You can subscribe to RSS feed from Spitfirelist.com HERE.
You can subscribe to the comments made on programs and posts–an excellent source of information in, and of, itself, HERE.
WFMU-FM is podcasting For The Record–You can subscribe to the podcast HERE.
Mr. Emory’s entire life’s work is available on a 32GB flash drive, available for a contribution of $65.00 or more (to KFJC). Click Here to obtain Dave’s 40+ years’ work, complete through Late Fall of 2021 (through FTR #1215).
“Political language…is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”
— George Orwell, 1946
EVERYTHING MR. EMORY HAS BEEN SAYING ABOUT THE UKRAINE WAR IS ENCAPSULATED IN THIS VIDEO FROM UKRAINE 24
ANOTHER REVEALING VIDEO FROM UKRAINE 24
Mr. Emory has launched a new Patreon site. Visit at: Patreon.com/DaveEmory
FTR#1258 This program was recorded in one, 60-minute segment.
Introduction: Updating the Covid-19 pandemic, this broadcast explores troubling developments in the administration of aspects of the pandemic.
NB: Mr. Emory is not an anti-vaxxer. When properly manufactured and vetted, they are fundamental to the maintenance of public health.
The disturbing aspects of Biden’s vaccine policy suggest the possibility that the regulatory handicapping of the FDA advocated by Trump backer Peter Thiel and his ideological fellow travelers may have been implemented, under the pressure of the pandemic.
That de-regulation of the FDA may have carried over into Aviator Glasses Joe’s administration.
An interesting and troubling story concerns the FDA’s “thumbs down” on the Johnson & Johnson vaccine because of a blood-clotting disorder that affects 3.25 recipients per million. There have been a total of nine deaths from the disorder out of 18 million recipients of the vaccine.
The mRNA vaccines, by way of contrast, produce a serious condition called myocarditis in strong, healthy adults. That strikes eleven in every one hundred thousand recipients.
One must wonder why this conclusion was reached. Is there Big Pharma profit-making considerations at play here? Or is the readily-adaptable mRNA technology to new organisms that might be crafted as part of a biological warfare program looming in the background of such a decision?
An even more disturbing, perhaps related, article concerns substantive indications that the much-maligned Johnson & Johnson vaccine is more effective than its mRNA competitors.
It may provide better protection against the Omicron variant.
” . . . . By now, all the vaccines seem to be performing about equally well against coronavirus infections; in fact, Johnson & Johnson appears to be holding up slightly better. . . . Overall, then, the Johnson & Johnson vaccine appeared to be somewhat more protective against infection than the two alternatives. . . . . . The J.&J. vaccine may produce antibodies that decline more slowly than those produced by the other vaccines, some research suggests. Or those antibodies may become more sophisticated over time, through a biological phenomenon called affinity maturation. . . . Perhaps, some researchers suggest, the vaccine offered a more robust defense against the Omicron variant, responsible for the huge increase in infections over the past few months. And studies have shown that the vaccine trains other parts of the immune system at least as well as the other two vaccines. . . .”
Another stunning development concerns the FDA’s decision to vet the next generation of [mRNA] boosters with mouse trials, instead of human!
” . . . . ‘For the FDA to rely on mouse data is just bizarre, in my opinion,’ says John Moore, an immunologist at Weill Cornell Medicine in New York. ‘Mouse data are not going to be predictive in any way of what you would see in humans.’ . . . .”
WHY?
Peter Thiel favored “kneecapping the FDA” in order to bring Big Pharma’s products to market sooner, in full awareness of the collateral damage that would result from this.
” . . . . For Food and Drug Administration commissioner, he [Thiel] attempted to nominate candidates who shared his belief that the FDA’s main role—regarding trials for drugs—was unnecessary. One of Thiel’s allies in this crusade, and his top pick to lead the FDA, was Balaji Srinivasan, the Stanford computer science lecturer and cryptocurrency entrepreneur who’s invested alongside Thiel in Curtis Yarvin’s company and shared Thiel’s views. . . . ‘For every thalidomide,’ he tweeted, “many dead from slowed approvals.” . . . . Thiel had argued much the same. . . .”
Note that the FDA’s regulatory “red light” on the use of thalidomide saved the U.S. from the birth defects nightmare experienced by Europe.
We note in that regard that Thiel comes from an “I.G.” background, to coin a term. As noted in FTR #718, Thiel’s father was a chemical engineer from Frankfurt, the capital of I.G.
After the pandemic, Thiel seemed pleased at that event, maintaining that it had projected us into the future. ” . . . . ‘COVID-19 created a shift. There used to be this feeling that the future was being held back somehow. Changes that should have taken place long ago did not come because there was resistance. Now the future is set free.’ He was, it seemed, welcoming the pandemic as a chance to reset society according to his ideals and plans. . . .”
Joe Biden’s policy vis a vis Covid may well be eugenicist in its orientation. Returning to “normal,” in most respects, but allowing the virus to circulate, placing seniors–no longer in the workforce–at risk
We have noted that Biden’s social policies appear to be extensions of his national security policy. He has stated that competing with China is a priority.
In that regard, trimming expenses, including the relatively expensive social programs needed to care for the elderly, is apparently on the front burner.
Bottom line: old folks don’t work.
” . . . . ‘And the question I have is, how much death are we OK with?’ she asks. ‘Have we decided this is OK? And if so, why?’ . . . . Covid-19 has always been a disease of the elderly, defined almost more by its age skew of mortality than by any of its other characteristics, with risk doubling roughly every eight years and octogenarians hundreds of times more at risk of death than young adults. . . .”
Indicative of Biden’s cynicism on social and economic policy is his selection to serve on the Social Security Administration:
” . . . . Defenders of Social Security on Tuesday urged the U.S. Senate to block President Joe Biden’s little-noticed nomination of Andrew Biggs — an American Enterprise Institute senior fellow with a history of supporting Social Security privatization — to serve on the independent and bipartisan Social Security Advisory Board. . . . Biden was vice president when former President Barack Obama proposed a ‘grand bargain’ with the GOP that would have entailed cuts to Social Security. Biggs, too, has a long record of advocating Social Security cuts. As Cunningham-Cook wrote last month, ‘For years, Biggs has been a vocal critic of expanded Social Security and workers’ right to a secure, stable retirement free from the vagaries of the stock market.’. . .”
1a.
In a newly filed lawsuit, Moderna asserts that the Pfizer/BioNTech mRNA coronavirus vaccines are infringing on Moderna’s patents. What’s eyebrow-raising in this lawsuit is the timeframe of Moderna’s claims. The company is arguing that Pfizer’s vaccine copied work Moderna had already done on coronavirus vaccines involving human trials going back to 2015 and 2016. Beyond that, Moderna asserts the full-sequence coronavirus spike protein used in Pfizer’s vaccine was developed by Moderna years before the pandemic.
Perhaps the biggest set of questions that might be answered in this lawsuit involve Moderna’s possible collaborative role in the broader US-government-funded gain-of-function research being lead by the EcoHealthAlliance in collaboration with labs around the world like Shi Zhengli’s lab at the Wuhan Institute of Virology (WIV) and Ralph Baric’s lab at UNC Chapel Hill. As we’ve seen, Ralph Baric was working on developing coronavirus therapeutics back in 2017 using gain-of-function-created coronaviruses in collaboration with Shi Zhengli’s lab at the WIV. And Baric also helped test the Moderna covid vaccine in 2020. So was Moderna – which was funded by DARPA – at all involved in this other NIH-funded coronavirus-related gain-of-function work? The circumstantial evidence sure points in that direction.
Above all, there’s the part of the lawsuit claiming that Pfizer effectively stole the full-sequence coronavirus spike protein sequence Moderna had worked out years earlier.
This is a confusing part of the lawsuit since, as we’ve been told, it was the SARS-CoV‑2 spike protein sequence that was at the heart of the mRNA COVID vaccine developed in record-breaking time back in January of 2020.
What is Moderna talking about when claiming that it already developed a coronavirus spike protein years earlier? Recall how Moderna was criticized back in 2020 over its decision to file a patent in Feb 2020 for a “Betacoronavirus vaccine” – a broad-spectrum vaccine designed for non-COVID coronaviruses – without acknowledging the US governments role in that research. Pfizer/BioNTech filed a patent for a similar “universal coronavirus vaccine” back in June.
It appears that’s what Moderna is referring to when it claims to have developed a coronavirus spike protein sequence years before the pandemic. That raises the obvious question: was Moderna part of the whole EcoHealthAlliance gain-of-function research on coronaviruses back in their 2015–2016 period?
Gain-of-function research was technically banned in the US from 2014 until the Trump administration lifted it in 2017. Recall, also, how Baric’s gain-of-function work that was started before the moratorium was put into place was allowed to continue under a special exemption.
If Moderna’s coronavirus vaccine development involved the use of viruses being generated by Baric under an exemption to the gain-of-function moratorium, that would obviously be a very sensitive area of research.
There’s another facet of this story to keep in mind: recall that fascinating September 2016 STAT News article that described how Moderna had shifted its focus from mRNA therapeutics – which require numerous shots over years – to mRNA vaccines. It was seen as as disappointment by industry observers and sign that Moderna was running into undisclosed setbacks involving side effects triggered by the lipid nanoparticle (LNP) delivery vehicle for the mRNA. But as we saw, Moderna was insisting at the time that it was experiencing no such setbacks. And yet observers were forced to take their word because the company was being so secretive and releasing almost no information about its internal trials.
There is no mention of coronavirus-related research at all in that article, while there is mention of work on things like a Zika virus vaccine.
Yet, in the new lawsuit, Moderna claims it successfully carried out human trials on a coronavirus vaccine as far back as 2015. It would seem that Moderna’s coronavirus-related vaccine research was being kept under wraps during this period.
We have to ask if the extreme secrecy around its work during this period may have been driven by the controversial nature of developing coronavirus vaccines using gain-of-function coronaviruses generated by the EcoHealthAlliance network. Circumstantial evidence points in that direction.
Moderna is apparently suing over patents it developed during its mostly-still-secret DARPA collaboration. Collaboration that might be directly related to the mostly-still-secret US-government-financed international collaboration dedicated to making and studying novel coronaviruses. Lawsuits have a tendency to unintentionally reveal secrets. Thereis clearly an abundance of secrets still waiting to be revealed about Moderna’s coronavirus vaccine research.
Again, we emphasize the following very interesting detail in Moderna’s complaint: the company is asserting that Pfizer and BioNTech copied Moderna’s full-length spike protein formulation for a coronavirus, which Modern claims to have created years before the emergence of COVID-19.
Recall how the sharing of the genetic sequence of SARS-CoV‑2 by Chinese researchers with the global community allowed for Moderna to and its NIH collaborators to design the vaccine in just two days with just that spike protein sequence information.
Once again, Moderna is suing Pfizer over the alleged theft of a coronavirus spike protein sequence developed years earlier, we have to ask whether or not this part of the lawsuit is related to the “universal coronavirus” vaccine Pfizer and BioNTech started testing back in June.
That, again, returns us to questions regarding Moderna’s involvement with the pre-pandemic gain-of-function coronavirus research carried out by the EcoHealth Alliance and collaborators like the WIV. Because as we’ve seen, the creation of a broad-spectrum coronavirus vaccine was part of the pre-pandemic work done by the EcoHealthAlliance, the WIV, and Ralph Baric’s lab at UNC Chapel Hill.
Was Moderna involved in that broad-spectrum coronavirus vaccine research? It appears to have been the case.
The lawsuit, filed Friday, claims that the companies’ Covid vaccine violated Moderna’s mRNA patents.
The vaccine manufacturer Moderna sued Pfizer and BioNTech on Friday, claiming that its rivals’ Covid-19 shot violates its patents protecting its groundbreaking technology.
Moderna said in a statement that Pfizer and BioNTech infringed on patents filed between 2010 and 2016 that covered its mRNA technology. Moderna, which is based in Cambridge, Mass., sued in U.S. District Court in Massachusetts and the Regional Court of Düsseldorf in Germany, where BioNTech is based.
Christopher Ridley, a spokesman for Moderna, said the company did not have an estimate for the amount of damages it was seeking.
Pfizer and its development partner BioNTech were “surprised by the litigation,” said Jerica Pitts, a spokeswoman for Pfizer. She added that the companies “remain confident in our intellectual property supporting the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine and will vigorously defend against the allegations of the lawsuit.”
Messenger RNA, or mRNA, is the genetic script that carries DNA instructions to each cell’s protein-making machinery and has been used in the production of coronavirus vaccines.
“We are filing these lawsuits to protect the innovative mRNA technology platform that we pioneered, invested billions of dollars in creating, and patented during the decade preceding the Covid-19 pandemic,” said Stéphane Bancel, Moderna’s chief executive. “This foundational platform, which we began building in 2010, along with our patented work on coronaviruses in 2015 and 2016, enabled us to produce a safe and highly effective Covid-19 vaccine in record time after the pandemic struck.”
Moderna, which received close to $10 billion in taxpayer funding to develop the vaccine, test it and provide doses to the federal government, had said in fall 2020 that it would not enforce its Covid-related patents while the pandemic continued. But on March 7, the company said that said that it was updating its pledge, since vaccine supply was no longer an issue outside the poorest countries. It said it expected manufacturers outside the 92 poorest countries to respect the company’s intellectual property. At the time, it also said that it was expanding its patent pledge to never enforce Covid patents for 92 low- and middle-income countries.
Moderna said on Friday that it was not seeking damages for activities before March 8 and that none of the patents relate to intellectual property generated during Moderna’s collaboration with the National Institutes of Health on Covid-19, which it said began only after patented technologies were proven successful in 2015 and 2016.
Moderna said that Pfizer copied two features of its patented technology. First, Pfizer took four vaccine candidates into clinical testing, but ultimately proceeded with a vaccine with the same mRNA technology as the Moderna vaccine. Moderna said it was the first company to validate this technology in human trials in 2015, and that neither Pfizer nor BioNTech had its level of experience in developing mRNA vaccines for infectious diseases.
Second, Moderna claims that Pfizer and BioNTech copied its full-length spike protein formulation for a coronavirus, which Moderna had created years before Covid-19 emerged. Coronaviruses refer to a large family of viruses that cause mild to moderate upper respiratory tract illnesses, according to the N.I.H. The more serious ones include SARS, MERS and Covid-19.
Moderna said it was not seeking to remove Pfizer and BioNTech’s vaccines from the market, and was not asking for an injunction to prevent their future sale, given the need for access to coronavirus vaccines. . . .
1b. An interesting and troubling story concerns the FDA’s “thumbs down” on the Johnson & Johnson vaccine because of a blood-clotting disorder that affects 3.25 recipients per million. There have been a total of nine deaths from the disorder out of 18 million recipients of the vaccine.
The mRNA vaccines, by way of contrast, produce a serious condition called myocarditis in strong, healthy adults. That strikes eleven in every one hundred thousand recipients.
One must wonder why this conclusion was reached. Is there Big Pharma profit-making considerations at play here? Or is the readily-adaptable mRNA technology to new organisms that might be crafted as part of a biological warfare program looming in the background of such a decision?
. . . . Peter Marks, the FDA’s vaccines lead, told STAT the agency reached its decision after a recent review of the data on the vaccine revealed another person in this country had died after receiving it — the ninth such death — in the first quarter of the year. The vaccine is made by J&J’s vaccines division, Janssen.
“If we see deaths and there is an alternative vaccine that is not associated with deaths but is associated with similar efficacy … we felt it was time at this point to make a statement on the [product’s] fact sheet that this was not a first-line vaccine,” said Marks, who is director of the FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research.
The clotting disorder, called thrombosis with thrombocytopenia or TTS, is rare, occurring at a rate of about 3.25 cases per million doses administered. But the condition can be fatal or life-altering if an individual survives. With one death for every 2 million doses given in this country, the FDA decided that is a risk most people don’t need to take, Marks said. . . .
. . . . He acknowledged the latest announcement won’t change much on the ground in the United States, where few vaccination sites stock the J&J vaccine at this point. But it could have implications abroad, where countries still struggling to vaccinate their populaces could be influenced by the U.S. decision. . . .
———
2. An even more disturbing, perhaps related, article concerns substantive indications that the much-maligned Johnson & Johnson vaccine is more effective than its mRNA competitors.
It may provide better protection against the Omicron variant.
” . . . . By now, all the vaccines seem to be performing about equally well against coronavirus infections; in fact, Johnson & Johnson appears to be holding up slightly better. . . . Overall, then, the Johnson & Johnson vaccine appeared to be somewhat more protective against infection than the two alternatives. . . . . . The J.&J. vaccine may produce antibodies that decline more slowly than those produced by the other vaccines, some research suggests. Or those antibodies may become more sophisticated over time, through a biological phenomenon called affinity maturation. . . . Perhaps, some researchers suggest, the vaccine offered a more robust defense against the Omicron variant, responsible for the huge increase in infections over the past few months. And studies have shown that the vaccine trains other parts of the immune system at least as well as the other two vaccines. . . .”
Roughly 17 million Americans received the Johnson & Johnson Covid vaccine, only to be told later that it was the least protective of the options available in the United States. But new data suggest that the vaccine is now preventing infections, hospitalizations and deaths at least as well as the Pfizer-BioNTech and Moderna vaccines.
The reasons aren’t clear, and not all experts are convinced that the vaccine has vindicated itself. But the accumulating data nonetheless offer considerable reassurance to recipients of the vaccine and, if confirmed, have broad implications for its deployment in parts of the world.
In Africa, for example, distribution of a single-dose vaccine that can be refrigerated for months is by far the most practical option.
Johnson & Johnson has at least temporarily shut down the only plant making usable batches of the vaccine. But the South Africa-based Aspen Pharmacare is gearing up to supply large quantities to the rest of the continent. Only about 13 percent of Africans are fully vaccinated, and only about 1 percent have received a booster dose. . . .
. . . . But the notion that the vaccine is inferior has grown outdated, some experts said: More recent data suggest that it has more than held its own against its competitors.
“We’ve been aware that J.&J. has been kind of downgraded in people’s minds,” Dr. Gail-Bekker said. But “it punches above its weight for a single-dose vaccine.”
Until last June, the cumulative data from the C.D.C. showed that immunization with the Moderna vaccine resulted in the lowest rates of breakthrough infections; those who got Johnson & Johnson saw the highest rates, with Pfizer-BioNTech somewhere in the middle.
During the summer months, the gaps — particularly between J.&J. and Pfizer — began to narrow. By now, all the vaccines seem to be performing about equally well against coronavirus infections; in fact, Johnson & Johnson appears to be holding up slightly better.
As of Jan. 22, the latest data available, unvaccinated people were 3.2 times as likely to become infected as those who received the single-dose Johnson & Johnson vaccine; they were 2.8 times as likely to become infected as those who received two doses of the Moderna vaccine and 2.4 times as likely as those with two doses of Pfizer-BioNTech. Overall, then, the Johnson & Johnson vaccine appeared to be somewhat more protective against infection than the two alternatives. . . . . .
. . . . The findings indicate that the J.&J. vaccine deserves a closer look, said Dr. Larry Corey, an expert in vaccine development at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center in Seattle.
“This vaccine platform may have some surprising characteristics that we hadn’t anticipated,” he said. The data “is interesting, provocative, and we should spend more time understanding it.”
Dr. Corey said the results jibe with his experience in H.I.V. research with the adenovirus that forms the backbone of the Johnson & Johnson vaccine. “It has much longer durability than almost any other platform that we’ve ever worked with,” he said.
Scientists are only beginning to guess why the vaccine’s profile is improving with the passing months.
Levels of antibodies skyrocket in the first few weeks after immunization, but then rapidly wane. The J.&J. vaccine may produce antibodies that decline more slowly than those produced by the other vaccines, some research suggests. Or those antibodies may become more sophisticated over time, through a biological phenomenon called affinity maturation.
Perhaps, some researchers suggest, the vaccine offered a more robust defense against the Omicron variant, responsible for the huge increase in infections over the past few months. And studies have shown that the vaccine trains other parts of the immune system at least as well as the other two vaccines. . . .
3. Another stunning development concerns the FDA’s decision to vet the next generation of [mRNA] boosters with mouse trials, instead of human!
” . . . . ‘For the FDA to rely on mouse data is just bizarre, in my opinion,’ says John Moore, an immunologist at Weill Cornell Medicine in New York. ‘Mouse data are not going to be predictive in any way of what you would see in humans.’ . . . .”
WHY?
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration is using a controversial strategy to evaluate the next generation of COVID-19 boosters.
The approach is stirring debate as the agency works to make new, hopefully improved, boosters available in September to help prevent severe disease and save lives in the fall and winter.
For the first time, the FDA is planning to base its decision about whether to authorize new boosters on studies involving mice instead of humans.
“For the FDA to rely on mouse data is just bizarre, in my opinion,” says John Moore, an immunologist at Weill Cornell Medicine in New York. “Mouse data are not going to be predictive in any way of what you would see in humans.” . . . .
But others defend the approach, arguing that the country has had enough experience with the vaccines at this point to be confident the shots are safe and that there’s not enough time to wait for data from human studies.
“We have 500 people a day dying of coronavirus right now. Those numbers sadly might very well rise in the fall and the winter. The question is: ‘Can we do something better?’ ” says Dr. Ofer Levy, a pediatrics and infectious disease researcher at Harvard Medical School who also advises the FDA. “And I think the answer is: ‘We can, by implementing this approach.’ ” . . .
. . . . But the big concern is the boosters may not work as well as the mouse data might suggest. Mouse experiments are notoriously unreliable. . . .
. . . . “We need to make sure that we have solid immunogenicity data in people to show that you have a dramatically greater neutralizing antibody response against BA.4, BA.5,” says Dr. Paul Offit of the University of Pennsylvania, who also advises the FDA. “I think anything short of that is not acceptable.” . . .
4. Peter Thiel favored “kneecapping the FDA” in order to bring Big Pharma’s products to market sooner, in full awareness of the collateral damage that would result from this.
” . . . . For Food and Drug Administration commissioner, he [Thiel] attempted to nominate candidates who shared his belief that the FDA’s main role—regarding trials for drugs—was unnecessary. One of Thiel’s allies in this crusade, and his top pick to lead the FDA, was Balaji Srinivasan, the Stanford computer science lecturer and cryptocurrency entrepreneur who’s invested alongside Thiel in Curtis Yarvin’s company and shared Thiel’s views. . . . ‘For every thalidomide,’ he tweeted, “many dead from slowed approvals.” . . . . Thiel had argued much the same. . . .”
Note that the FDA’s regulatory “red light” on the use of thalidomide saved the U.S. from the birth defects nightmare experienced by Europe.
We note in that regard that Thiel comes from an “I.G.” background, to coin a term. As noted in FTR #718, Thiel’s father was a chemical engineer from Frankfurt, the capital of I.G.
. . . . For Food and Drug Administration commissioner, he [Thiel] attempted to nominate candidates who shared his belief that the FDA’s main role—regarding trials for drugs—was unnecessary.
The consensus view among drug developers, even many in Silicon Valley, has been that “you don’t want to put individuals at risk,” said Zach Weinberg, the cofounder of Flatiron Health, a Silicon Valley-backed medical research firm that is now owned by the pharmaceutical giant Roche. “Peter Thiel’s view is that will slow things down. His whole game is if a few people get hurt and that creates progress, he’s willing to take that trade.”
One of Thiel’s allies in this crusade, and his top pick to lead the FDA, was Balaji Srinivasan, the Stanford computer science lecturer and cryptocurrency entrepreneur who’s invested alongside Thiel in Curtis Yarvin’s company and shared Thiel’s views. . . .
. . . . “For every thalidomide,” he tweeted, “many dead from slowed approvals.” . . . .
Thiel had argued much the same. . . .
. . . . the agency’s [FDA] refusal in the early 1960’s to approve thalidomide, a sleeping pill, is regarded as one of the great administrative success stories. In Europe, where a less-regulated market allowed thalidomide to be prescribed to pregnant women, thousands of babies were born without fully formed limbs. . . .
. . . . Thiel’s other choice to run the FDA was Jim O’Neill, who’d run the Thiel Foundation and had since worked as an investor at Mithril, Ajay Royan’s venture capital firm . . . . He also believed in rolling back the FDA mandates about drug efficacy. . . .
5. After the pandemic, Thiel seemed pleased at that event, maintaining that it had projected us into the future. ” . . . . ‘COVID-19 created a shift. There used to be this feeling that the future was being held back somehow. Changes that should have taken place long ago did not come because there was resistance. Now the future is set free.’ He was, it seemed, welcoming the pandemic as a chance to reset society according to his ideals and plans. . . .”
. . . . How could anyone devoted to life extension not be moved by so many preventable deaths? By late March more than 550,000 Americans had died from Covid, making the pandemic deadlier than U.S. casualties in World War I and World War II combined. The United States has suffered one of the worst per-capita mortality rates in the world. How had those grim figures not moved him to break with Trump or to at last spend more ambitiously to help? . . . .
. . . . Thiel spoke to Die Weltwoche, a Swiss newspaper whose editor Roger Koppel is a member of the country’s national-conservative People’s Party. During an interview with Koppel, Thiel characterized the disease as a mental pathology rather than a physical one. “I see it as a psychological indicator that people know deep down: There is no way back to the old normal,” he said.
He continued: “COVID-19 created a shift. There used to be this feeling that the future was being held back somehow. Changes that should have taken place long ago did not come because there was resistance. Now the future is set free.” He was, it seemed, welcoming the pandemic as a chance to reset society according to his ideals and plans. . . .
6. In an altogether speculative element, we review discussion of Nazi chemical giant I.G. Farben’s influence in the pharmaceutical business, the program accesses information about the tranquilizer thalidomide. When prescribed for pregnant women in the early 1960’s, it led to horribly deformed babies. A new book claims that the drug was actually invented by the Nazis and tested in concentration camps during World War II.
“Thalidomide ‘Created by Nazis’ ” [TimesOnline]; The Australian; 2/08/2009.
“The morning sickness drug thalidomide, which caused pregnant women to give birth to babies without arms and legs, was first developed by the Nazis, probably as part of their chemical weapons programme, according to new research.
Two separate academics have revealed the discovery of documents indicating that the drug did not originate with Chemie Grunenthal, the post-war German chemical firm, as has always been claimed.
If, as their research suggests, thalidomide was first developed by scientists working in wartime Germany, it could have implications for the liability of the German government. So far it has given compensation only to German victims, although the drug was distributed in 46 countries.
Thousands of the drug’s victims are still battling for increased financial aid to help them cope with its legacy. There are 457 thalidomiders remaining in the UK; 2,700 in Germany; and a total of up to 6,000 worldwide.s
Mothers prescribed it between its launch in 1957 and 1961, when it was removed from the market, gave birth to children who lacked proper arms, legs, hands and feet. Some had also suffered brain damage and other disabilities.
Dr Martin Johnson, director of the Thalidomide Trust which provides help for surviving victims in the UK, has written a paper detailing evidence suggesting that the drug had been developed before Grunenthal secured a patent in 1954.
The company has always maintained that thalidomide was created by chance in 1953 by scientists who had tried to create an antihistamine but ended up with a tranquillizer.
Johnson suspects that it was actually first produced as a possible antidote to nerve toxins such as sarin, which was developed by Otto Ambros, a Nazi scientist who joined Grunenthal after the war.
‘It is now appearing increasingly likely that thalidomide was the last war crime of the Nazis,’ said Johnson.
One document unearthed by the Thalidomide Trust shows that Grunenthal apparently purchased the trade name of the drug — Contergan — and therefore probably the substance itself, from a French firm, Rhone-Poulenc, which was under Nazi control during the war years.
A confidential letter sent from Astra, which held the Swedish licence to distribute thalidomide, to its Norwegian subsidiary in 1958 states: ‘Unfortunately we can’t use the name Contergan in the Scandinavian countries, since Grunenthal obtained the name exclusively for the German market through an agreement with Rhone-Poulenc.’
From 1942 onwards Rhone-Poulenc registered 14 similar drugs, all ending with the same ‘ergan’ suffix, a characteristic unique to the firm. Many of the drugs shared properties with thalidomide, such as affecting the nervous system.”
7. Joe Biden’s policy vis a vis Covid may well be eugenicist in its orientation. Returning to “normal,” in most respects, but allowing the virus to circulate, placing seniors–no longer in the workforce–at risk
We have noted that Biden’s social policies appear to be extensions of his national security policy. He has stated that competing with China is a priority.
In that regard, trimming expenses, including the relatively expensive social programs needed to care for the elderly, is apparently on the front burner.
Bottom line: old folks don’t work.
” . . . . ‘And the question I have is, how much death are we OK with?’ she asks. ‘Have we decided this is OK? And if so, why?’ . . . . Covid-19 has always been a disease of the elderly, defined almost more by its age skew of mortality than by any of its other characteristics, with risk doubling roughly every eight years and octogenarians hundreds of times more at risk of death than young adults. . . .”
“Endemic Covid-19 Is Looking Brutal” by David Wallace-Wells; The New York Times; 7/24/2022.
. . . . More than 300 Americans have been dying nearly every day for months; the number is today above 400, and growing.
Right now, [Dr. Trevor] Bedford says, around 5 percent of the country is getting infected with the coronavirus each month and he expects that pattern to largely continue. What would that imply death-wise, I ask? As a ballpark estimate, he says, going forward we can expect that every year, around 50 percent of Americans will be infected and more than 100,000 will die. . . .
. . . . A hundred thousand deaths is more than the annual toll of any other infectious disease and would make Covid-19 a top-10 cause of death in the country — a major and novel cause of widespread death clouding the American horizon with another dark layer of morbidity we had never known before. It’s a few multiples of a typical flu season and more than die each year from diabetes, pneumonia or kidney disease. It is what this newspaper once called, in an immortal front-page banner, “an incalculable loss.”
How do you calculate a loss 10 times as high? How can you reckon with that level of dying, each year, going forward? According to Céline Gounder, an infectious disease epidemiologist and a senior fellow at the Kaiser Family Foundation, that figure is actually the low end — the ballpark, she says, runs from 100,000 to 250,000. That’s not her estimate of this year’s toll but of the annual continuing mortality burden rolling forward indefinitely into the future. “And the question I have is, how much death are we OK with?” she asks. “Have we decided this is OK? And if so, why?” . . . .
. . . . Covid-19 has always been a disease of the elderly, defined almost more by its age skew of mortality than by any of its other characteristics, with risk doubling roughly every eight years and octogenarians hundreds of times more at risk of death than young adults. But in a time of widespread vaccination and almost universal infection, that gap may well expand.
[Dr. Michael] Mina compares the building of immunity to the learning of a language. “It’s a fact of the biology of immunity that it’s really hard to build a brand-new memory and keep it if you’re old,” he says. “And so I do think that for quite a while our elderly population is going to keep having really big problems because they just can’t retain these new memories.” People exposed today, who will become 80 years old in 25 years or so, won’t have the same problem, Mina says, because they will have built their immune memory at a younger age. . . .
8. Indicative of Biden’s cynicism on social and economic policy is his selection to serve on the Social Security Administration:
” . . . . Defenders of Social Security on Tuesday urged the U.S. Senate to block President Joe Biden’s little-noticed nomination of Andrew Biggs — an American Enterprise Institute senior fellow with a history of supporting Social Security privatization — to serve on the independent and bipartisan Social Security Advisory Board. . . . Biden was vice president when former President Barack Obama proposed a ‘grand bargain’ with the GOP that would have entailed cuts to Social Security. Biggs, too, has a long record of advocating Social Security cuts. As Cunningham-Cook wrote last month, ‘For years, Biggs has been a vocal critic of expanded Social Security and workers’ right to a secure, stable retirement free from the vagaries of the stock market.’. . .”
The advocacy group Social Security Works is urging the Senate to block Andrew Biggs’ appointment by highlighting his role in the George W. Bush administration’s failed attempt to privatize the New Deal program in 2005.
Defenders of Social Security on Tuesday urged the U.S. Senate to block President Joe Biden’s little-noticed nomination of Andrew Biggs — an American Enterprise Institute senior fellow with a history of supporting Social Security privatization — to serve on the independent and bipartisan Social Security Advisory Board.
Social Security Works, a progressive advocacy group, is leading the charge against Biggs, highlighting his role in the George W. Bush administration’s failed attempt to privatize the New Deal program in 2005. At the time, Biggs worked on Social Security as an associate director of Bush’s National Economic Council.
“Andrew Biggs has advocated for Social Security cuts throughout his career. And now, he’s been nominated to oversee Social Security,” Social Security Works tweeted on Tuesday.
The group, whose president currently serves on the Social Security Advisory Board (SSAB), is also sharing a sample call script for those who wish to contact their representatives about Biggs.
“The Senate can, and must, block this terrible nomination,” the organization wrote. “Please call your senators at 202–224-3121 and tell them to vote NO on Andrew Biggs.”
The White House announced Biggs’ nomination to the SSAB in May, a move that drew little notice at the time.
Last month, The Lever‘s Matthew Cunningham-Cook called attention to the president’s pick and warned it suggests “there could soon be a coordinated push in Washington to cut the Social Security program, which provides retirement, disability, and survivor benefits to 66 million Americans.”
While Biden vowed on the campaign trail to back an expansion of Social Security, he has previously supported cutting the program’s benefits. Biden was vice president when former President Barack Obama proposed a “grand bargain” with the GOP that would have entailed cuts to Social Security.
Biggs, too, has a long record of advocating Social Security cuts. As Cunningham-Cook wrote last month, “For years, Biggs has been a vocal critic of expanded Social Security and workers’ right to a secure, stable retirement free from the vagaries of the stock market.”
“He has dismissed the retirement crisis as a non-issue and as recently as 2020 blamed problems with the Social Security system on ‘older Americans’ game of chicken,’” he added. “While the seat on the bipartisan board is by tradition assigned to a Republican, Biden could have chosen a moderate candidate — or even leaned on precedent to avoid the nomination process altogether. Former President Donald Trump routinely refused to nominate Democrats for seats on boards and commissions.”
Simmering outrage over Biggs’ nomination to serve on the SSAB, which was formed in 1994 to advise the president and Congress on Social Security, comes as progressives are demanding an expansion of the program’s modest benefits — while Republican lawmakers, per usual, eye cuts.
Last month, Sens. Bernie Sanders (I‑Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D‑Mass.) led the introduction of the Social Security Expansion Act, which would lift the cap on income subject to the Social Security payroll tax and boost the program’s annual benefits by $2,400.
“At a time when half of older Americans have no retirement savings and millions of senior citizens are living in poverty, our job is not to cut Social Security,” Sanders said at the time. “Our job must be to expand Social Security so that every senior citizen in America can retire with the dignity they deserve and every person with a disability can live with the security they need.”
Everyone has one choice when it comes to the COVID pandemic: take the mRNA vaccines or not. That’s obviously not true. There are plenty of non-mRNA COVID vaccines currently available. But it’s hard to ignore how the underlying message to the public in the US about COVID vaccines has largely been to take the mRNA vaccines or not get vaccinated at all. The non-mRNA vaccines have effectively been ‘unpersoned’ in the coverage of the pandemic.
That’s been the case from the very beginning of the pandemic. But it may have been taken to a new absurd level in the following article in the Atlantic about a rare side-effect from mRNA recently reported: A Belgian immunologist long involved in studying new medicines, including the mRNA vaccines, had to report an unfortunate finding. And a very personal finding at that. Shortly after getting an mRNA booster, Goldman’s case of lymphoma grew dramatically worse right around the spot of the injection.
And while Goldman is just a single case, the data points were quite compelling. Goldman’s angioimmunoblastic T‑cell lymphoma affects follicular helper T cells, and research has already found that mRNA vaccines are particularly effective at providing an extra ‘oomph’ to the body’s follicular helper T cells. Also, Goldman’s tumor has a mutation known to predispose T‑cells to go rogue.
But that research showing mRNA vaccine specifically provide an extra ‘oomph’ to T‑cells also potentially relates to that fascinating September 2016 STAT News article that described how Moderna had shifted its focus from mRNA therapeutics — which require numerous shots over years — to mRNA vaccines. It was seen as as disappointment by industry observers and sign that Moderna was running into undisclosed setbacks involving side effects triggered by the lipid nanoparticle (LNP) delivery vehicle for the mRNA. But as we saw, Moderna was insisting at the time that it was experiencing no such set backs. And yet observers were just forced to take their word because the company was being so secretive and releasing almost no information about its internal trials. It was one of the highly convenient aspects of the whole mRNA vaccine situation: the side effects from the LNP delivery vehicle just might be desirable and have an adjuvant-like effect in the context of a vaccine if those side effects end up revving up the immune system. So it shouldn’t be particularly surprising when we learn that there might be rare side effects involving an overly-revved-up immune system. The extra immunological ‘oomph’ from the mRNA vaccines was touted as a selling point, after all.
So we have to ask: is the extra immunological ‘oomph’ targeting follicular ‘helper’ T‑cells triggered specifically by mRNA vaccines — and which may have exacerbated Goldman’s lymphoma — at all related to the side-effects observed by the LNP delivery vehicles? It’s the kind of question we had better hope researchers are asking. But that brings us to another part of this story: as the article describes, the medical establishment is basically incapable of really studying these relatively rare side effects. If something can’t be statistically confirmed with a randomized controlled trial (RCT), the medical establishment is highly prone to ignore it. And rare side-effects are very often going to be too rare to set up an RCT.
But then there’s the fact that immunological disorders can manifest in all sorts of ways. We shouldn’t expect just a single type of symptom to show up if, for example, T‑cells are being turned rogue. So even if rare side-effects have a common underlying immunological cause we’re going to be poised to miss it.
But when there’s plenty of non-mRNA COVID vaccine options available, the question of whether or not the risks of the mRNA vaccines for lymphoma patients are worth the cost/benefit tradeoffs in the face of unknown risks is kind of beside the point. Just give the cancer patients one of the non-mRNA vaccines instead. And that brings us to the truly bizarre aspect of this story. Because as we’re going to see, while Michel Goldman appears to be genuinely torn as to whether or not he’s willing to take a second mRNA COVID booster shoot after the experience he had with the first shot, he doesn’t appear to have considered at all the possibility of taking one of the non-mRNA vaccines. Like it just doesn’t even come up as an option in the entire article.
It’s the latest example of this bizarre hyper-preference for what are still experimental mRNA vaccines. We’ve already seen how the mRNA boosters are being approved based on mouse trial data alone. We also saw how the FDA issued a warning about the Johnson & Johnson vaccine back in May for a very rare side effect despite the fact that those vaccines appeared to actually have the best efficacy against variants. And as we’re going to see the article, even Goldman himself was commenting on how the AstraZeneca vaccine side-effects were far less of a risk than the risk of COVID itself. Goldman, who resides in Europe, presumably has access to that vaccine. But he’s not taking it. It’s mRNA vaccines or nothing for Michel Goldman. For reasons that remain entirely unexplained to this day:
“As he followed these instructions, Michel felt a gnawing worry that his COVID booster shot had somehow made him sicker. His brother was harboring a similar concern. The asymmetrical cluster of cancerous nodes around Michel’s left armpit on the initial scan had already seemed “a bit disturbing,” as his brother said; especially given that Michel’s first two doses of vaccine had been delivered on that side. Now he’d had a booster shot in the other arm, and the cancer’s asymmetry was flipped.”
It was cause-and-effect hypothesis that was hard ignore: Michel Goldman’s lymphoma got dramatically worse almost immediately after getting the shot. But that was just the start of the evidence. The dots were thee to connect: Goldman’s angioimmunoblastic T‑cell lymphoma affects follicular helper T cells, and research has already found that mRNA vaccines are particularly effective at providing an extra ‘oomph’ to the body’s follicular helper T cells. And Goldman’s tumor has a mutation known to predispose T‑cells to go rogue. Goldman’s cases is only one data point, but a pretty compelling data point.
And again, recall that fascinating September 2016 STAT News article that described how Moderna had shifted its focus from mRNA therapeutics — which require numerous shots over years — to mRNA vaccines. It was seen as as disappointment by industry observers and sign that Moderna was running into undisclosed setbacks involving side effects triggered by the lipid nanoparticle (LNP) delivery vehicle for the mRNA. But as we saw, Moderna was insisting at the time that it was experiencing no such set backs. And yet observers were just forced to take their word because the company was being so secretive and releasing almost no information about its internal trials. It was one of the highly convenient aspects of the whole mRNA vaccine situation: the side effects from the LNP delivery vehicle just might be desirable and have an adjuvant-like effect in the context of a vaccine if those side effects end up revving up the immune system. So it shouldn’t be particularly surprising when we learn that there might be rare side effects involving an overly-revved-up immune system. The extra immunological ‘oomph’ from the mRNA vaccines was touted as a selling point, after all:
And yet, as this article describes, the medical establishment doesn’t seem to be very well equipped for identifying and honing in on these kinds of rare events. Even reporters are wary of reporting on such events unless they can be statistically established across a larger patient population which simply may not be possible for a lot of rare conditions. That’s part of the story here: risks that can’t be studied via a randomized-controlled clinical trials (RCTs) are systematically ignored. And yet, if mRNA vaccines are potentially causing immune systems to go haywire in some patients, we can’t expect that to manifest as a single disease. Out of control immune systems manifest in all sorts of ways. So you could have a shared underlying cause manifesting as all sorts of different rare events that we systematically overlook:
But then we get to the truly inexplicable aspects of this story: if the danger associated with the COVID vaccines are associated with the effect on T‑cells induced by specifically mRNA vaccines, what about all the non-mRNA COVID vaccine options for patients like Goldman? Can’t he just take the AstraZeneca vaccine instead? Or the Johnson & Johnson vaccine? How about the newly-approved Novavax vaccine? There are plenty of non-mRNA options. And Goldman himself even emphasized how the risks found with these other vaccines were vastly outweighed by the risks of COVID:
And yet, despite Goldman’s assurances about the safety of the AstraZeneca vaccine, we find that he’s apparently still trying to decide whether or not to get another mRNA booster shot or no vaccine at all. WTF!?!?! Why?! Why not just take one of the non-mRNA vaccines? It’s truly bizarre:
So best of luck to Michel Goldman in his battle with lymphoma. A battle that hopefully won’t involve any new bouts of COVID. And/or any new rare side-effects that get systematically ignored.
Here’s an article from a few weeks ago following up on one of the more disturbing stories to emerge from the COVID pandemic. The story also potentially relates to Metabiota and the development of pandemic insurance products:
Recall how Palantir managed to get government contracts to help monitor the COVID outbreak. And not just with the CDC in the US. As of April of 2020, Palantir was working with over a dozen governments in assisting their COVID response, including the UK’s National Health Service (NHS). Palantir’s NHS contract involved using Palantir’s Foundry platform to help the NHS determine current occupancy levels at hospitals, down to the number and type of beds, as well as the capacity of accident and emergency, departments and waiting times. Palantir was getting access to some pretty granular UK medical data. The kind of data that could presumably be very handy for any company involved with predicting and tracking emerging pandemics. And with the NHS putting up a new £360 million contract coming for tender for a major new data platform, it sounds like Palantir is very keen on getting that contract and taking steps to make it happen. Steps like hiring key NHS officials.
And now we’re learning that Palantir has plans to expand its footprint in the UK health system. Secret plans. Well, formerly secret plans. Plans to avoid public scrutiny by buying expanding in this market indirectly. Instead of Palantir directly offering services to UK health data firms, the company is going on a buying spree instead, targeting small health data firms across the UK.
Intriguingly, it sounds like Palantir is offering the founders of these firms extra sweet deals if the founders agree to shift their data and services to Palantir’s Foundry. In other words, Palantir really wants to get its hands on that data. This is particularly interesting given that, as we’re going to see, the existing NHS contracts with Palantir are explicit that “the data control stays with the owner of the data, not with Palantir.” So at the same time Palantir appears to be poised to place itself at the heart of the NHS’s healthcare data, but not necessarily with ‘control’ over that data, the company is simultaneously going around buy up small UK health data firms in a push to get as much of that data into Palantir’s internal Foundry platform as possible.
And this is all, of course, happening under the watch of a UK government that appears to be animated by the ghost of Ayn Rand. That’s the broader context here: the current right-wing UK government is keen on handing as much of the public sector over to the private sector as possible. Outsourcing the NHS’s health data services to a fascist like Peter Thiel just makes sense. Fascist sense, but that’s the kind of sense guiding the UK these days, which is why we should probably start asking what other kind of fascist goals might be achievable once you hand a nation’s health care data over to one of the world’s leading fascists:
“Over the next few months, Palantir will bid for the five-year £360mn contract for the proposed Federated Data Platform (FDP), a new data tool to connect and integrate patient and other data sources from across the health system, so real-time decisions can be made effectively by clinicians and bureaucrats. The contract is due to be awarded in November this year.”
It’s a massive prize: a five-year £360mn contract to build a new data platform that will connect a myriad of health data sources. And a contract that’s almost guaranteed to be extended for at least another five years and probably indefinitely. And based on insider comments, it sounds like Palantir is the likely choice for this contract when the government ultimately makes that decision next month. Yes, Palantir — a company founded by an open fascist and financed by the CIA — is poised to get embedded at the heart of the NHS operations for the foreseeable future:
But as good as its chances are, Palantir isn’t taking any chances with the hiring of key NHS officials in recent months. The message is clear: NHS officials can expect cushy job offers from Palantir in exchange for this contract:
Finally, note the key assurance we’re hearing about data privacy concerns: The data processed by Palantir’s systems for the NHS Under the previous licensing agreements came with the stipulation that “the data control stays with the owner of the data, not with Palantir.” So if they status quo is maintain, Palantir could end up at the heart of the NHS’s health data processing while not actually having control of the data. It would be interesting to know what exactly that kind of arrangement entails in terms of real world data privacy implications. Because whether or not Palantir ‘controls’ the data, it presumably needs to be able to access it if it’s going to be offering these services:
And that ‘data control’ arrangement brings us to the latest update we got on Palantir’s plans for expanding its NHS footprint. Securing that £360mn contract is just the one part of this expansion. The more public part. There’s a quiet part too: Palantir has been trying to quietly ‘hoover up’ all sorts of UK health data firms. The idea is that by buying firms outright, Palantir can avoid some of the political resistance it faces with things like NHS contracts.
And then we get to this interesting detail: it also sounds like Palantir has been sweetening the buyout deals for these small firms if the founders of the firms agree to move their data and services over to Palantir’s Foundry. That sure sounds like a recipe for gaining control over that data. So what have to ask, what else is Palantir planning on using this data for? Pandemic insurance-related data analysis is one possibility that comes to mind but it’s just one example of the array of possible application for this kind of data. That’s part of what makes this story something to watch: Palantir doesn’t just want those NHS contracts. The company wants that health data and it’s ‘hoovering up’ firms across the UK to get it:
“The US data-analytics company aimed to buy up smaller rivals that already had an existing relationship with the NHS, according to emails and strategy documents seen by Bloomberg. This approach would hopefully allow Palantir to avoid further scrutiny in working with one of the largest depositories of health data.”
You can see why Palantir is keen on this strategy: instead of dealing with all the headaches and public relations challenges of having Palantir directly get new contracts with the UK’s NHS, just have Palantir buy up companies that are already working with NHS data. As long as Palantir can manage to “hoover up” enough small companies it’s only a matter of time before its foothold is secured:
But buying the UK health data firms was just the first step. The second step is to convince the newly-purchased firms to move all of their services to Palantir’s Foundry platform. It’s a reminder that Big Data giants have a lot of ways of getting their hands on precious data. It’s also the kind of episode that raises the question of how many other health data firms from around the world may have already made this quietly decision to move their data and services to Palantir’s Foundry. Moving this data into Palantir quietly and without the public noticing is at the core of the plan, after all:
And then there’s the other angle to Palantir’s strategy: lobbying government officials and/or hiring them for lucrative jobs. It’s a strategy that has clearly already worked, as the £23.5 million deal December 2020, contract to continue the Palantir’s COVID-related work that was not subject to a public tender process. Lobbying works:
Finally, note the rather laughable assurances we’re getting, of all places, the coordinator of British data-privacy campaign organization medConfidential: we shouldn’t be concerned about unauthorized people accessing patient data as that would be “suicidal” for Foundry. Yes, because we should all be super assured that Foundry — a platform built by a company long financed by the CIA’s In-Q-Tel — wouldn’t spy on any data inappropriately. That’s the apparent attitude held by the people tasked with championing patient data:
This is probably a good time to recall that one of fascism’s best friends is a collective sense of “we couldn’t imagine they would do things like that.” And also a good time to start imagining what a fascist might want to do with all of that data.
The biotech industry has experienced nothing less than a revolution in recent years. Including an apparent revolution in the speed at which new vaccines and therapeutics can be brought to market as evidenced by the recent decision to release the new mRNA Omicron-targeting booster vaccines based entirely on mouse trial data. As we’ve seen from all the story about the ‘gain-of-function’ experiments on coronavirus and testing their lethality on mice, a mouse’s immune system can behave very differently from humans. But that’s the decision that regulators made.
And as we’re going to see in the following Unlimited Hangout piece by Whitney Webb from back in August, it appears that the regulatory environment for biotech in the US is poised to get even ‘loosers’. At least that’s one of the main ambitions of National Resilience, a new company that only came into existence in November of 2020. As we’re going to see, this is a company with ‘juice’. Not only did the company score a major investment by the government of Canada last July in its Ontario facilities, but it turns out the genetic material for Moderna’s Omicron mRNA boosters is produced by National Resilience.
So what made Moderna decide to outsource its mRNA supplier to a company that didn’t exist even two years ago? Well, that’s where the company’s deep connections to both the government and industry come into focus. Because National Resilience is stacked with a ‘Who’s Who’ list of insiders. The company was co-founded by Biotech venture capitalist Robert Nelsen. But as we’re going to see, Nelson actually attributes the idea for National Resilience to a Luciana Borio, then the vice-president of In-Q-Tel. The CEO of In-Q-Tel, Chris Darby, also sites on the board of directors, along with Palantir’s Joe Lonsdale. Recall the role Lonsdale played in getting Saudi money invested in Silicon Valley. Another figure on National Resilience’s board with experience in the privatized intelligence sector is Drew Oetting of Cerberus, the owner of DynCorp. Other notable industry figures involved with the company include former FDA Commissioner and Pfizer board member, Scott Gottlieb and the former CEO of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Susan Desmond-Hellmann.
Also keep in mind the extensive role the US government has already played in the development of Moderna’s mRNA vaccines. That long-standing government partnership came to light after Moderna sued Pfizer claiming patent infringement on a broad-spectrum betacoronavirus vaccine, with Moderna asserting that it was conducting human mRNA vaccine trials with US researchers as far back as 2015. Also recall how Moderna ‘returned the favor’ for this government support by filing patents that left out proper acknowledgment for the government scientists work resulting in government lawsuits. So we have Moderna — a company that owes its existence to major investments from the US government — deciding to outsource the genetic materials for the new Omicron boosters to a brand new company stacked with people from the intelligence world.
But making the genetic materials for mRNA therapies is far from National Resilience’s only ambitions. The company plans on becoming a key supplier of a variety of biologics for the entire industry ranging from gene therapies, viral vectors, experimental vaccines to other “medicines of tomorrow.”. In other words, this company is planning on specializing in exactly the kind of synthetic biology techniques that are at the heart of modern ‘dual use’ biological warfare research like what the EcoHealthAlliance was engaged in with ‘gain-of-function’ coronaviruses. But National Resilience doesn’t appear to be planning on carrying out this research on its own behalf. Instead, it wants to become the “AWS of biotech”, which sure sounds like a kind ‘gain-of-function for-hire’ service.
And then we get to perhaps the most disturbing service the company is planning on offering clients: “regulatory support”. That’s the term the company is using to describe services that sound like government lobbying designed to push products through the regulatory hurdles faster. Again, don’t forget that the latest Omicron booster were approved based on mouse trials alone. And it sounds like National Resilience is planning on ensuring more decisions like that will happen in the future:
“However, unlike the company’s original COVID-19 vaccine, the genetic material, or messenger RNA (mRNA), for this new vaccine, including the newly formulated genetic material meant to provide protection against the Omicron variant, is being manufactured, not by Moderna, but by a relatively new company that has received hardly any media attention, despite its overt links to US intelligence. Last September, it was quietly announced that a company called National Resilience (often referred to simply as Resilience) would begin manufacturing the mRNA for Moderna COVID-19 vaccine products. Under the terms of the multi-year agreement, “Resilience will produce mRNA for the Moderna COVID-19 vaccine at its facility in Mississauga, Ontario, for distribution worldwide.””
A company that didn’t exist at the start of the pandemic, National Resilience, is going to be manufacturing the actual genetic material used for the new round of Omicron-targeting mRNA boosters. The same boosters that were approved for public use based on mouse data. So we probably shouldn’t be surprised to learn that National Resilience is stacked with figures from the intelligence community. Or that it entered into a partnership with the government of Canada in July of 2021, with a $154.9 million government investment in National Resilience’s Ontario subsidiary. This is a company with ‘juice’ when it comes to be the biotech world and government. And Moderna seems to be eager to hand over this crucial part of the manufacturing supply chain to this new company bristling with government insiders.
This is a good time to recall the extensive support from the US government Moderna has received over the years. That long-standing government partnership came to light after Moderna sued Pfizer claiming patent infringement on a broad-spectrum betacoronavirus vaccine, with Moderna asserting that it was conducting human mRNA vaccine trials with US researchers as far back as 2015. Also recall how Moderna ‘returned the favor’ for this government support by filing patents that left out proper acknowledgment for the government scientists work resulting in government lawsuits. Moderna hasn’t exactly been lacking grand ambitions of its own, which makes its decision to hand over its mRNA supply chain for its still-growing vaccine business to this new company all the more noteworthy:
Adding to the remarkable nature of National Resilience’s sudden rise is the company’s state ambition: It’s out to “reinvent biomanufacturing” with a focus on cell and gene therapies, viral vectors, vaccines, and proteins. And based on its success in capturing the Moderna mRNA supply contract, and the company’s deep industry contacts, we have every reason to suspect the company to become a major player in those sectors too. The company clearly has both governmental and corporate ‘juice’:
All of these government ties make the heavy overlap between National Resilience’s ambitions of creating “the world’s most advanced biopharmaceutical manufacturing ecosystem” and the kind of ‘gain-of-function’ research that Pentagon-financed groups like the EcoHealthAlliance all the more intriguing. All signs point towards National Resilience planning on carrying out that kind of research, or at least facilitating that kind of research for others as part of the “Amazon Web Services for the biotechnology industry” service model they are trying to build. All of the pieces are in place for the creation of a ‘AWS for biotech’ government-backed monopoly. A government-backed monopoly that the government-backed Moderna appears to be more than willing to help bring into existence:
Those deep government ties also bring us to what could be the most ominous part of National Resilience’s business plans: offering the service of supporting clients through the government regulatory process with a goal of getting products to market more quickly. These ambitions are, of course, building on the precedent of moves like the decision to approve the latest mRNA boosters based entirely mouse data. In other words, we should expect a lot more stories about medicines being approved based on mouse-trials-only if National Resilience is successful in delivering these services:
And those grand ambitions of becoming the ‘AWS for biotech’ and a ‘bureaucracy-whisperer’ that gets clients products rapidly pushed through regulatory review are made all the more alarming when we learn that the idea for this company apparently originated with Luciana Borio, then the vice president of In-Q-Tel. National Resilience doesn’t just have ‘juice’. It has CIA ‘juice’. You can’t get more connected. This is the kind of company that could redefine this industry:
Beyond Luciana Borio, National Resilience’s intelligence ties include Drew Oetting of Steve Feinberg’s Cerberus Capital Management and Palantir’s Joe Lonsdale. It’s worth recalling at this point how Lonsdale played a key role in getting Saudi money into Silicon Valley. And while “National Resilience” clearly has close ties to the US government, its contracts with Canada also make clear that it’s not exclusively operating in the US. You have to wonder how much Saudi money Lonsdale will end up getting directed into this venture:
The sky is the limit for National Resilience. We’ll see how long it takes before the company manages to achieve something close to a monopoly status in different parts of the biotech supply-chain, both in the US and globally. But it appears to be a matter of time. Just as it also appears to be just a matter of time before we are forced to learn nasty lessons about allowing companies stacked with insiders to rush new biotechnologies to market. Nasty wildly profitable lessons that we will learn nothing from, no doubt.
The new bivalent mRNA COVID boosters — boosters designed with the spike proteins of both the original COVID19 strain as well as the new Omicron BA.5 variant — haven’t been without their share of mysteries. For starters, there’s the fact that the genetic material for the boosters is being produced by a little-known recently formed company, National Resilience, stacked with figures from the intelligence community. Then there’s the decision to issue the new mRNA bivalent COVID boosters based on mouse-trial data, skipping the human safety-trials. As we saw in that recent story about the ‘gain-of-function’ experiments on hybrid COVID viruses conducted at Boston University, the behavior of the mouse immune system can’t easily be used as a proxy for how the human immune system might response. But the decision to release the new bivalent vaccines based entirely on mouse data was made, with a goal of speeding up the delivery of the new bivalent vaccine to the public in time for the fall, when COVID cases are expected to rise again.
That brings us to the following pair of articles that should raise more questions about the regulatory processes behind these decisions and the extent to which the public is reliant on data from Moderna and Pfizer alone. First, it appears that these new bivalent boosters don’t actually demonstrate a statistically significant improvement in antibody levels over the original vaccine. They aren’t worse than the original vaccine, and even slightly better according to these studies. Just not actually better to the point of statistical significance.
The question of whether or not the new bivalent vaccines are actually better isn’t just an academic area of inquiry. Again, the decision to release the vaccines based entirely on mouse data was grounded in a conviction that these were indeed better vaccines for the newest strains and it was important to get them to the public as soon as possible.
But as we’re going to see, there are still millions of readily available original mRNA vaccines that are scheduled to expire in coming months. The mass expiring of those original vaccines is obviously great new for National Resilience, which will have to fill in the gap with new vaccines. But is it a good for the public? As the following article notes, The federal government’s supply of the updated boosters is on pace to run out next year as a result of a stalled COVID funding request on Capitol Hill. And once those federal supplies are exhausted (or expired), there will be no more free vaccines in the US. With the GOP likely retaking control of Congress next year it’s hard to imagine those stalled COVID funding requests getting processed. Eschewing the original vaccines that are about to expire while pushing the new bivalent vaccines is basically a recipe for blowing through that federal supply as soon as possible. And that would be a potentially justifiable decision if the new bivalent vaccines are indeed more effective. But if not, it’s just a recipe for pulling federally-funded free vaccines out of the market sooner rather than later.
That’s all part of the context of following pair of articles. Two new studies both suggest the bivalent vaccines basically perform the same as the original. So how has the US federal government responded to those findings? Well, the White House’s top COVID official, Dr. Ashish Jha , started off by pointing out that the two studies had relatively small sample sizes. Jha then pointed to upcoming studies currently being conducted by Moderna and Pfizer with more patients which he expects will indeed show a statistically significant difference between the performance of the original vaccine and the new bivalent vaccines. In other words, the federal government’s response to these two new studies is basically “let’s optimistically wait for more data to come in before arriving at conclusions”.
Jha’s optimism wasn’t entirely unfounded. As we’re going to see in the second article excerpt below, Pfizer announced two weeks ago that it found the new boosters increased the neutralizing antibodies seven days after the shot against the BA.4 and BA.5 subvariants in a study involving 80 volunteers. Both Pfizer and Moderna are expected to release more data on their studies in coming weeks, with Moderna expecting to have statistically powered data by the end of the year.
But as Dan Barouch of Harvard Medical School, one of the authors of one of the two new studies that didn’t find a statistically significant difference between the old and new vaccines, points out, finding a “statistically significant” difference in the performance of the vaccines isn’t actually the same as finding a clinically significant difference. Don’t forget that these new studies did indeed find higher levels of antibodies getting generated by the new bivalent vaccines. But not much higher. The difference was small enough that, given the relatively small sample size, the researchers couldn’t claim to have found a statistically significant difference in the antibody levels. Simply increasing the number of people in these studies will increase the statistical sampling power and make it more and more likely that a “statistically significant” finding will be arrived at. But it’s entirely possible that studies with more people will simply confirm the relatively small boost in antibodies from the bivalent vaccines. Is a relatively small boost actually a meaningful difference in a clinical sense? That’s the distinction Barouch was making between “statistically significant” differences and “clinically significant” differences.
But there’s another angle to this story: it turns out recently published data on mice showed the new bivalent vaccines to be quite promising and confer much better protection than the original vaccines. So at the same time early studies are finding no difference between the original and new vaccines in humans, we’re getting studies on mice suggesting the new vaccines are actually much better. And this all for vaccines that are already available based entirely on mouse data under the assumption that doing so is important to get the enhanced protection from the new vaccines available to the public as soon as possible. Overall, it’s the kind of story that underscores just how much gambling and guesswork is involved in this whole process. Gambles, guesswork, and repeated assurances from the industry that everything is going great:
“However, he predicted that the “well-controlled trials” with “larger samples” now underway from vaccine makers could yield more favorable results about the boosters’ performance.”
Dr. Ashish Jha clearly wasn’t dissuaded from the conviction that the new bivalent vaccines are better. We just need to wait for the studies from the vaccine manufacturers. Jha went on to point out that the two new studies did find that new boosters produced higher antibody levels. They’re just not higher enough to reach the level of statistical significance based on the relatively small sample sizes. Jha even predicted that Moderna’s and Pfizer’s better-powered studies will show a larger relative advantage to the new boosters. We’ll see, but that’s what Jha is predicting, which isn’t surprising since the federal government’s decision to release the new boosters on mouse data alone was based on a near certain conviction that the new boosters would be better:
In addition, it appears that data on mice also found that the new boosters triggered higher antibody responses. It’s going to be interesting to see how different the study results on mice and humans end up being for these boosters as better-powered studies are reported:
And Jha’s prediction that the Moderna and Pfizer studies will show not just a statistically significant difference but a larger difference between the old and new boosters isn’t just Jha voicing optimism. AS Dr. Barouch, the author of one of two new studies, points out, a statically significant difference may not be a clinically significant difference. Which means it’s entirely possible future better-powered studies will indeed reveal a statistically significant difference, but still not a clinically significant difference:
And that distinction between statistically significant differences and clinically significant differences get at the heart of the question over whether or not the federal government is just wasting and throwing away the millions of original vaccines that are slated to expire in coming months. With the federal government getting out of the business of providing free vaccines next year, this is arguably a decision to toss away usable vaccines and hasten the end of freely available vaccines:
Interestingly, Barouch points to a known biological phenomena that could explain why the bivalent vaccines don’t improve responses as predicted: “original antigenic sin”, or the theory that the body tends to remember the original version of a virus better than it adapts to newer versions. Note how Moderna, Pfizer, and health officials appeared to downplay this theory. It’s going to be very interesting to see if this theory pans out:
Finally, note that Moderna is predicting its statistically robust studies by the end of the year. Pfizer already had some initial positive reports:
Will Moderna actually deliver that larger study on time? And will the public get to see all of the relevant data or will we just be asked to trust them? We’ll see.
So let’s take a closer look at that early report from Pfizer. As we’re going to see, while the company has excitedly touted the relatively higher antibody levels that its new bivalent vaccine appeared to induce in a trial of 80 volunteers, that company has yet to publicly release efficacy data. That data is presumably coming. But it’s hard to get super excited with only 80 people. That’s not exactly a huge statistically robust sample, especially when you considering all the different demographic groups those 80 people could fall under. It sounds like Pfizer just broke it into two groups: ages 18–55, and 55+. So it was really just ~40 people in each of those groups. Again, not exactly huge. So it’s going to be very interesting to see the details that Pfizer eventually releases on its full study. But the fact that they only have 80 people raises the possibility that we’re going to see results from Pfizer and Moderna that are very different from these other two studies and yet don’t actually have that much more statistical power behind them. What will regulators do in that case?:
“Blood from 80 volunteers collected seven days after the booster shot showed an increase in neutralizing antibodies against the BA.4 and BA.5 subvariants in a study, Pfizer and BioNTech SE said in a statement Thursday.”
80 volunteers is presumably larger than the two newly released studies that found no difference between the original and new boosters. And yet 80 people isn’t like some vast pool. And the smaller the difference you’re trying to measure the greater the statistical power that is required.
But also note that Pfizer isn’t really tell us how much higher the antibody levels are that are elicited by the new vaccine vs the original. Just that they are higher. Well, that’s what those other studies found too: the new vaccines did stimulate higher antibody levels. But not much higher. The difference was so small that they couldn’t claim statistical significance. So is that what Pfizer found too? Or did the company see much greater difference? We have no idea. Just as we have no idea about the actual efficacy of the vaccine. Pfizer isn’t reporting that:
If Pfizer finding one ‘breakthrough’ infection after another? That might explain why it doesn’t want to report on the efficacy.
Finally, notice the glaring data point missing in all of this: non-mRNA COVID vaccines. Sure, they exist. The J&J booster is still hypothetically available despite the US governments clear attempts to push everyone onto the mRNA vaccines. And the Novavax booster just received approval. But almost no one is getting those shots. Where are the studies comparing these vaccine technologies? Don’t forget how the J&J vaccine appeared to be the best performer for long-term efficacy back in May right when the US government advised against its use based on a rare bloodclotting issue. How can it be that there’s so little interesting in these comparisons? Who knows, but that’s the state of affairs. There is a clear and very strong governmental preference for the mRNA vaccines overall other options. That’s abundantly clear. What isn’t clear is why that preference exists and it’s getting less and less clear with each study, or lack thereof.
Regulatory capture has long been a feature of how the US government operates. It’s one of the fun fact about how the US works that has been looming over the development of the COVID vaccines from the beginning. Because as we’ve seen, the US government hasn’t just been an enthusiastic champion of the experiment mRNA vaccine technology developed by Moderna. They’ve been partners in developing the technology for years, with billions of dollars in US taxpayer dollars having gone into this research. It’s a feature of the history of the development of these new technologies that becomes unfortunately topical whenever there’s a new story raising questions about the safety or effectiveness of the vaccines. Stories like how the new bivalent covid boosters were approved based largely on mouse trials. Tiny mouse trials. Or then there’s stories like how the FDA basically killed the Johnson & Johnson vaccine based on a very rare side-effect, despite data showing the J&J vaccine was outperforming the other vaccines when it came to the long-term durability of the antibodies.
So it should come as little surprise at this point to learn that the advisory panels the FDA and CDC relied on to provide independent advice on whether or not to approve the new new COVID mRNA boosters are now pissed at the FDA and CDC. And Moderna. Because as the following piece describes, it appears that the FDA, CDC, and Moderna all colluded to withhold data from these advisory panels the Moderna had already gathered indicating that the bivalent COVID boosters are possibly less effective at prevent an infection than the original mRNA vaccine formulation.
Yep, first the FDA held a day-long meeting on June 28 with a panel of independent experts about the new boosters. The president of Moderna was also invited to present to the panel and shared the results of a new Moderna study that had just been preprinted (non-peer reviewed) three days before the meeting. The study showed the new bivalent vaccine elicited higher antibody levels. But also higher infection rates. The higher antibody levels were excitedly shared to the panel. Nothing about the higher infection rates was shared.
So why didn’t the FDA share this info about higher infection rates with the panel? The FDA was aware of Moderna’s preprinted study, after all. We’ll we’re told that the FDA just didn’t have enough time to review it. That’s the excuse given for how Moderna’s president was allowed to selectively share results with the panel and the FDA leaving the panelists in the dark.
The FDA ultimately approved the bivalent boosters on August 31. The next day, the CDC held an independent panel of its own to review the new bivalent boosters. Again, people from Moderna were there to selectively present how the new boosters resulted in higher antibody levels while leaving out the data about the higher infection rates entirely. On September 13, the FDA finally published the data it based its approval on, including the infection data. So the FDA only publicly released the data from Moderna showing possibly lower efficacy for the new boosters only after the CDC’s panel gave its own stamp of approval without knowing about the lower efficacy findings.
So what was the CDC’s excuse for keeping the panel in the dark? Well, according to the CDC spokesperson, the “CDC was aware” of the data that would later be published in The New England Journal of Medicine. Also, they added that assessing infections was an “exploratory objective of the study,” which was “not designed to assess vaccine effectiveness.” It’s not exactly a compelling excuse. Finally, they pointed out that in assessing infections, “researchers used different durations and points in time among a very small group of people,” and because of the limitations of the data, it was not featured at the meeting. In other words, the Moderna study was poorly-powered crap.
Which is was by all indications. And that’s part of the story here: Moderna’s poorly-powered crap study was apparently fine for use when it increased the chances of the vaccines getting approved. But when it comes to the data showing reduced effectiveness we can just ignore it because of the poor statistical power. It’s all quite convenient. Convenient for Moderna and any Moderna super-fans that inhabit the federal regulatory bureaucracy. As Dr. Paul Offit, one of the independent experts who is now livid over this scandal, put it, his faith in the whole approval process has been shaken. Which should raise plenty of questions for the rest of us:
“At a meeting of this FDA advisory group in June and a meeting in September of a panel that advises the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the experts were presented with reams of information indicating that the new vaccine worked better than the one already on shelves, according to a review of videos and transcripts of those meetings and slide presentations made by Moderna, CDC and FDA officials.”
An FDA advisory group in June and a September meeting at the CDC and last year, where outside experts on an independent advisory panel were presented information indication that at the new bivalent Moderna mRNA vaccines really did perform better than the original formulation. Moderna, the FDA, and CDC all played a role in presenting this information to the independent experts. Information that systematically left out the results from Moderna’s studies showing no improvement over the original vaccines in terms of actual infections. In fact, the new bivalent vaccines performed even worse than the original vaccine in terms of infections. That early data was available when these meetings took place. Some of that early data was even shared, like the data showing higher antibody levels resulting from the bivalent boosters. And yet somehow the data showing higher rates of infection was systematically left out of all these presentations to the advisory panel. So this wasn’t just Moderna playing fast and loose with the available data. The FDA and CDC were playing their roles too. It’s the kind of situation that just screams ‘regulatory capture’:
And as we can see, part of the way this censorship was carried out was via Moderna’s release of the preprint early data — data showing higher infection rates for the bivalent boosters — just days before the June 28 FDA meeting, which apparently gave Moderna and the FDA an excuse to withhold the study on the premise that the three days wasn’t enough time to review it. So what was the CDC’s excuse for leaving the data out of its September meeting with the independent panel? We are told that the CDC decided to leave it out, “due to the many limitations involving this clinical data, it was not featured.”:
And yet, despite the CDC and FDA making the decision to leave Moderna’s preprinted study out of its panel review during that day-long June 28 meeting, we learn that Moderna’s president nonetheless made frequent references to the preprinted study’s results. At least the parts about higher antibody levels that he wanted to share. But no mention of the higher infection rates. That’s the story here: the FDA, CDC, and Moderna effectively teamed up to bamboozle this panel of independent experts:
And note how even the experts serving on this advisory panel who still approve of the bivalent vaccine are angered over this story. As they should be. These are the experts tasked with sifting through all the available data and making an independent recommendation. The check and balances of this system were corrupted:
Also note the other games at work with the release of Moderna’s findings: the FDA authorized the use of the bivalent vaccines on August 31. A decision the FDA didn’t post online the data that it based that decision on until September 13, which included the Moderna infection data. But it was September 1 when the CDC held its own “Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices” and that infection data was once again withheld from panel. So what’s the CDC’s explanation? Well, the agency acknowledges that it was “aware” that the infection data would be later published in the New England Journal of Medicine and that the focus of the meeting was on vaccine safety, not vaccine effectiveness. It was, as Dr. William Schaffner put it, a “very weak” defense:
And at that September 1 CDC meeting, we again find someone from Moderna promoting the results of the company’s preprinted study but still leaving out the infection data from that same study. There’s just no denying this was a gross coverup:
Even Dr. Philip Krause — who served as deputy director of the FDA’s Office of Vaccine Research and Review until he resigned in October 2021 — is calling the FDA’s decision a failure that raises questions about the ability of the process to operate transparently:
And as Dr. Paul Offit — one of two member of the 19-member FDA advisory panel to vote against approving the bivalent vaccine — reminds us, the whole purpose of giving all the relevant data to an independent advisory panel is to have an outside group of experts weighing in on these decisions. In other words, they corrupted the integrity of the process:
And then we get to the independent study that came out in October that found basically no difference between the original mRNA Moderna vaccine and the bivalent booster. As Dr. Offit describes, it’s the kind of experience that shook his faith in the whole process:
So are better-powered studies on the way that can at least create some clarity on these questions and vaccine effectiveness? Well, Moderna still hasn’t released data from a randomized Phase 3 trial comparing infections in participants who received the new booster with those who received the old shot. But we can expect those results “shortly”. And Pfizer just isn’t asking the question it seems. Although recall how the company released a study back in October touting how its booster lifted antibody levels while neglecting to provide data on shot’s efficacy. In other words, don’t held your breath:
Finally, let’s just keep in mind one of the other disturbing details in this story: these mRNA boosters are currently the ONLY boosters available in the US:
Want a booster? Well, you can choose between the Moderna mRNA booster that was apparently coddled through the whole approval process. Or the Pfizer booster, which basically got to piggy-back off of Moderna’s favored status. Despite the array of COVID vaccines that have been developed in recent years, those are the only two readily available booster options today in the US. Funny how that happened.
@Pterrafractyl–
Brilliant, important, incisive!
Great, great work!
Best,
Dave
The perils of regulatory capture is nothing new for the US. Perils that have become all the more acute in the era of COVID and the number of questions that have already arisen over the regulatory treatment of the various COVID vaccines. Regulatory treatment that, as we’ve seen, seems to be heavily weighted towards pushing as many people into taking the mRNA COVID vaccines as possible. Favoritism that manifested as both approval the mRNA vaccines despite shaky safety evidence while simultaneously blocking or limiting the approval of non-mRNA alternatives for highly questionable reasons. For example, there was that disturbing report from back in January about how the FDA, CDC, and Moderna all seemed to collude in withholding from an independent advisory panel unflattering data about the efficacy of the new bivalent COVID vaccines. And then there was the FDA decision back in May of 2022 that effectively killed the J&J vaccine as as public option after warning the public away from the J&J vaccine based on some very rare side effects, despite evidence that the J&J vaccine provided better long-term defenses against COVID.
But the J&J vaccine was just one of the non-mRNA alternatives made available in the US. US-based Novavax already released its own protein-based COVID vaccine. And yet that vaccine was only given emergency authorization approval for primary shots in July of 2022 and emergency authorization for a first booster shot in October of 2022. But ONLY the first booster shot. There remains NO non-mRNA vaccines available for additional booster shots in the US to this day. It’s a situation that just screams “Regulatory Capture!”
That ongoing regulatory capture is a big part of the context of the following articles. And not just the regulatory capture of the US government. It turns out the EU is experiencing a COVID regulatory-capture scandal of its own. A scandal centered around none other then EU Commissions President Ursula von der Leyen. Yep, it turns out that von der Leyen and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla were exchanging text messages in the lead up to a massive multibillion euro contract to purchase millions of mRNA COVID vaccines. Text message that the EU parliament has a keen interest in reviewing. But neither von der Leyen nor Bourla has any interest in handing them over.
In response, the parliamentary COVID-19 committee issues formal invites to both von der Leyen and Bourla back in January to publicly answer questions about these messages and the contracts. The problem is these are non-legally-binding invites and both refused. So are the contents of those text messages going to remain a secret forever? Sort of. We got an update on this parliamentary standoff between von der Leyen and the parliament a couple of weeks ago: first, the New York Times launched a lawsuit against the EU Commission to force the release of the texts. Then, a few days later, we learned that the Conference of Presidents—the EU Parliament’s political leaders— decided to simply hold ‘an exchange of views’ with Ursula von der Leyen in a private session. It’s not a great look.
So while questions about the regulatory capture of the US vaccine markets don’t appear to be going away any time soon, we can’t forget that the EU isn’t immune to regulatory capture of its own. But there’s another angle here to keep in mind: Pfizer presumably isn’t the only entity that was involved with lobbying von der Leyen in the lead up to that massive contract. Pfizer’s partner in the vaccine, after all, is German biotech startup BioNTech. And as we’ve seen, while BioNTech is typically described as a small German startup firm, its institutional investors include figures like the twin brothers Thomas and Andreas Struengmann, who have deep ties to the German biotech industry.
What kind of lobbying role is BioNTech’s institutional investor community playing in the lobbying of governments over COVID vaccine policies? It’s a question that’s been asked quite a bit when it comes to Moderna and Pfizer, not so much BioNTech. And yet, it’s hard to imagine Pfizer was the only entity swapping texts with von der Leyen about a massive EU vaccine purchase. Why wouldn’t BioNTech have been involved with lobbying the EU Commission President who happens to hale from Germany? Especially when she is notorious being a corrupt corporate shill.
Oh, and as the following article warns, it turns out Novavax is at risk of going bankrupt this year, thanks in part to the US government’s refusal to grant it more than just emergency authorization status. So the the only remaining company making a non-mRNA vaccine readily available in the market in the US is probably going out of business. Great news for Moderna and Pfizer/BioNTech. Even better news during the next pandemic. Also keep in mind that, while the Novavax vaccine was already approved by the European Union, Canada, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and Indonesia as for May of 2022, months before US regulators gave their initial emergency approval, Novavax won’t be provided too many more vaccines to the EU after it goes out of business either.
It’s just the latest example of how the regulatory capture of the vaccine markets isn’t just a lingering problem but a growing one. And not just in the US, apparently.
Ok, first, here’s a look at the warning just issued by Novavax a few days ago. A warning the “significant uncertainty” facing the company. Significant uncertainty over whether or not the company will even survive the year:
“In a quarterly earnings report issued after the market closed, the company said that it expects to have enough cash to fund its operations through the year, but that expectation is “subject to significant uncertainty” related to 2023 revenues, among other factors.”
Will Novavax even be in business a year from now? Who knows? There’s already “significant uncertainty” about that very question. The kind of “significant uncertainty” Novavax’s deep-pocketed competitors like Moderna and Pfizer don’t have to worry about. As a result, the US COVID vaccine market is poised to go from almost entirely dominated by the mRNA vaccines to entirely dominated:
And note the underlying reason Novavax’s financial future remains in doubt: US regulators are still refusing to give the vaccine the same ‘full approval’ given to the Moderna and Pfizer mRNA vaccines despite promising clinical data. And, again, note that it’s not just that the Novavax vaccine is only authorized as a booster for people who refuse the mRNA vaccines in the US. That only applies to the first booster following your primary vaccination. The Novavax vaccine remains unavailable for any follow up boosters in the US. That’s on top of the FDA’s advisory back in May of 2022 that effectively warned the public away from the J&J vaccine based on some very rare side effects, despite evidence that the J&J vaccine provided better long-term defenses against COVID. The mRNA vaccines of Moderna and Pfizer remain the only boosters available in the US after your initial booster. That’s part of the context of this warning from Novavax: there’s is still only mRNA vaccines available in the US after you’ve received a booster. It’s as if US regulators are intent on ensuring there’s no other option and everyone either has to take an mRNA vaccine or go unvaccinated. Why?
And note the other perverse side effect of Novavax’s financial peril: Novavax was basically the only market competition Moderna and Pfizer faced in the US now that the cost of COVID vaccines is no longer being covered by the government:
It’s like Moderna of Pfizer can’t lose in the US. Again, are we looking at regulatory capture? And if so, who are the main players in driving this? Moderna? Pfizer? The government agencies that partnered on developing these technologies? A group effort?
And let’s not forget one of the other actors in this space: Pfizer partner BioNTech. As we’ve seen, while BioNTech is typically described as a small German startup firm, its institutional investors include figures like the twin brothers Thomas and Andreas Struengmann, who have deep ties to the German biotech industry. What role might BioNTech’s powerful institutional investors be playing in any sort of shady dealings with governments regarding COVID vaccine policies?
Those are just some of the questions raised in a scandal that’s been slowly unfolding for months now. An EU scandal focused on none other than EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Specifically, text messages exchanged between von der Leyen and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla in the lead up to a massive multibillion euro purchase of the Pfizer/BioNTech mRNA vaccine. Lawmakers have a number of questions about that contract. But — surprise! — it turns out neither von der Leyen nor Bourla has any interest in sharing those texts. In response, the EU COVID-19 parliamentary committee issued ‘invitations’ to von der Leyen and Bourla to publicly explain these contracts beck in January. Inviations that, as we’ll see, are non-binding invitations both can refuse. Take a guess was to how that played out:
“Lawmakers want to ask von der Leyen about her role negotiating a massive, multibillion euro coronavirus vaccine contract signed at the height of the pandemic. It was in the run-up to this contract that she is reported to have exchanged text messages with Pfizer’s Chief Executive Albert Bourla.”
What happened to the text messages exchanged between EU Commission President Ursula von dery Leyen and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla exchanged during the lead up to the massive multibillion euro vaccine contract? *Poof* All gone. But it’s not just that lawmakers can’t get their hands on those texts. They can’t get a straight answer from either von der Leyen or Bourla, who both resisted parliamentary invitation to explain their actions. It’s not just a cover up. It’s a cover up being done right out in the open:
That as the status of the inquiry back in January. Flash forward to a couple of weeks ago and we got the following updates: First, the New York Times was suing the EU Commission for the release of the texts. Then, a couple days later, we are informed that the Conference of Presidents—the EU Parliament’s political leaders— decided to simply hold ‘an exchange of views’ with Ursula von der Leyen in a private session:
“Instead, the Conference of Presidents—the EU Parliament’s political leaders—have just now, at their meeting with Metsola, decided to simply hold ‘an exchange of views’ with Ursula von der Leyen in a private session.”
They tried to get Ursula von der Leyen to publicly answer these questions. The EU Parliament’s COVID-19 Committee voted back in January to make the invitation for a public response. An invitation that, as we saw above, von der Leyen had no legal obligation to comply with. And it appears she used that power to refuse the invite with this report from a couple of weeks ago about the “Conference of Presidents” deciding to instead hold a private ‘exchange of views’:
.
And note the disturbing apparent relative lack of parliamentary concern over these corruption issues: it was apparently only representatives of the center-right ECR and far right ID Groups who protested this capitulation. It doesn’t bode well:
Will the EU’s conservatives ultimately hold Ursula von der Leyen’s feet to the fire over corporate corruption? Holding politicians accountable for being corrupt corporatists isn’t exactly a typical right-wing theme. But it appears that the EU’s right-wingers are the only ones animated by the issue, which is all the more remarkable given von der Leyen’s conservative credentials. Are we seeing sort sort of intra-right-wing power play at work? Time will tell, but it doesn’t appear we should expect any public revelations about the behind-the-scenes dealings that went into that multibillion euro COVID vaccine contract. It’s not actually clear what to expect at this point. Other than more rushed experiment mRNA vaccines. We can presumably expect a lot more of those.
Don’t worry. If there was a problem we would know by now.
That’s the general public message the US public has received when it comes to the safety and efficacy of the COVID vaccines. Experimental vaccines, sure, but vaccines that have now been administered to hundreds of millions of people around the world. Surely, if there was a danger, we would know by now, right?
It would be nice if these were valid assurances. But as we’re going to see in the following NY Times piece, a growing number of people, including vaccine experts, are raising alarms about the safety of these vaccines. And it’s not just the vaccines themselves that they are alarmed about. It’s the US’s system for tracking and investigating vaccine injuries that has these experts so alarmed. A system seemingly designed to not find a problem in the first place.
The article a fascinating piece of journalism. On the one hand, it’s filled with all of the now-standard assurances that the risk of injury from the COVID vaccines is exceedingly rare. But those assurances are fed to the readers in an article literally about how thousands of people reporting vaccine injuries are feeling ignored and gaslit by US federal agencies like the FDA or CDC. And this includes experts like Dr. Gregory Poland, the editor in chief of the journal Vaccine. Or Dr. Buddy Creech, who led several Covid vaccine trials at Vanderbilt University. Both reported vaccine injuries shortly after their shots. As Akiko Iwasaki, an immunologist and vaccine expert at Yale University, observes, people who say they have post-vaccination injuries are “just completely ignored and dismissed and gaslighted.”
It sounds like Dr Poland, who continues to suffer from tinnitus that started shortly after his first shot, took his injuries up directly with colleagues at the CDC, but that led nowhere. As Poland put it, “If they have done studies, those studies should be published.”
Dr Creech, who also experienced tinnitus and a racing heart after each shot, adds that his post-vaccine symptoms were very similar to what he experienced from an acute case of COVID. As Creech puts it, “Regardless, when our patients experience a side effect that may or may not be related to the vaccine, we owe it to them to investigate that as completely as we can.”
It’s those calls for investigations into the safety of these vaccines that bring us to the bombshell admission found near the end of the article: the NIH is conducting virtually no studies on the safety of these vaccines. Dr William Murphy, a cancer researcher who worked at the NIH for 12 years, has reportedly been prodding federal health officials to conduct these studies. But as he puts it, officials each responded with “that very tired mantra: ‘But the virus is worse.’” Murphy points out, “Yes, the virus is worse, but that doesn’t obviate doing research to make sure that there may be other options.”
Now, if a complete lack of safety studies sounds unbelievable, recall how the Phase III clinical trials for the COVID mRNA vaccines where conducted at the same time the Phase II trials — which are intended to assess longer-term safety concerns — were still underway. Also recall how, when Moderna initially released early results from its Phase I trials touting how it discovered the vaccine triggered the production of neutralizing antibodies, it was data based on only 8 individuals in a trial of 45 people and all we were told about the demographics of those 8 people was that they were aged 18–55, leaving open the question of how effective the vaccine is in the elderly adults. And when Moderna did release results on its Phase I trials for the elderly, that trial was based on just 20 individuals. And let’s not forget about how the FDA, CDC, and Moderna all seemed to collude in withholding from an independent advisory panel unflattering data about the efficacy of the new bivalent COVID vaccines. So it’s not like the US government had ever conducted serious investigations into the safety of these experiment vaccines. The sample sizes of the investigations conducted thus far have been so tiny there was almost no statistical power behind them and therefore no ability to detect anything other than fairly common side effects. Learning that there are still no NIH safety studies at all is kind of what we should have expected at this point.
That complete lack of safety studies partially explains the problems people are facing when trying to report, and potentially get compensated for, their vaccine injuries. Because no studies means the government doesn’t know what side effects are even possible and what to look for when sifting through the reports of vaccine injury. For example, the lack of formal definitions for many of these types of injuries, like “brain fog”, is cited as part of the reason federal researchers haven’t been identifying entire classes of injury.
As a result, there are literally just four serious side effects from the COVID vaccines currently officially recognized by the US federal government. One of those side effects — anaphylaxis — is a risk with any vaccine. Two of those side effects — Guillain-Barré syndrome and blood clots — are tied to the Johnson & Johnson (J&J) vaccine.
Just one side effect — myocarditis, especially in boys and young men — is formally attributed to the mRNA vaccines only have one side effect identified by US agencies. And as we’re going to see, that only came after the Israeli government arrived at that conclusion. Initially, the FDA asserted that there was no evidence of a myocarditis risk.
There are other examples of how governments are finding side effects in the mRNA vaccines that still aren’t officially recognized by the US. A government study out of Hong Kong conducted an investigation of medical records of patients and even paid people to come forward with problems they experienced and detected “a lot of mild cases that other countries would not otherwise pick up,” including rare cases of shingles following vaccination. The European Medicines Agency has attributed facial paralysis, tingling sensations and numbness to the mRNA vaccines. And a study out of Australia published back in March examined Australian health records and found a statistically significant increase in both tinnitus and vertigo. The FDA cites a lack of evidence in its refusal to recognize tinnitus as a possible side effect. Similarly, last month, an expert panel convened by the National Academies concluded that for the vast majority of side effects, there was not enough data to accept or reject a link.
When asked if the US’s vaccine-safety surveillance was sufficient during a recent congressional hearing, Dr Peter Marks, director of the FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, admitted “I do believe we could do better.”
But it’s the statements by Dr Janet Woodcock, the former head of the Food and Drug Administration who retired in February, during recent interview that underscores the seriousness of the US government’s failure to even acknowledge vaccine-related injuries are happening. Woodcock said she believed that some recipients had experienced uncommon but “serious” and “life-changing” reactions beyond those described by federal agencies. “I feel bad for those people,” said Woodcock. “I believe their suffering should be acknowledged, that they have real problems, and they should be taken seriously.” “I’m disappointed in myself,” she added. “I did a lot of things I feel very good about, but this is one of the few things I feel I just didn’t bring it home.” It’s pretty rare when we hear that kind of remorse from a former public official who just left office. But it happened and the stuff Woodcock is remorseful about is still ongoing.
The FDA isn’t the only agency letting down victims of vaccine-injuries. The federal government’s traditional program for compensating vaccine-injury victims, the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program, which has no cap on its potential compensation, doesn’t apply to COVID vaccines because Congress hasn’t made them subject to the excise tax that pays for it. Instead, COVID vaccine claims are addressed by Countermeasures Injury Compensation Program with a $50,000 cap and stringent standards of proof. The entire program only had four staff members at the beginning of pandemic and still only has 35. We’re told that of the over 13,000 claims made to federal vaccine-injury compensation programs, only 19 percent have been reviewed, with just 47 deemed eligible four compensation. Of those 47 cases, just twelve have been paid out with an average compensation of $3,600.
That’s the shocking, but tragically not surprising, update about the state of affairs for the US government’s handling of the vaccine injuries for what is still an experimental set of vaccines. It’s an alarming state of affairs given the facts.
And yet, it’s hard not to notice that this NY Times article could have been a lot harsher, especially when it comes to the mRNA vaccines where the article can be vague about whether or not the mRNA or J&J vaccines were involved. And there’s no mention at all of the largely ignored Novavax vaccine. The article starts off with the story of someone who experienced severe side effect from what they suspect was a contaminated J&J batch, which was a real issue for the J&J vaccine when ingredients from the AstraZeneca vaccine were discovered in some of the batches. But most of the rest of the accounts don’t state which vaccine was involved so we’re kind of left guessing who had an mRNA-related issue. And while there are plenty of assurances that side effects have been rare and the vaccines have been shown to be safe, the fact that the NIH is conducting no safety trials at all is mentioned once near the end. It’s a damning article but it could have been a lot more damning in terms of how the damning data was presented.
That moderated style of presenting these damning facts is itself noteworthy given that we’re talking about a story that is ultimately a continuation of the much broader story of the US government’s extremely favorable treatment of the mRNA vaccines. Vaccines that, in Moderna’s case, the US government co-developed, as we learned from the patent fights that followed. Everything is fine, or probably fine, and not really anything one needs to worry about. That’s been the prevailing narrative about the mRNA vaccines from the start, when it was way too early to make that determination, and it’s still more or less the narrative today in a story filled with damning facts about the state of affairs.
Still, it’s an important article updating us on the situation. All the more so coming from the New York Times. Because it’s not like we should expect the situation to improve even after a report like this. For whatever reason, the US government is absolutely committed to giving the mRNA vaccines it co-developed the ‘all clear’. There isn’t a lot we can do about this state of affairs other than be aware of it:
“Dr. Zimmerman’s account is among the more harrowing, but thousands of Americans believe they suffered serious side effects following Covid vaccination. As of April, just over 13,000 vaccine-injury compensation claims have been filed with the federal government — but to little avail. Only 19 percent have been reviewed. Only 47 of those were deemed eligible for compensation, and only 12 have been paid out, at an average of about $3,600.”
COVID vaccine injuries are indeed being reported. Over 13,000 having been filed with the US federal government. But with only 19 percent of those claims having even been reviewed and only 12 claims ever paid, it’s very unclear what’s actually being done with those reports. That’s the thrust of the message this NY Times piece: the primary response by the US government to people reporting vaccine side-effects is silence. Silence that amounts to gaslighting, with people effectively being told they don’t exist.
And yet, as we can see in the reporting on this piece, the focus is put on dangers associated with the J&J vaccine that has now been discontinued. It start off talking about a rare, and by all account unusually severe, case of a J&J vaccine side effect experience by someone who believes her injury was due to vaccine contamination. And there were indeed issues with J&J vaccines getting contaminated with parts of the AstraZeneca COVID vaccine, resulting in millions of doses getting thrown out. Some sort of J&J vaccine contamination side effect sounds quite plausible.
But as we’ve also seen, the US government didn’t ban the J&J vaccine over contamination issues. It was due to a very rare blood-clotting disorder that got the J&J vaccine banned in the US in May of 2022, leaving ONLY mRNA vaccine options available in the US at that point. And that’s despite the fact that the J&J vaccine appears to have demonstrated better long-term protection compared to the mRNA vaccines. It’s that seemingly preferential treatment of the mRNA-based vaccines that’s part of the story here. Almost everyone given a COVID vaccine in the US got an mRNA vaccine, and no J&J vaccines have been available in the US for almost two years. And yet this article starts off with a horror story about an extremely rare J&J injury that may be due to a transitory vaccine contamination issue:
And note the statements we’re getting from US government agencies, characterizing the vaccine injury investigations as “the most intense safety monitoring in U.S. history” and “pretty close” to ideal. That’s part of the gaslighting:
Compare the above statements with the disturbing admissions from recently-retired FDA leader Dr. Janet Woodcock or current director of the FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research Dr. Peter Marks: Marks admits “we could do better”, while Woodcock appears to be expressing personal remorse over the failure of the FDA to adequately address the claims of vaccine injury:
And then there’s the dismay expressed by one expert after another over the non-responses they are experiencing with the federal government in the face of all these unaddressed claims of vaccine injury. Experts like Dr. Buddy Creech, who actually led a COVID vaccine trial at Vanderbilt University, experienced side effects after each shot he took. And the editor in chief of the journal Vaccine, Dr. Gregory Poland, has his own personal COVID vaccine injury experience and yet even he can’t get a reasonable response from his colleagues in that CDC. And note how Poland refers to the lack of published studies on the safety of these vaccines. Again, the guy is the editor in chief of the journal Vaccine. If anyone is going to be familiar with the published literature on vaccine safety, it’s him:
And then we start getting to the nitty gritty of why it is that the US government has done such a poor job of cataloging and investigating vaccine COVID injuries: the federal government hasn’t even properly defined a number of potential side effects like “brain fog”. It’s a pretty effective means of systematically not finding side effects. Especially side effects that might be novel to mRNA vaccines:
And that we get to the part of the article that includes a number of anecdotes about people experiencing side effects but running into a wall when they try to report it. A wall that is imposed in part due to the fact that the US government currently only recognizes four different possible COVID vaccine side effects and two of those side effects — Guillain-Barré syndrome and blood clots — are specific to the J&J vaccine. The only possible side effects from the mRNA vaccine currently recognized by the US government are anaphylaxis — which can happen with any vaccine — and myocarditis in young boys and men. And as we’re going to see, that myocarditis was initially refuted by the US government. It was only after the Israeli government arrived at that conclusion that the US government conceded that the mRNA vaccines might cause that side effect. Also Note how there is not mention of which vaccine any of these people took, as opposed to the opening anecdote that made clear it was the J&J vaccine that was the culprit. Even in this story about the inadequate reporting of vaccine injuries, there a palpable hesitancy even acknowledge that the mRNA vaccines might be a culprit:
Note that, while there’s just four four possible serious COVID vaccine side effects recognized by the US federal government right now, federal scientists tasked with monitoring the data in the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) are looking for around 23 conditions that may occur following a COVID vaccination. So federal researchers are casting a wider net. They just aren’t finding anything. Which brings us to the absolutely shocking — but not surprising — admission by several experts including NIH cancer researcher Dr William Murphy: the NIH is conducting virtually no studies on COVID vaccine safety. And if that sounds unbelievable, don’t forget how the FDA approved the new Omicron targeted-vaccines based solely on safety studies conducted on mice. A complete lack of studies is very plausible at this point:
And then there’s the fact that other governments are finding side effects that somehow are eluding the US government’s efforts (or non-efforts, as the case may me). And that includes the mRNA-vaccine-induced myocarditis , which the US government initially dismissed. It was only after Israel arrived at that conclusion that we saw the US accept that finding. So we have to ask, did the US government initially dismiss the possibility of myocarditis due to investigations that concluded there was no risk? Or was it due to a lack of any investigations and therefore a lack of findings?
Finally, we get to this outrageous state of affairs: the COVID vaccines aren’t actually covered by the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program due to congressional inaction. Instead, injured individuals have to seek compensation from the Countermeasures Injury Compensation Program, which is understaffed and a vaguely high bar for getting any compensation. It’s a gaslighting scam:
Good luck navigating the Countermeasures Injury Compensation Program and its mysteriously high standards of proof.
But let’s not forget that these issues aren’t exclusively COVID vaccine issues. They’re just exclusively COVID vaccine issues today because the COVID vaccines are the only experimental vaccines with this oddly adamant government support behind it. We’re only a pandemic away from a new round of emergency rapidly-developed experimental vaccines. Will it be some sort of super bird flu? Maybe another coronavirus strain, but even more horrible this time. Who knows. But another pandemic is coming. That’s inevitable. All the more so in today’s age of synthetic biology and industrial farming practices. A new pandemic has always been an inevitability. It’s a matter of when, not if.
Which also means it’s a matter when, not if, we are all asked to take a new rapidly produced experimental vaccine. That’s important context to keep in mind with this story. Because a template for future pandemics is being established here. And that disturbing state of affairs described in this NY Times piece is a big part of the prevailing template. The fact that this article was published days ago and hasn’t caused any sort of discernible public response is also part of the template. It’s a stupid template.