohn Helped Rupert Mur­doch” by Robert Par­ry; Con­sor­tium News; 1/28/2015. [9]

Rupert Mur­doch, the glob­al media mogul who is now a king­mak­er in Amer­i­can pol­i­tics, was brought into those pow­er cir­cles by the infa­mous lawyer/activist Roy Cohn who arranged Murdoch’s first Oval Office meet­ing with Pres­i­dent Ronald Rea­gan in 1983, accord­ing to doc­u­ments released by Reagan’s pres­i­den­tial library.

“I had one inter­est when Tom [Bolan] and I first brought Rupert Mur­doch and Gov­er­nor Rea­gan togeth­er and that was that at least one major pub­lish­er in this coun­try would become and remain pro-Rea­gan,” Cohn wrote in a Jan. 27, 1983 let­ter [28] to senior White House aides Edwin Meese, James Bak­er and Michael Deaver. “Mr. Mur­doch has per­formed to the lim­it up through and includ­ing today.” . . .

8. Even­tu­al­ly, the reha­bil­i­tat­ed SS gen­er­al Karl Wolff began feed­ing infor­ma­tion to “Frenchy” Grom­bach, a for­mer mil­i­tary intel­li­gence agent who formed a net­work of oper­a­tives who fed infor­ma­tion to the CIA, among oth­ers. As indi­cat­ed here, one of Grombach’s major sources in his efforts was Wolff. Among the pri­ma­ry recip­i­ents of Grombach’s and Wolff’s infor­ma­tion was Sen­a­tor Joseph McCarthy, who uti­lized dirt giv­en him by the net­work to smear his oppo­nents. Among those who were trashed dur­ing the McCarthy peri­od were peo­ple involved with Safe­haven.

Blow­back; Christo­pher Simp­son; Col­lier [Macmil­lan] {SC}; Copy­right 1988 by Christo­pher Simp­son; ISBN 0–02-044995‑X; pp. 236–237. [19]

 . . . One of Grom­bach’s most impor­tant assets, accord­ing to U.S. naval intel­li­gence records obtained under the Free­dom of Infor­ma­tion Act, was SS Gen­er­al Karl Wolff, a major war crim­i­nal who had gone into the arms trade in Europe after the war. . . . Grom­bach worked simul­ta­ne­ous­ly under con­tract to the Depart­ment of State and the CIA. The ex-mil­i­tary intel­li­gence man suc­ceed­ed in cre­at­ing ‘one of the most unusu­al orga­ni­za­tions in the his­to­ry of the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment,’ accord­ing to CIA Inspec­tor Gen­er­al Lyman Kirk­patrick. ‘It was devel­oped com­plete­ly out­side of the nor­mal gov­ern­men­tal struc­ture, [but it] used all of the nor­mal cov­er and com­mu­ni­ca­tions facil­i­ties nor­mal­ly oper­at­ed by intel­li­gence orga­ni­za­tions, and yet nev­er was under any con­trol from Wash­ing­ton.’ By the ear­ly 1950s the U.S. gov­ern­ment was bankrolling Grom­bach’s under­ground activ­i­ties at more than $1 mil­lion annu­al­ly, Kirk­patrick has said. . . .

. . . Grom­bach banked on his close con­nec­tions with Sen­a­tors Joseph McCarthy, William Jen­ner, and oth­er mem­bers of the extreme Repub­li­can right to pro­pel him to nation­al pow­er. . . .Grom­bach’s out­fit effec­tive­ly became the for­eign espi­onage agency for the far right, often serv­ing as the over­seas com­ple­ment to McCarthy’s gen­er­al­ly warm rela­tions with J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI at home . . . . U.S. gov­ern­ment con­tracts bankrolling a net­work of for­mer Nazis and col­lab­o­ra­tors gave him much of the ammu­ni­tion he need­ed to do the job. Grom­bach used his net­works pri­mar­i­ly to gath­er dirt. This was the Amer­i­can agen­t’s spe­cial­ty, his true pas­sion: polit­i­cal dirt, sex­u­al dirt, any kind of com­pro­mis­ing infor­ma­tion at all. ‘He got into a lot of garbage pails,’ as Kirk­patrick puts it, ‘and issued ‘dirty linen’ ‘reports on Amer­i­cans. ‘Grom­bach col­lect­ed scan­dal, cat­a­loged it, and used it care­ful­ly, just as he had done dur­ing the ear­li­er McCor­ma­ck inves­ti­ga­tion. He leaked smears to his polit­i­cal allies in Con­gress and the press when it suit­ed his pur­pos­es to do so. Grom­bach and con­gres­sion­al ‘inter­nal secu­ri­ty’ inves­ti­ga­tors bartered these dossiers with one anoth­er almost as though they were boys trad­ing base­ball cards. . . .

9. Next, we recap some of the deep polit­i­cal con­nec­tions of Joe McCarthy (this text was read into the record in AFA #2 [29].) Note that McCarthy’s back­ing traces to the same Ger­man-Amer­i­can pro-Nazi Fifth Col­umn that we ana­lyzed in FTR #‘s 918 [17], 919 [18] and 929 [30].

The Night­mare Decade: The Life and Times of Sen­a­tor Joe McCarthy by Fred Cook; Ran­dom House [HC]; Copy­right 1971 by Fred Cook; ISBN 0–394-46270‑X; pp. 132–133. [16]

. . . . Why did he [McCarthy] rage in defense of the Nazi mur­der­ers of Amer­i­can sol­diers?

The answer lies in the influ­ence exert­ed by some of McCarthy’s ultra­con­ser­v­a­tive, even pro-Nazi, back­ers in Wis­con­sin. McCarthy had been bankrolled in his polit­i­cal cam­paigns by such lead­ers of Wis­con­sin’s pow­er­ful Ger­man-Amer­i­can com­mu­ni­ty as Frank Seusen­bren­ner and Wal­ter Har­nischfeger. Seusen­bren­ner was the pres­i­dent of the Kim­ber­ly Clark Paper Com­pa­ny and pres­i­dent of the board of the Uni­ver­si­ty of Wis­con­sin; Har­nischfeger was pres­i­dent of the Har­nischfeger Com­pa­ny, of Mil­wau­kee, mak­ers of trav­el­ing cranes, over­head machinery–and pre­fab­ri­cat­ed hous­es. Both men were known as being fierce­ly pro-Ger­man.

McCarthy showed not the slight­est repug­nance for Har­nischfeger’s pas­sion­ate ultra­right­ism and admi­ra­tion for Hitler. Before the war, one of the man­u­fac­tur­er’s nephews attend­ing the Uni­ver­si­ty of Wis­con­sin had shocked fel­low stu­dents by dis­play­ing an auto­graphed copy of Mein Kampf, and flaunt­ing a watch-chain swasti­ka. Dur­ing the war, Har­nischfeger had advo­cat­ed a nego­ti­at­ed peace with Ger­many, and as soon as the war end­ed, he played a lead­ing role in orga­niz­ing a Ger­man relief soci­ety. The Har­nischfeger Cor­po­ra­tion w one of eight Mid­west­ern con­cerns hold­ing war con­tracts that were ordered by the Pres­i­den­t’s Fair Employ­ment Prac­tices Com­mis­sion to stop dis­crim­i­nat­ing against work­ers because of race or reli­gion. The com­mis­sion charged on April 12, 1942, that these firms had refused to employ Jews or Negroes and had adver­tised for only Gen­tile, white Protes­tant help.

After 1945, Har­nischfeger made sev­er­al trips to Ger­many. He crit­i­cized the dis­man­tling of Ger­man fac­to­ries, denounced the war-crimes tri­als, and urged the restora­tion of Ger­many’s colonies. After Joe McCarthy became a Sen­a­tor, he insert­ed Har­nischfeger’s pro­nounce­ments in the Con­gres­sion­al Record; and Upton Close, the pro­fas­cist radio com­men­ta­tor, par­rot­ed the views to his radio audi­ence.

McCarthy’s 1947 finan­cial trou­bles, stem­ming from his stock mar­ket revers­es and his heavy over­load of loans from the Apple­ton State Bank, appear to have been cured by this Wis­con­sin angel. “I have made com­plete arrange­ments with Wal­ter Har­nischfeger to put up suf­fi­cient col­lat­er­al to cure both our ulcers,” McCarthy final­ly wrote to his har­ried banker friend, Matt Schuh. At the time of the 1948 Pres­i­den­tial elec­tion, McCarthy had lis­tened to the returns in Har­nischfeger’s home. The indus­tri­al­ist’s inter­est in pre­fab­ri­cat­ed hous­ing was believed in Wash­ing­ton to have been one of the rea­sons that McCarthy had so inter­est­ed him­self in the issue.

In terms of the Malm­e­dy inves­ti­ga­tion, Ander­son and May described the McCarthy-Har­nischfeger axis in these terms: “Ten days after the Malm­e­dy inves­ti­ga­tion was begun, a young man named Tom Korb worked for six weeks, car­ried on the books as McCarthy’s admin­is­tra­tive assis­tant.” He stayed long enough to help Joe write a speech on the Malm­e­dy Mas­sacre, deliv­ered on July 26, 1949, and then he went back to his job as a lawyer and cor­po­ra­tion offi­cial in Mil­wau­kee. His employ­er: the Har­nischfeger Cor­po­ra­tion.” . . . .

10. Bush also recent­ly select­ed Robert Mueller, a mem­ber of his father’s Jus­tice Depart­ment, to be FBI direc­tor. Repris­ing infor­ma­tion from FTR #310 [20]:

 “S.F. Pros­e­cu­tor Mueller Picked to Lead FBI, Mend Its Image” by Zachary Coile and Bob Egelko; San Fran­cis­co Chron­i­cle; 7/6/2001; pp. A1-A12. [31]

Pres­i­dent Bush tapped Robert S. Mueller III [32], the U.S. attor­ney in San Fran­cis­co, as the new direc­tor of the FBI yes­ter­day, seek­ing a no-non­sense man­ag­er to repair the image of an agency accused of botch­ing sev­er­al recent high-pro­file cas­es.

Mueller, a 56-year-old vet­er­an fed­er­al pros­e­cu­tor who helped put Pana­man­ian strong­man Manuel Nor­ie­ga [33] behind bars, was nom­i­nat­ed to suc­ceed Louis Freeh [34]. Freeh, who led the depart­ment through eight tur­bu­lent years under Pres­i­dent Bill Clin­ton [35], retired last month.

Mueller was picked for the 10-year FBI direc­tor’s term after prov­ing him­self as act­ing deputy attor­ney gen­er­al dur­ing Bush’s pres­i­den­tial tran­si­tion. His nom­i­na­tion requires Sen­ate con­fir­ma­tion.

11a. On April 4, Trea­sury Sec­re­tary O’Neill met with pow­er­ful Islamist Repub­li­cans whose spheres of inter­est over­lap those of the insti­tu­tions and indi­vid­u­als tar­get­ed on March 20, 2002. Repris­ing infor­ma­tion from FTR #356 [36]:

(“O’Neill Met Mus­lim Activists Tied to Char­i­ties” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Roger Thurow]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 4/18/2002; p. A4.)

11b. A prin­ci­pal fig­ure in the group that inter­ced­ed on behalf of the (alleged) Al Qaeda/Al Taqwa-con­nect­ed tar­gets of the Oper­a­tion Green Quest raids was Talat Oth­man, a close busi­ness and polit­i­cal asso­ciate of Pres­i­dent Bush.

Among the Mus­lim lead­ers attend­ing [the meet­ing with O’Neill] was Talat Oth­man, a long­time asso­ciate and sup­port­er of Pres­i­dent Bush’s fam­i­ly, who gave a bene­dic­tion at the Repub­li­can Nation­al Con­ven­tion in Philadel­phia in August 2000 . . . But he also serves [with Barz­in­ji] on the board of Amana Mutu­al Funds Trust, an invest­ment firm found­ed by M. Yac­qub Mirza, the North­ern Vir­ginia busi­ness­man who set up most of the enti­ties tar­get­ed by the Trea­sury and whose tax records were sought in the raid. . . . (Idem.)

12. As Mr. Emory hypoth­e­sized in FTR#353 [37], the Norquist/GOP/Islamist links are part of the Repub­li­can Par­ty’s eth­nic out­reach pro­gram. Again, one should note that these ele­ments are direct­ly con­nect­ed to Al Qae­da and exem­pli­fy the Saudi/petroleum/GOP/Bush struc­tur­al eco­nom­ic and polit­i­cal rela­tion­ships at the core of the cor­rup­tion of inves­ti­ga­tions into Al Qae­da and 9/11.

. . . .The case also high­lights con­flicts between the Bush admin­is­tra­tion’s domes­tic polit­i­cal goals and its war on ter­ror. GOP offi­cials began court­ing the U.S. Mus­lim com­mu­ni­ty intense­ly in the late 1990’s, seek­ing to add that eth­nic bloc to the par­ty’s polit­i­cal base. . .  (Idem.)

13. The Amana orga­ni­za­tion (on the board of which Oth­man serves) has numer­ous areas of over­lap with orga­ni­za­tions described as being impli­cat­ed in ter­ror­ism and the milieu of Al Que­da.

. . . Two non­prof­its affil­i­at­ed with Mr. Mirza and named in the search war­rant, the SAAR Foun­da­tion Inc. and the Her­itage Edu­ca­tion Trust Inc., held large blocks of shares in Amana’s mutu­al funds in 1997, accord­ing to SEC records. The SEC doc­u­ments and oth­er records detail­ing con­nec­tions between Mr. Oth­man and the Islam­ic Insti­tute [on the board of which Mr. Oth­man serves] and the raid­ed groups were com­piled by the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty News Ser­vice, a Wash­ing­ton based non­prof­it research group. . . (Idem.)

14. Fur­ther details have emerged about the links between Al Taqwa and the GOP/Bush admin­is­tra­tion.

. . . .Mr. Oth­man also is on the board of Mr. Saf­fu­ri’s [and Norquist’s] Islam­ic Insti­tute, the GOP-lean­ing group that received $20,000.00 from the Safa Trust, one of the raid’s tar­gets. The pres­i­dent of the Safa Trust, Jamal Barz­in­ji, is a for­mer busi­ness asso­ciate of Switzer­land based investor Youssef Nada, whose assets were frozen last fall after the Trea­sury des­ig­nat­ed him a per­son sus­pect­ed of giv­ing aid to ter­ror­ists. [Ital­ics are Mr. Emory’s.] (Idem.)

15. Oth­man’s links to Bush are pro­found.

. . . Mr. Oth­man has ties to the Bush fam­i­ly going back to the 1980’s, when he served with George W. Bush on the board of a Texas petro­le­um firm, Harken Oil & Gas Inc. Mr. Oth­man has vis­it­ed the White House dur­ing the admin­is­tra­tions of both Pres­i­dent Bush and his father George H.W. Bush. . . .(Idem.)

16. Next, the pro­gram reviews oth­er areas of inter­sec­tion between the labyrinthine net­work attacked in the 3/20 raids, the Al Taqwa milieu, and the Repub­li­can Par­ty. A recent Wall Street Jour­nal arti­cle described some of the orga­ni­za­tions tar­get­ed in the raids:

“Funds Under Ter­ror Probe Flowed From Off­shore” by Glenn R. Simp­son [with Michael M. Phillips]; Wall Street Jour­nal; 3/22/2002; p. A4. [38]

. . . . These include Al-Taqwa Man­age­ment, a recent­ly liq­ui­dat­ed Swiss com­pa­ny the U.S. gov­ern­ment believes act­ed as a banker for Osama bin Laden’s al Que­da ter­ror­ist net­work . . . Two peo­ple affil­i­at­ed with the com­pa­nies and char­i­ties are linked by records to enti­ties already des­ig­nat­ed as ter­ror­ist by the U.S. gov­ern­ment. Hisham Al-Tal­ib, who served as an offi­cer of SAAR, the Inter­na­tion­al Insti­tute of Islam­ic Thought and Safa Trust Inc., anoth­er Mirza char­i­ty, dur­ing the 1970’s was an offi­cer of firms run by Youssef M. Nada, records show. Mr. Nada is a Switzer­land-based busi­ness­man whose assets have been frozen by the U.S. for alleged involve­ment in ter­ror­ist financ­ing, and is alleged by U.S. offi­cials to be a key fig­ure in the Taqwa net­work. . .Jamal Barz­in­ji, an offi­cer of[Empha­sis added.]

Mr. Mirza­’s com­pa­ny Mar-Jac and oth­er enti­ties, also was involved with Mr. Nada’s com­pa­nies in the 1970’s, accord­ing to bank doc­u­ments from Liecht­en­stein. A mes­sage was left yes­ter­day for Mr. Barz­in­ji at his address in Hern­don. Mr. Barz­in­ji and Mr. Tal­ib live across the street from each oth­er. A third busi­ness asso­ciate of Mr. Nada, Ali Ghaleb Him­mat (who also has been des­ig­nat­ed by the Trea­sury as aid­ing ter­ror­ism), is list­ed as an offi­cial of the Gene­va branch of anoth­er char­i­ty oper­at­ed by Mr. Mirza, the Inter­na­tion­al Islam­ic Char­i­ta­ble Orga­ni­za­tion. . . .

17. Fur­ther detail­ing the back­ground of Oth­man, the broad­cast high­lights the con­nec­tions between peo­ple asso­ci­at­ed with the Nugan Hand Bank and Oth­man.

. . . .Harken Ener­gy was formed in 1973 by two oil­men who would ben­e­fit from a suc­cess­ful covert effort to desta­bi­lize Aus­trali­a’s Labor Par­ty gov­ern­ment (which had attempt­ed to shut out for­eign oil explo­ration). A decade lat­er, Harken was sold to a new invest­ment group head­ed by New York attor­ney Alan G. Quasha, a part­ner in the firm of Quasha, Wes­se­ly & Schnei­der. ...William Quasha [Alan’s father] had also giv­en legal advice to two top offi­cials of the noto­ri­ous Nugan Hand Bank in Aus­tralia, a CIA oper­a­tion. After the sale of Harken Ener­gy in 1983, Alan Quasha became a direc­tor and chair­man of the board. Under Quasha, Harken sud­den­ly absorbed Junior’s strug­gling Spec­trum 7 in 1986. (“Bush Fam­i­ly Val­ue$: The Bush Clan’s Fam­i­ly Busi­ness” by Stephen Piz­zo; Moth­er Jones; September/October 1992; accessed at www.motherjones.com/news_wire/bushboys.html [39] .) (For more about Nugan Hand, see AFA#‘s 4, 25, 30.)

18. Oth­man also has links to Gaith Pharoan of the BCCI and, through him, to James R. Bath and the Bin Ladens.

. . . . Sheikh Abdul­lah Bakhsh, in turn, was a busi­ness asso­ciate of BCCI front man Gaith Pharoan; he bought a chunk of Harken’s stock and placed his rep­re­sen­ta­tive, Talat Oth­man, on Harken Ener­gy’s board of direc­tors. . . . (Idem.)